History of Tunisia

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History of Tunisia
Prehistoric Prehistory
Ancient Carthage 12th C.–146 BC 1st Roman (Province) 146 BC–435 Vandal 435–534 2nd Roman (Byzantine) / Byzantine North Africa 534–698 Prefecture 534–590 Exarchate 590–698
Early Islamic Umayyad 698–750 Abbasid 750–800 Aghlabid 800–909 Fatimid 909–973
Medieval Zirid 973–1148 Norman 1148–1160 Almohad 1160–1229 Hafsid 1229–1574
Early modern Ottoman 1574–1705 Husainid 1705–1881
Modern French Tunisia 1881–1956 Kingdom of Tunisia 1956–1957 Bourguiba rule 1957–1987 Ben Ali coup 1987 Ben Ali rule 1987–2011 Tunisian Revolution 2011 Parliamentary system 2011–present
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The present day

Throughout its recorded history, the physical features and environment of the land of Tunisia have remained fairly constant, although during ancient times more abundant forests grew in the north,[2] and earlier in prehistory the Sahara to the south was not an arid desert.^[3][4]

The weather is temperate in the north, which enjoys a

First peoples

Stone age tools dating from the Middle Stone Age (around 200,000 years ago) found near Kelibia are the earliest evidence of human activity in the region.^[9] Finds have been made of stone blades, tools, and small figurines of the Capsian culture (named after Gafsa in Tunisia), which lasted from around 10,000 to 6,000 BC (the Mesolithic period).^[10][11] Seasonal migration routes evidence their ancient journeys. Saharan rock art, consisting of inscriptions and paintings that show design patterns as well as figures of animals and of humans, are attributed to the Berbers and also to Native Africans from the south. Dating these outdoor art works has proven difficult and unsatisfactory.^[12][13] Egyptian influence is thought very unlikely. Among the animals depicted, alone or in staged scenes, are large-horned buffalo (the extinct bubalus antiquus), elephants, donkeys, colts, rams, herds of cattle, a lion and lioness with three cubs, leopards or cheetahs, hogs, jackals, rhinoceroses, giraffes, hippopotamus, a hunting dog, and various antelope. Human hunters may wear animal masks and carry their weapons. Herders are shown with elaborate head ornamentation; a few other human figures are shown dancing, while others are driving chariots or riding camels.^[14]

By five thousand years ago, a

Meshwesh (mšwš.w) in hieroglyphs

By three thousand years ago the Levant and Hellas had enjoyed remarkable prosperity, resulting in population growth in excess of their economic base. On the other hand, political instability from time to time caused disruption of normal business and resulted in short-term economic distress. City-states started organizing their youth to migrate in groups to locations where the land was less densely settled. Importantly, the number of colonists coming from Greece was much larger than those coming from Phoenicia.^[52]

To these migrants, lands in the western Mediterranean presented an opportunity and could be reached relatively easily by ship, without marching through foreign territory. Colonists sailed westward following in the wake of their commercial traders. The Greeks arrived later, coming to (what is now) southern France, southern Italy including Sicily, and eastern Libya. Earlier the Phoenicians had settled in (what is now) Sardinia, Spain, Morocco, Algeria, Sicily, and Tunisia. In Tunisia the city of Carthage was founded, which would come to rule all the other Phoenician settlements.^[53]

Throughout Tunisia's history many peoples have arrived among the Berbers to settle: most recently the

Carthage

Foundation

The city of

Timaeus of Taormina, a third century BC Greek historian from Sicily, gives the date of the founding of Carthage as thirty-eight years before the first Olympiad (776 BC), which in today's calendar would be the year 814 BC. Timaeus in Sicily was proximous to Cathaginians and their version of the city's foundation; his date is generally accepted as approximate.^[58] Ancient authors, such as Sallust and Pliny the Elder, give founding dates several hundred years earlier for other Phoenician cities in the western Mediterranean, such as Utica and Gades, but recent archeology has been unable to verify these earlier dates.^[59]

It was

Trading partnerships were established among the Numidian Berbers to the west along the

In the 530s there had been a three sided naval struggle between the Phoenicians, the Greeks, and the Etrusco-Punic allies; the Greeks lost Corsica to the Etruscans and Sardinia to Carthage. Then the Etruscans attacked Greek colonies in the Campania south of Rome, but unsuccessfully. As an eventual result, Rome threw off their Etruscan kings of the Tarquin dynasty. The Roman Republic and Carthage in 509 entered into a treaty which set out to define their commercial zones.^[66]

Greek rivalry

The energetic presence of

All this while Carthage enlarged its commercial sphere, venturing south to develop the Saharan trade, augmenting its markets along the African coast, in southern Iberia, and among the Mediterranean islands, and exploring in the far Atlantic. Carthage also established its authority directly among the Numidian Berber peoples in the lands immediately surrounding the city, which grew ever more prosperous.[68]

Religion of Carthage

The Phoenicians of Tyre brought their lifestyle and inherited customs with them to Northwest Africa. Their religious practices and beliefs were generally similar to those of their neighbors in

Aristotle (384–322, Greek) discusses Carthage in his Politica describing the city as a "mixed constitution", a political arrangement with cohabiting elements of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy.^[77] Later Polybus of Megalopolis (c.204–122, Greek) in his Histories would describe the Roman Republic as a mixed constitution in which the Consuls were the monarchy, the Senate the aristocracy, and the Assemblies the democracy.^[78]

Evidently Carthage also had an institution of elders who advised the Suffets, similar to the Roman Senate. We do not have a name for this body. At times members would travel with an army general on campaign. Members also formed permanent committees. The institution had several hundred members from the wealthiest class who held office for life. Vacancies were probably filled by co-option. From among its members were selected the 104 Judges mentioned above. Later the 104 would come to judge not only army generals but other office holders as well. Aristotle regarded the 104 as most important; he compared it to the ephorate of Sparta with regard to control over security. In Hannibal's time, such a Judge held office for life. At some stage there also came to be independent self-perpetuating boards of five who filled vacancies and supervised (non-military) government administration.^[79]

Popular assemblies also existed at Carthage. When deadlocked the Suffets and the quasi-senatorial institution might request the assembly to vote, or in very crucial matters in order to achieve political coherence. The assembly members had no legal wealth or birth qualification. How its members were selected is unknown, e.g., whether by festival group or urban ward or another method.^[80]

The Greeks were favorably impressed by the constitution of Carthage; Aristotle had a study of it made which unfortunately is lost. In the brief approving review of it found in his Politica Aristotle saw one fault: that focus on pursuit of wealth led to oligarchy.^[81] So it was in Carthage. The people were politically passive; popular rights came late. Being a commercial republic fielding a mercenary army, the people were not conscripted for military service, an experience which can foster the feel for popular political action. On the other hand, Carthage was very stable; there were few openings for tyrants. "The superiority of their constitution is proved by the fact that the common people remain loyal," noted Aristotle.^[82] Only after defeat by Rome devastated Carthage's imperial ambitions did the people express interest in reform.^[83]

In 196, following the Second Punic War,

The First Punic War (264–241 BC) started in Sicily. It developed into a naval war in which the Romans learned how to fight at sea and prevailed. Carthage lost Sardinia and its western portion of Sicily. Following their defeat, the Mercenary revolt threatened the social order of Carthage, which they survived under their opposing leaders Hanno II the Great, and Hamilcar Barca, father of Hannibal.^[86]

The

The Third Punic War (149–146 BC) began following the refusal by Carthage to alter the terms of its agreement with Rome. Roman armies again came to Africa and lay siege to the ancient and magnificent city of Carthage, which rejected negotiations. Eventually, the end came; Carthage was destroyed and its citizens enslaved.^[88]

Afterward The region (modern Tunisia) was annexed by the Roman Republic as the Province of Africa. Carthage itself was eventually rebuilt by the Romans. Long after the fall of Rome, the city of Carthage would be again destroyed.

Roman Province of Africa

Republic and early Empire

The

Augustus (ruled 31 BC to 14 AD) controlled the Roman state following the civil war that would mark the end of the Roman Republic. He established a quasi-constitutional regime known as the Principate, later to be called the Roman Empire.

Augustus circa 27 BC restored

Renaissance of Carthage

Rebuilding of the city of Carthage began under

Expeditions ventured south into the Sahara. Cornelius Balbus, Roman governor at Utica, in 19 BC occupied Gerama, desert capital of the Garamantes in the Fezzan.^[93][94] These Berber Garamantes had long-time, unpredictable, off-and-on contacts with the Mediterranean.^[95][96] Extensive trade across the Sahara directly with the lands to the south had not yet developed.^[97][98]

People from all over the Empire began to migrate into Africa Province, e.g.,

Two significant theologians arose in the Province of Africa. Tertullian (160–230) was born, lived, and died at Carthage; a convert and a priest, his Latin books were at one time widely known, although he later came to espouse an unforgiving puritanism, after Montanus.^[118][119]

Christian Berbers tended to be Donatists, although some more assimilated Berbers were Catholic.[127] The Donatists became centered in southern Numidia, the Catholics in Carthage. One issue was whether a priest could perform his spiritual office if not personally worthy. The Donatist schismatics set up parallel churches in order to practice a ritual purity not required by the Catholic Church.^[128] Augustine came to condemn the Donatists throngs for rioting; at one point, there were imperial persecutions. Long negotiations lasted until finally the Catholics declared Donatism a heresy in 405, though general tolerance persisted until the ban became enforced late in the 6th century.^{[129][130][131]}

Fall of the Roman Empire in the West

Vandal Kingdom

In the fifth century the western Roman Empire was in a steep decline. Carthage and the Roman province of Africa were

In religious policy, the Vandals tried to convert the urban Catholic Christians of Africa to their Arian heresy (named after the Christian priest Arius, who taught that the Father is greater than the Son and the Spirit), e.g., by sending the clergy into exile and by expropriating churches; in the 520s their efforts turned to persecution, including martyrdom, all without success. The Berbers remained aloof. In all, Vandal rule would last 94 years.^[136][137]

The Vandals did provide functional security and governed with a light hand, so that the former Roman province prospered at first. Roman officials and Roman law continued, and Latin was used for government business. Agriculture provided more than enough to feed the region and trade flourished in the towns. Yet because of their desire to maintain a superiority in status, the Vandals refused to intermarry or agreeably assimilate to the advanced culture of the Romans. Consequently, finer points were overlooked; they failed to sustain a functional and effective social order. The Berber confederacies beyond the frontier grew increasingly powerful and troublesome.^[138][139]

Byzantine Empire

The Eastern Romans or Byzantine Empire eventually recaptured Northwest Africa in 534, under their celebrated general Belisarius. The Byzantines rebuilt fortifications and border defenses (the limes), and entered into treaties with the Berbers. Nevertheless, for many decades security and prosperity were precarious and never fully returned. Direct Byzantine rule did not extend far beyond the coastal cities; the interior remained under the control of various Berber tribal confederacies. Further west (in modern Algeria) was the Romano-Moor Kingdom of Garmul.

Early in the seventh century, several Berber groups (the

In the early 600s AD, the Byzantine Empire entered a period of serious crises that would alter the future of Tunisia. For centuries Rome/Byzantium's greatest enemy had been the

It was a son of Carthage, so-to-speak, who managed to play a crucial role in restoring the imperial destiny.[141]^[142] The son of the Exarch of Carthage, Flavius Heraclius Augustus,^[143] sailed east with an African fleet to the Byzantine capital city of Constantinople and overthrew the usurper Phocas; Heraclius became the Byzantine Emperor in 610. He began reorganizing the government and erecting defenses to counter the threats to the capital. Yet the Persians continued their invasion, meeting little resistance, taking Antioch in 611, Jerusalem in 614, and Alexandria in 619, in astonishing victories. His forces soon stood before Constantinople. In response, Heraclius took a great risk and moved an army by ship over the Black Sea, landing near his Armenian allies, and in the fighting managed to out-flank the Persians. By 627 Heraclius was marching on their capital Ctesiphon, a complete reversal of fortune. Then in 628 Chosroes II was killed in a revolt by his generals.

As a result of these dramatic and tumultuous events,

By 661 the

In 670 an

In 682, Uqba ibn Nafi reassumed command. He defeated an alliance of Berber forces near Tahirt (Algeria), then proceeded westward in military triumph, eventually reaching the Atlantic coast, where he lamented at before him there was no more land to conquer for Islam. Episodes from his campaigns became legend throughout the Maghrib. Yet the Berber leader held prisoner, Kusaila, escaped. Later Kusaila led a fresh Berber uprising, which interrupted the conquest and claimed the Arab leader's life. Kusaila then formed an enlarged Berber kingdom. Yet Zuhair b. Qais, the deputy of the fallen Arab leader, enlisted Zanata tribes from Cyrenaica to fight for the cause of Islam, and in 686 managed to overturn Kusaila's newly formed kingdom.^{[148][149][150]}

Under the Caliph

The Berbers, however, continued to offer stiff resistance, then being led by a woman of the Jarawa tribe, whom the Arabs called the prophetess ["al-Kahina" in Arabic]; her actual name was approximately "Damiya".^{[151][152][153][154]} On the river Nini, an alliance of Berbers under Damiya defeated the Muslim armies under al-Nu'man, who escaped returning to Cyrenaica. Thereupon, the Byzantines took advantage of the Berber victory by reoccupying Carthage. Unlike the Berber Kusaila ten years earlier, Damiya did not establish a larger state, evidently being content to rule merely her own tribe. Some commentators speculate as to Damiya the Arabs appeared interested in booty primarily, because she then commenced to ravage and disrupt the region, making it unattractive to raiders looking for spoils of war; of course, it also made her unpopular to the residents. Yet she did not attack the Muslim base at Kairouan. From Egypt the Caliph 'Abdul-Malik had reinforced al-Nu'man in 698, who then reentered Ifriqiya. Although she told her two sons to go over to the Arabs, she herself again gave battle. She lost;al-Nu'man won. It is said at Bir al-Kahina [well of the prophetess] in the Auras, Damiya was killed.^{[155][156][157][158]}

In 705 Hassan b.al-Nu'man stormed Carthage, overcame and sacked it, leaving it destroyed. A similar fate befell the city of

A counter argument would be that the Berbers merely imitated the success of the Arab Muslims; the better historical choice would be more uniquely ethnic and authentic, i.e., to articulate their own inner character and fate.

Evidently, long before and after the Islamic conquest, there was some popular sense of a strong and long-standing cultural connection between the Berbers[173] and the Semites of the Levant, naturally with regard to Carthage^[174][175] and in addition with regard to links yet more ancient and genetic.^[176] These claims of a remote ancestral relationship perhaps facilitated the Berber demand for equal footing with the Arab invaders within the religion of Islam following the conquest.^[177]

From

After the conquest and following the popular conversion, Ifriqiya constituted a natural and proximous center for an Arab-Islamic regime in Northwest Africa, the focus of culture and society. It was then the region with the most developed urban, commercial and agricultural infrastructure, essential for such a comprehensive project as Islam.

Aghlabid Dynasty under the Abbasids

During the years immediately preceding the fall of the

The Muhallabids (771–793) negotiated with the 'Abbasids a wide discretion in the exercise of their governorship of Ifriqiya. One such governor was al-Aghlab ibn Salim (r. 765–767), a forefather of the Aghlabids. Eventually Muhallabid rule weakened: a minor rebellion in Tunis took on a more ominous turn when it spread to Kairouan. The Caliph's governor was unable to restore order.

As recompense, the Aghlabid rulers saw at mosques were constructed or augmented, e.g., at Tunis (the Olive Tree [Zaituna] Mosque, as well as its famous university, Ez-Zitouna); at. Kairouan (Mosque of the Three Doors), and at Sfax. Also a well known ribat or fortified monastery was built at Monastir, and at Susa (in 821 by Ziyadat Allah I); here Islamic warriors trained.^[188]

In 831 the son of Ibrahim,

Foremost of the 'ābid scholars or ascetics was Buhlul b. Rashid (d. 799), who reputedly despised money and refused the post of grand judge; his fame spread throughout the Islamic world. By virtue of their piety and independence, the abid won social prestige and a voice in politics, speaking especially for the cities, criticizing the regime's finance and trade decisions.[207] Although substantially different, the status of the 'ābid relates somewhat to the much later figure of the Maghribi saint, the wali, who as keeper of baraka (spiritual charisma) became the object of veneration by religious believers, and whose tomb would be the destination of pilgrimage.^[208]

Aghlabid rule. Extensive improvements were made to the pre-existing water works in order to promote olive groves and other agriculture (oils and cereals were exported), to irrigate the royal gardens, and for livestock. Roman aqueducts to supply the towns with water were rebuilt under Abu Ibrahim Ahmad, the sixth amir. In the Kairouan region hundreds of basins were constructed to store water for the raising of horses.^[209]

Commercial trade resumed under the new Islamic regime, e.g., by sea, particularly to the east with the Egyptian port of

Ghat, and Tuat served the Saharan trade to Ifriqiya.^[210]

A prosperous economy permitted a refined and luxurious court life and the construction of the new palace cities of al-'Abbasiya (809), and Raqada (877) for the residences of the ruling

Bougie

. The location of these Aghlabid government centers was outside of Kairouan, a city dominated by Muslim clerical institutions.

Ifriqiyah during the era under the Aghlabid Dynasty (799–909) for the most part continued its leading rôle in the Maghrib, due generally to its peace and stability, recognized cultural achievements, and material prosperity.[211]^[212][213]

Fatimids: Shi'a Caliphate, and the Zirids

As the

Ziyadat Allah III, to evacuate the palace at Raqadda. On the east coast of Ifriqiaya facing Egypt, the Fatimids built a new capital on top of ancient ruins, calling the seaport Mahdiya after their mahdi.^[215]

Maghribi Origin of the Fatimids

The Fatimid movement had originated locally in al-Maghrib, among the

Shia

.

By agreement, the first founder to arrive (circa 893) was Abu 'Abdulla, the Ismaili Da'i or propagandist, who found welcome in the hostility against the Caliphate in Baghdad freely expressed by the Kotama Berbers.^[216] After his success in recruitment and in building the organization, Abu 'Abdulla was ready in 902 to send for 'Ubaidalla Sa'ed, who (after adventures and imprisonment) arrived in 910, proclaimed himself Mahdi, and took control of the movement. Abu 'Abdulla was killed in a dispute over leadership.^[217]

From the start the Mahdi was focused on expansion eastward, and he soon attacked

Mahdiya was more a fort than a princely city. The Maghrib was disrupted, being contested between the Zenata and the Sanhaja favoring the Fatimids.^[218][219]

After the death of the Mahdi, there came the

Kharijite revolt of 935, which under Abu Yazid (nicknamed "the man on a donkey") was said by 943 to be spreading chaos far and wide.^[220] The Mahdi's son, the Fatimid caliph al-Qa'im, became besieged in Mahdiya. Eventually Abu Yazid was defeated by the next Fatimid caliph, Ishmail, who then moved his residence to Kairouan. Fatimid rule continued to be under attack from Sunni Islamic states to the west, e.g., the Umayyad Caliphate in Al Andalus.^[221]

In 969 the Fatimid caliph

al-Azhar mosque, which later became the leading Sunni theological center.^[222] Three years later al-Mu'izz the caliph left Ifriqiyah for Egypt, taking everything, "his treasures, his administrative staff, and the coffins of his predecessors."^[223] Once centered in Egypt the Fatimids expanded their possessions further, northeast to Syria and southeast to Mecca, while retaining control of Northwest Africa. From Cairo they were to enjoy relative success; they never returned to Ifriqiyah.^[224]

Zirid succession

After removing their capital to Cairo, the Fatimids withdrew from direct governance of al-Maghrib, which they delegated to a local vassal, namely

Hammadid (1015–1152).^[225]

Civic security was chronically poor, due to political quarrels between the Zirids and the Hammadids, and attacks from Sunni states to the west.

Although the Maghrib remained submerged in political confusion, at first the Fatimid province of Ifriqiya continued relatively prosperous under the Zirids. Soon however the

al-Murabit movement to the west. This decline in the Saharan trade caused a rapid deterioration to the city of Kairouan, the political and cultural center of the Zirid state. To compensate, the Zirids encouraged the commerce of their coastal cities, which did begin to quicken; however, they faced tough challenges from Mediterranean traders of the rising city-states of Genoa and Pisa.^[226]

In 1048, for economic and popular reasons, the Zirids dramatically broke with the

Sunni (always favored by most Maghribi Muslims) and declaring their allegiance to the Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad. Many shia were killed in disturbances throughout Ifriqiya. The Zirid state seized Fatimid coinage. Sunni Maliki jurists were reestablished as the prevailing school of law.^[227] In retaliation, the Fatimids sent against the Zirids an invasion of nomadic Arabians who had already migrated into Egypt; these bedouins were induced by the Fatimids to continue westward into Ifriqiya.^[228][229]

The arriving

Taghribat Bani Hilal. The Banu Hilal originated from the tribal confederacy of the Banu 'Amir, located generally in southwest Arabia.^[231] As the Banu Halali tribes took control of the plains, the local sedentary people were forced to take refuge in the mountains; in prosperous central and northern Ifriqiya farming gave way to pastoralism. Even after the fall of the Zirids the Banu Hilal were a source of disorder, as in the 1184 insurrection of the Banu Ghaniya.^[232][233] These rough Arab newcomers did constitute a second large Arab immigration into Ifriqiya, and accelerated the process of Arabization, with the Berber languages decreasing in use in rural areas as a result of this Bedouin ascendancy.^[234]

Substantially weakened, the Zirids lingered on, while the regional economy declined, with civil society adrift.

Perspectives and trends

The Fatimids were

Caliphate of Córdoba long opposed and battled against the Shi'a Fatimids, whether based in Ifriqiya or in Egypt.^[237] Accordingly, Tunisians may evidence faint pride in the great extent and relative endurance, the peace and prosperity at Fatimid rule brought to Egypt, and in the Fatimid Caliphate

in Islamic history.

During the interval of Shi'a rule, the Berber people appear to have moved ideologically, from a popular antagonism to the Sunni east, toward an acquiescence to its orthodoxy, though of course mediated by their own

Maliki law (viewed as one of the four orthodox madhhab by the Sunni). In addition to the above grievances against the Fatimids, during the Fatimid era the prestige of exercising cultural leadership within al-Maghrib shifted decisively away from Ifriqiya and instead came to be the prize of al-Andalus.^[238]

Norman Africa

Main article: Kingdom of Africa

Anarchy in Ifriqiya (Tunisia) made it a target for the Norman kingdom in

Jerba

.

The Kingdom of Africa was an extension of the frontier zone of the

In 1142/3, Roger II attacked Tripoli, further south down the coast from Mahdia. In 1146 he besieged it and took it. The city had already been depleted by a series of famines and was practically in a state of civil war when Roger's troops assaulted it. It was still an important port on the sea route from the Maghreb to Egypt.^[243] Several of the minor emirs in the vicinity of Tripoli sought Sicilian overlordship after this. Yūsuf, the ruler of Gabès, wrote to Roger requesting "the robes and letter of appointment making me wāli of Gabès, and I shall be your deputy there, as are the Banū Matrūh who hold Tripoli from you."^[244] Roger complied and Yūsuf, in his new robes, read out the letter of appointment to an assemblage of notables. Gabès had long been an irritant to Mahdia, and al-Hasan of Mahdia attacked it and brought back Yūsuf to Mahdia, and stoned him to death. It is possible that Roger's attack on Mahdia in 1148 was a response to this insubordination on the part of its emir, but Ibn al-Athīr suggested that Roger was merely taking advantage of a famine in Africa, despite the fact that he had a treaty with al-Hasan until 1150.

In June 1148 Roger sent his admiral George of Antioch, a former Mahdian officer, against al-Hasan. Off the island of Pantelleria the Sicilian fleet encountered a Mahdia ship bearing some carrier pigeons. George had the birds sent home with false messages that the fleet was headed for Byzantium. When the Sicilians reached Mahdia on 22 June, the emir and his court fled the unprepared city leaving their treasure behind. This was seized as booty, but the Sicilians were given only two hours to plunder the city while its Muslim inhabitants took refuge in Christian homes and churches. Roger quickly issued a royal protection, or amān, to all the city's inhabitants. According to Ibn abī-Dīnār, George "restored both cities of Zawīla and Mahdiyya; lent money to the merchants; gave alms to the poor; placed the administration of justice in the hands of qadi acceptable to the population; and arranged well the government of these two cities."^[245] Food was released to encourage refugees to return.

On 1 July the city of

Roger became involved in a war with Byzantium after 1148, and so was unable to follow up his conquests with an attack on Tunis. In fear, the Tunisians sent grain to Sicily in hopes of averting an attack, according to Ibn Idhari. This should probably be seen as tribute and submission, since Ibn Idhar writes that Roger was still in power in the city when the Almohads attacked it in 1159, although he was in fact dead.^[250] The Venetian chronicler Andrea Dandolo is probably correct in asserting: "and the kings of Tunis paid him [Roger] tribute" (regemque Tunixii sibi tributarium fecit).^[246] Roger died in 1154, and was succeeded by his son William I, who continued to rule Africa. His accession was taken for an opportunity by the native officials, who clamoured for more powers to tax. The Arabic historians Ibn al-Athīr and Ibn Khaldun, both hoped that Roger would defend his African lands against Almohad extremism and intolerance. After his death, some Muslim officials demanded that sermons be preached against the Almohads in the mosques.^{[251][unreliable source?]}

Almohads (al-Muwahiddin)

The only strong Muslim power then in the

The

"Abd al-Mu'min briefly presided over a unified Northwest African empire––the first and last in its history under indigenous rule".[273] It would be the high point of Maghribi political unity. Yet twenty years later, by 1184, the revolt by the Banu Ghaniya had spread from the Balearic Islands to Ifriqiya (Tunisia), causing problems for the Almohad regime for the next fifty years.^[274]

Rule of the Maghrib

The Muslim philosophers

The

For an historic moment, the son of Abu Zakariya and self-declared caliph of the Hafsids, al-Mustansir[302] (r.1249–1277), was recognised as caliph by Mecca and the Islamic world (1259–1261), following termination of the Abbasid caliphate by the Mongols (in 1258). Yet the moment passed; the Hafsids remained a local sovereignty.^[303][304]

In 1270 King

Toward the end, internal disarray within the Hafsid dynasty created vulnerabilities, while a great power struggle arose between Spaniard and Turk over control of the Mediterranean. The Hafsid dynasts became pawns, subject to the rival strategies of the combatants. By 1574 Ifriqiya had been incorporated into the Ottoman Empire.^[308]

Commerce and Trade

The entire Maghrib, as well as Tunisia under the early Hafsids, enjoyed an era of prosperity due to the rise of Saharan-Sudanese as well as the Mediterranean trade, the latter including trade with Europe.

During this period from al-Andalus came Muslim and Jewish immigrants with appreciated talents, e.g., trade connections, crafts, and agricultural techniques. Regarding general prosperity, however, there was a sharp economic decline starting in the fourteenth century due to a variety of factors.[316] Later, Mediterranean trade gave way to corsair raiding activity. {IN PROGRESS}

Society and culture

As a result of the initial prosperity, al-Mustansir transformed his capital Tunis, constructing a palace and the Abu Fihr park; he also created an estate near Bizerte (said by Ibn Khaldun to be without equal in the world).^[317] An unfortunate divide, however, developed between the governance of the cities and of the countryside; at times the city-based rulers would grant rural tribes autonomy ('iqta') in exchange for their support in intra-maghribi struggles.^[318][319] This tribal independence of the central authority meant also at when the center grew weak, the periphery might still remain strong and resilient.^[320] {IN PROGRESS}

Bedouin Arabs

A major social philosopher, Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) is recognized as a pioneer in sociology, historiography, and related disciplines. Although having Yemeni ancestry, his family enjoyed centuries-long residency in al-Andalus before leaving in the 13th century for Ifriqiyah. As a native of Tunis, he spent much of his life under the Hafsids, whose regime he served on occasion.

Ibn Khaldun entered into a political career early on, working under a succession of different rulers of small states, whose designs unfolded amid shifting rivalries and alliances. at one point he rose to

The history and historiography written by Ibn Khaldun was informed in theory by his learning as a faylasuf [philosopher].[332] Yet it was his participation in the small unstable governments of the region at inspired many of his key insights. His history seeks to account for the apparent cyclical progression of historical states of the Maghrib, whereby: (a) a new ruling association comes to power with strong loyalties, (b) which over the course of several generations fall apart, (c) leading to the collapse of the ruling strata. The social cohesion necessary for the group's initial rise to power, and for the group's ability to maintain it and exercise it, Ibn Khaldun called Asabiyyah.^[333]

His seven-volume Kitab al-'Ibar [Book of Examples]

In the later books of the Kitab al-'Ibar, he focuses especially on the history of the Berbers of the Maghrib. The perceptive Ibn Khaldun in his narration eventually arrives at historical events he himself witnessed or encountered.[336] As an official of the Hafsids, Ibn Khaldun experienced first hand the effects on the social structure of troubled regimes and the long-term decline in the region's fortunes.

Ottoman Caliphate, and the Beys

A long-term contest for the Mediterranean began in the sixteenth century, between Spaniards (who in 1492 completed the

The

Don Juan of Austria retook Tunis for Spain in 1573. Uluj Ali returned in 1574 with a large fleet and army to capture Tunis with finality, and then sent the last Hafsid to Constantinople.^[345]

Janissary Deys

Following imposition in 1574 of permanent

Agha. The Porte did not maintain the ranks of Janissaries, rather the Pasha in Tunisia himself began to recruit such soldiery from many different regions. From 1574 to 1591 a council (the Diwan

), composed of senior military (buluk-bashis) and local notables, advised the provincial government.

The new energy of Turkish rule was welcome in Tunis, and by the

Maliki jurists were admitted into the administration. Yet the rule remained one of a foreign elite. In the countryside, efficient Turkish troops managed to control the tribes without compromising alliances, but their rule was unpopular. The rural economy was never brought under effective regulation by the central authority. For revenues the government continued to rely primarily on corsair

raiding in the Mediterranean.

In 1591 Janissary junior officers (deys) who were not of Turkish origin forced the Pasha to acknowledge the authority of one of their own men, called the Dey (elected by his fellow deys). Relatively independent of the Ottomans, the Dey exercised control in the cities. 'Uthman Dey (1598–1610) and Yusuf Dey (1610–1637) managed well enough to establish peace and order in place of chronic social turbulence.

In the tribal rural areas, control and collection of taxes were assigned to a chieftain, called the Bey [Turkish]. Twice a year, armed expeditions (mahallas) patrolled the countryside, showing the arm of the central authority. As an auxiliary force, the Beys organized rural cavalry (sipahis), mostly Arab, recruited from what came to be called the "government" (makhzan) tribes.^[346][347]

Muradid Beys

The

Caliph

in Constantinople. In 1640, upon the death of the Dey, Hamuda Bey maneuvered to establish his control over appointments to at office.

Under Murad II Bey (1666–1675), son of Hamuda, the Diwan again functioned as a council of notables. Yet in 1673 the janissary deys, seeing their power ebbing, rose in revolt. During the consequent fighting, the urban forces of the

Arabic language returned to local official use, although the Muradids continued to use Turkish

in the central government, accentuating their elite status and Ottoman connection.

At Murad II Bey's death, internal discord with the Muradid family led to armed struggle. The Turkish rulers of Algeria later intervened on behalf of one side in a subsequent domestic conflict; the Algerian forces did not withdraw and proved unpopular. This unfortunate condition of civil discord and Algerian interference persisted. The last Muradid Bey was assassinated in 1702 by Ibrahim Sharif, who then ruled for several years with Algerian backing.^{[349][350][351]}

A gradual economic shift occurred during the Muradid era, as corsair raiding decreased due to pressure from

landowners or a wealthy merchant strata. A social divide persisted, with the important families in Tunisia identified as a "Turkish" ruling caste.^[353]

Husaynid Beys

The

Husaynid Beys

ruled from 1705 to 1881, and reigned until 1957. In theory, Tunisia continued as a vassal of the Ottoman empire (the Friday prayer was pronounced in the name of the Ottoman Sultan, money was coined in his honor, and an annual ambassador brought gifts to Istanbul) but the Ottomans never were able to depend on, or exact, obedience.

Husayn ibn Ali (1669–1740), a cavalry officer of Greek Cretan

origin, came into power in 1705, remaining in control until 1735. He had won backing from the Tunisian ulama and notables, as well as from the tribes, for his opposition to Algerian influence which was removed. Yet in a succession dispute, his nephew Ali and his son Muhammad fought a divisive civil war, which ended in 1740 with Ali's uncertain victory. This result was reversed in 1756 after ten more years of fighting, but not without meddling by Algeria.

Early Husaynid policy required a careful balance among several divergent parties: the Ottomans, the Turkish speaking elite in Tunisia, and local Tunisians, both urban and rural, notables and clerics, landowners and the more remote tribes. Entanglement with the Ottoman Empire was avoided due to its potential ability to take over the Bey's prerogatives; however, religious ties to the

marabouts

were mollified. Tribal shaykhs were recognized and invited to conferences. Especially favored were a handful of prominent families, Turkish speaking, who were given business and land opportunities, as well as important posts in the government, depending on their loyalty.

The French Revolution and reactions to it caused disruptions in European economic activity which provided opportunities for Tunisia to profit handsomely. Hammouda Pasha (1781–1813) was Bey during this period of prosperity; he also turned back an Algerian invasion in 1807, and quelled a janissary revolt in 1811.

After the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Britain and France secured the Bey's agreement to cease sponsoring or permitting corsair raids, which had resumed during the Napoleonic conflict. Then in the 1820s economic activity in Tunisia took a steep downturn. The Tunisian government was particularly affected due to its monopoly positions regarding many exports. Credit was obtained to weather the deficits, but eventually the debt would grow to unmanageable levels. Foreign business interests increasingly exercised control over domestic commerce. Foreign trade proved to be a Trojan Horse.^[356]

Under the

French Protectorate

(1881–1956) the Husaynid Beys continued in a largely ceremonial rôle. Following independence, a republic was declared in 1957; the Beylical office was terminated and the Husaynid dynasty came to an end.

Era of Reform

In the 19th century under the Husaynid Beyds, commerce with the Europeans increased, with permanent residences established by many foreign merchants. In 1819 the Bey agreed to quit corsair raids. In 1830 the Bey also agreed to enforce in Tunisia the capitulation treaties between the Ottomans and various European powers, under which European consuls would act as judges in legal cases involving their nationals. During 1830 the French royal army occupied neighboring Algeria.

Ahmad Bey (1837–1855) assumed the throne during this complex situation. Following the examples of the Ottoman Empire under sultan Mahmud II, and of Egypt under Muhammad Ali, he moved to intensify a program to update and upgrade the Tunisian armed forces. In pursuit of this policy, he instituted a military school and started industries in order to supply its more modern army and navy. In a major step, he initiated the recruitment and conscription of native Tunisians to serve in the army and navy, a step which would reduce the long division between the state and its citizens. Yet the resulting tax increases were not popular.^[357]

Although desiring Ottoman support, repeatedly Ahmad Bey refused to apply in Tunisia the Ottoman legal reforms regarding citizen rights, i.e., the Tanzimat of 1839. Instead, he instituted progressive laws of his own, showing native Tunisian authority in the modernizing project and hence the redundancy of importing any Ottoman reforms. The Slave trade was abolished in 1841, slavery in 1846. Yet these legal reforms had limited application to many Tunisians. Ahmad Bey continued the general Beylical policy, i.e., to decline or reject political attachment to the Ottoman state, but welcome religious ties to the Ottoman Caliphate.^[358][359]

As part of his maneuvering to maintain Tunisia's sovereignty, Ahmad Bey sent 4,000 Tunisian troops against the Russian Empire during the Crimean War (1854–1856). In doing so he allied Tunisia with the Ottoman Empire, France, and Great Britain.^[360]

Modernity and the French Protectorate

Main articles:

History of French-era Tunisia and French protectorate of Tunisia

As the 19th century commenced, the country remained quasi-autonomous, although officially still an Ottoman province. Trade with Europe increased dramatically with western merchants arriving to establish businesses in the country. In 1861, Tunisia enacted the first constitution in the Arab world, but a move toward a modernizing republic was hampered by the poor economy and by political unrest. Loans made by foreigners to the government were becoming difficult to manage. In 1869, Tunisia declared itself bankrupt; an international financial commission, with representatives from France, the United Kingdom, and Italy, took control over the economy.

Initially, Italy was the country that demonstrated the most desire to have Tunisia as a colony having investment, citizens and geographic proximity as motivation. However this was rebuffed when Britain and France co-operated to prevent this during the years 1871 – 1878 ending in Britain supporting French influence in Tunisia in exchange for dominion over Cyprus. France still had the issue of Italian influence (related to the huge colony of

Northern Africa. Italy, also interested in Tunisia, protested, but did not risk a war with France. On May 12 of that year, Tunisia was officially made a French protectorate with the signature of the treaty of Bardo (Al Qasr as Sa'id)by Muhammad III as-Sadiq.^[362]

This gave France control of Tunisian governance and making it a de facto French protectorate.

The French progressively assumed more of the important administrative positions, and by 1884 they supervised all Tunisian government bureaus dealing with finance, post, education, telegraph, public works and agriculture. They decided to guarantee the Tunisian debt, and then abolished the international finance commission. French settlements in the country were actively encouraged; the number of French colonists grew from 34,000 in 1906 to 144,000 in 1945, occupying approximately one-fifth of the cultivated land. Roads, ports, railroads, and mines were developed. In rural areas the French administration strengthened the local officials (qa'ids) and weakened the independent tribes. An additional judicial system was established for Europeans but available generally, set up without interfering with the existing Sharia courts, available as always for the legal matters of Tunisians.

Many welcomed the progressive changes, but preferred to manage their own affairs. Kayr al-Din in the 1860s and 1870s had introduced modernizing reforms before the French occupation. Some of his companions later founded the weekly magazine al-Hadira in 1888. A more radical one al-Zahra ran from 1890 until suppressed in 1896; as was the Sabil al-Rashad of 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Tha'alibi, who was inspired by

Muhammad 'Abduh of Cairo, among others. Bashir Sfar initiated the discussion group Khalduniya in 1896. 'Ali Bash Hamba founded the French-language journal Tunisien to inform the French public of the Tunisian complaints, but only increased unrest. Tha'alibi founded the Arabic language Tunisien in 1909, to challenge Hamba from a Tunisian view point. In 1911 there were civil disturbances started within the universities. Hamba and Tha'alibi came together. A political party was begun, al-Ittihad al-Islami [Islamic Unity], which had pro-Ottoman leanings. Issues concerning a Muslim cemetery, the Jallaz, sparked large demonstrations which ended with martial law and the killing of many Tunisians in late 1911. Further demonstrations in 1912 led to the closing of the nationalist newspapers and the exiling of nationalist leadership.^[363]

Organized nationalist sentiment among Tunisians, driven underground in 1912, resurfaced after the great War. Encouragement came from many directions, e.g., the formation of the

Mussolini obtained the liberation of Bourghiba from a Vichy

jail in 1942).

During

1st Italian Army, still holding the line at Enfidaville, the Italian general Messe formally surrendered to the Allies

.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower (who earned trust by talking straight if not always clearly) stated at "far from governing a conquered country, we were attempting only to force a gradual widening of the base of government, with the final objective of turning all internal affairs over to popular control." Tunisia became a staging area for operations in the invasion of Sicily later at year.^[365]

After World War II, the struggle for national independence continued and intensified. The Neo-Destour Party reemerged under Habib Bourguiba. Yet with a lack of progress, violent resistance to French rule began in the mountains during 1954. The Tunisians coordinated with independence movements in Algeria and Morocco, although it was Tunisia that first became independent. Ultimately, the Neo-Destour Party managed to gain sovereignty for its people by maneuver and finesse.^[366]

Tunisian Republic

Main article: History of modern Tunisia

Independence from

Bey of Tunis, Muhammad VIII al-Amin Bey, as the king of Tunisia

.

The Era of Habib Bourguiba

In 1957, the Prime Minister Habib Bourguiba (Habib Abu Ruqaiba) abolished the monarchy and firmly established his Neo Destour (New Constitution) party. The regime sought to run a strictly structured regime with efficient and equitable state operations, but not democratic-style politics. Also terminated was the bey, a quasi-monarchist institution dating back to Ottoman rule. Then Bourguiba commenced to dominate the country for the next 31 years, governing with thoughtful programs yielding stability and economic progress, repressing Islamic fundamentalism, and establishing rights for women unmatched by any other Arab nation.^[367] The vision at Bourguiba offered was of a Tunisian republic. The political culture would be secular, populist, and imbued with a kind of French rationalist vision of the state at was buoyant, touched with élan, Napoleonic in spirit. Bourguiba then saw an idiosyncratic, eclectic future combining tradition and innovation, Islam with a liberal prosperity.^[368]

"Bourguibism" was also resolutely nonmilitarist, arguing that Tunisia could never be a credible military power and that the building of a large military establishment would only consume scarce investment resources and perhaps thrust Tunisia into the cycles of military intervention in politics at had plagued the rest of the Middle East. In the name of economic development, Bourguiba nationalized various religious land holdings and dismantled several religious institutions.^[369]

Bourguiba's great asset was at "Tunisia possessed a mature nationalist organization, the Neo Destour Party, which on independence day held the nation's confidence in hand." It had made its case to the city workers in the modern economy and to country folk in the traditional economy; it had excellent leaders who commanded respect and who generally developed reasonable government programs.^[370]

In July 1961, when Tunisia imposed a blockade on the French naval base at Bizerte, hoping to force its evacuation, the crisis culminated in a three-day battle between French and Tunisian forces that left some 630 Tunisians and 24 French dead and eventually led to France ceding the city and naval base to Tunisia in 1963.

One serious rival to

Gamal Abdul Nasser. Yet as a result of his strong opposition to the Neo Destour leadership during their negotiations with France for autonomy prior to independence, Ben Youssef was removed from his position as secretary-general and expelled from the party. Nonetheless he rallied disaffected union members, students, and others, enough to put 20,000 yusufists into the street during the next congress of the Neo Destour party. Eventually he left Tunisia for Cairo.^{[371][372][373]}

Socialism was not initially a major part of the Neo Destour project, but the government had always held and implemented redistributive policies. A large public works program was launched in 1961.^[374] Nonetheless in 1964, Tunisia entered a short lived socialist era. The Neo Destour party became the Socialist Destour (Parti Socialiste Dusturien or PSD), and the new minister of planning, Ahmed Ben Salah, formulated a state-led plan for agricultural cooperatives and public-sector industrialization. The socialist experiment raised considerable opposition within Bourguiba's old coalition. Ahmed Ben Salah was eventually dismissed in 1970, and many socialized operations (e.g., the farm cooperatives) were returned to private ownership in the early 1970s.^[375] In 1978, a general strike was repressed by the government with its forces killing dozens; union leaders were jailed.

After independence, Tunisian economic policy had been primarily to promote light industry and tourism, and develop its phosphate deposits. The major sector remained agriculture with small farms prevailing, but these did not produce well. In the early 1960s the economy slowed down, but the socialist program did not prove to be the cure.

In the 1970s the economy of Tunisia expanded at a very healthy rate. Oil was discovered, and tourism continued. City and countryside populations drew roughly equal in number. Yet agricultural problems and urban unemployment led to increased migration to Europe.

The Era of Ben Ali

In the 1980s the economy performed poorly. In 1983 the International Monetary Fund (IMF) forced the government to raise the price of bread and semolina, causing severe hardship and protest riots. In this situation, the Islamic Tendency Movement (MTI) under Rached Ghannouchi provided popular leadership. Civil disturbances, including those by the Islamists, were repressed by government security forces under General Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. The government persisted in following its program; Ben Ali was named prime minister.

The 84-year-old President Bourguiba was overthrown and replaced by Ben Ali his Prime Minister on November 7, 1987.

RCD

by its French acronym).

In 1988,

an-Nahda (the Renaissance Party). But Ben Ali's innovative tack did not work out. Subsequently, An-Nahda claimed to have run strongly in the 1989 elections, which gave the appearance of being unfair; reports often described pro-government votes at over 90%. Ben Ali subsequently banned Islamist political parties and jailed as many as 8,000 activists.^[375]

Main article: 2000s in Tunisia

In 2004, Ben Ali was re-elected President for a five-year term, with a reported 94.5% of the vote. Also elected were 189 members of the Majlis al-Nuwaab or Chamber of Deputies, with a five-year term. In addition, there was a Chamber of Advisors composed of 126 members with six-year terms, of whom 85 were elected by government subdivisions (e.g., municipalities), by professional associations, and by trade unions (14 union members boycotted the process); the remaining 41 members were appointed by the President. The court system remained a combination of French Civil Law and Islamic Sharia Law.^[377]

A widely supported human rights movement emerged, which included not only Islamists but also trade unionists, lawyers and journalists. Tunisia's political institutions, however, remained fixed in the authoritarian past. As of 2001, the government's response to calls for reform Included house arrests and prison.^[375] The government continued its refusal to recognize Muslim opposition parties, and governed the country in a political climate considered rigid, from time to time using objectionable military and police measures to repress dissent.

In foreign affairs, Tunisia continued to enjoy close ties to the West while broadly following a moderate, non-aligned stance. The Arab League was headquartered in Tunis from 1979 to 1991.

2000s in Tunisia

This article needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (December 2016)

Tunis, the capital, has a population of about 700,000, and the second city of

Arabic, with French also spoken particularly in commercial dealings, and with less than 2% Berber. Literacy by definition includes all over 15 years, and is overall 74%, male 83% and female 65%. In 2006, 7.3 million mobile phones were in use and 1.3 million were on the internet; there were 26 television stations and 29 radio stations.^[7] Over half the population is considered urban, with agricultural workers being about 30% of the total. Unemployment in 2000 was about 15.6%, and in 2006 about 13.9%. Over 300,000 Tunisians were reported to be residing in France during 1994.^[378]

Left out of the recent prosperity were many rural and urban poor, including small businesses facing the world market.

The monetary unit is the dinar, at about 1.33 per dollar U.S.A. (recently a fairly constant rate), with inflation estimated pp. 4.5% for 2006. Tunisia's per capita annual income was approximately 8,900 dollars (U.S.A.) in 2006.[7] Between 1988 and 1998 the economy more than doubled. The economy grew at 5% per year during the 1990s (the best in Northwest Africa), but hit a 15-year low of 1.9% in 2002 (due to drought and a decline in tourism), but it regained a 5% rate for 2003–2005; it was said to be 4%–5% for 2006. Tunisia's economy is diverse. Its products are primarily from light industry (food processing, textiles, footwear, agribusiness, mining commodities, construction materials) and from agriculture (olives, olive oil, grains (wheat and barley), tomatoes, citrus, sugar beets, dates, almonds, figs, vegetables, grapes, beef dairy), as well as livestock (sheep, goats) and fishing. Other production comes from petroleum and mining (phosphates, iron, oil, lead, zinc, salt). Tunisia is self-sufficient in oil, but not in natural gas. A very significant portion of the economy derives from the tourist industry.^[379] Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P.) was composed of approximately 12.5% agriculture, 33.1% industry, and 54.4% services. Exports went to France 29%, Italy 20%, Germany 9%, Spain 6%, Libya 5%, U.S.A. 4%. Imports came from France 25%, Italy 22%, Germany 10%, Spain 5%.^[7] An association agreement with the European Union will move Tunisia toward full free trade with the EU by 2008.

The face of the countryside changes markedly as one moves from north to south. In the north and central coast, orchards and fields predominate; while in the central plains, pasturage. Overall, arable land is 17%–19%, with forest and woodland 4%, permanent crops 13%, irrigated lands at 2.4%; about 20% is used for pasture. There are limited fresh water resources. In the south the environment grows increasingly arid, until the borderlands eventually reach into the Sahara desert. Roads total about 20,000 km., two-thirds being paved, with most of the unpaved roads lying in the desert south.^[7]

The "Dignity Revolution"

See also: Tunisian Revolution

The Ben Ali regime came to an end following nationwide demonstrations precipitated by high

living conditions. The protests constituted the most dramatic wave of social and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades^[383][384] and resulted in scores of deaths and injuries, most of which were the result of action by police and security forces against demonstrators. The protests were sparked by the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on 17 December 2010^{[385][386][387]} and led to the ousting of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 28 days later on 14 January 2011, when he officially resigned after fleeing to Saudi Arabia, ending 23 years in power.^[388][389] In the Western media, these events were commonly named the Jasmine Revolution,^[390] but the name was not generally adopted in Tunisia itself.^[391]

where the name generally used is the Dignity Revolution (ثورة الكرامة) (Thawrat el-Karāma).

Following the overthrow of Ben Ali, Tunisians elected a

new elections were held in 2014, completing the transition to a democratic state.^[396] The Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet was awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize for "its decisive contribution to the building of a pluralistic democracy in Tunisia in the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011".^[397]

Presidency of Kais Saied

Tunisia's first democratically elected president, Beji Caid Essebsi, died in July 2019.^[398] After him, Kais Saied became Tunisia's president after a landslide victory in the 2019 Tunisian presidential election in October 2019.^[399] On 23 October 2019, Kais Saied was sworn in as Tunisian president.^[400]

On 25 July 2021 in light of

suspended parliament for thirty days and relieved the prime minister Hichem Mechichi from his duties,^[401][402] waiving the immunity of the parliament members and ordering the military to close the parliament house. Saied's actions, which included relieving the prime minister of his duties, assuming the executive authority, suspending the Parliament and closing the offices of some foreign news agencies, appeared to have been clear signs of a coup, as they disregard Article 80 of the Tunisian constitution which states that before raising an emergency state, the president must consult his prime minister and the head of the Parliament, and even then the Parliament cannot be suspended.^[403]

In September 2021, President Kaïs Saïed announced an upcoming reform of the 2014 Constitution and the formation of a new government led by Najla Bouden Romdhane, first woman prime minister of Tunisia and the Arab world.^[403] A constitutional referendum was scheduled for 25 July 2022.^[404] After the referendum results indicated that 90% of voters supported Saied, he emerged as victorious and promised that Tunisia will enter the new phase after he got the unlimited power.^[405] Critics said the new constitution has a risk of the return of authoritarian rule to the country.^[406]

See also

• Berber people
• Berber languages
• Phoenician languages
• Phoenicia
• Carthage
• History of the Jews in Tunisia
• North Africa during the Classical Period
• Umayyad conquest of North Africa
• Ifriqiya
• Aghlabid Dynasty
• Almohad
• Hafsid
• Barbary Coast
• List of Beys of Tunis
• French occupation of Tunisia
• History of French-era Tunisia
• Tunisian naturalization issue
• Thala-Kasserine Disturbances
• Timeline of Tunisia [fr]
• Tunisian Italians
• Tunisia
• History of modern Tunisia
• Tunis history and timeline (capital and largest city)
• History of Africa
• Tunisian Campaign

References

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