History of the Anushilan Samiti

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Anushilan Samiti
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Lathi and Sword play. It also encouraged its members to study Indian history as well as those of European liberalism including the French Revolution, Russian Nihilism and Italian unification. Soon after its inception it became a radical organisation that sought to end British Raj in India through revolutionary violence. After World War I, it declined steadily as its members identified closely with leftist ideologies and with the Indian National Congress
. It briefly rose to prominence in the late second and third decade, being involved in some notable incidents in Calcutta, Chittagong and in the United Provinces. The samiti dissolved into the Revolutionary Socialist Party in 1930.

Background

The void arising from the precipitous decline of the

Bengal and other smaller powers. Each was a strong regional power influenced by its religious and ethnic identity. However, the East India Company ultimately emerged as the predominant power. Amongst the results of the social, economic and political changes instituted in the country throughout the greater part of the 18th century was the growth of the Indian middle class. Although from different backgrounds and different parts of India, this middle class and its varied political leaderships contributed to a growing "Indian identity".[1] The realisation and refinement of this concept of national identity fed a rising tide of nationalism in India in the last decades of the 1800s.[2][3][4]

Bengal itself was relatively quiet during the

Young Italy movement. To this was later added the philosophies and teachings of Swami Vivekananda, which emphasised a "Strong muscles and nerves of steel". This marked the beginnings of interest in physical improvement and proto-national spirit among young Bengalees, and was driven by an effort to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalee. Physical fitness was symbolic of the recovery of masculinity, and part of a larger moral and spiritual training to cultivate control over the body, and develop national pride and a sense of social responsibility and service.[7][8]

In Calcutta, nationalist politics was developing at a rapid pace, allowing the city to develop as the most vocal centre of the young though still benign movement. Key leaders in the Congress-led movement in the province were Surendranath Bannejea and

Nasik in 1900. The organisation reformed as the Abhinav Bharat Society and moved to Poona. The trend towards secret societies in Bengal had in the meantime slowed down, and what existed did not engage in any notable political activities. It was at this time, at the turn of the 20th century, that the revolutionary organisations emerged with considerable potency in Bengal.[11]

Early developments

Among the first revolutionary organisations founded with an organised programme in Bengal was that led by

Gaekwar of Baroda, and in 1902, he establish contacts with men with similar views in Western India.[9]

Anushilan Samiti

Foundation

Around 1902, Aurobindo Ghosh arranged for Bannerjee to return to Calcutta to begin organisational work, where he began a gymnasium and a youth society. It was at this time that Bannerjee came in touch with Vibhuti Bhushan Bhattacharya, Sarala Devi Ghoshal and Pramathanath Mitra.[9][15] In Calcutta, a few clubs and societies were still active at the time. Most notable was a gymnasium in Ballygunge Circular Road run by Sarala Devi herself, a second was an organisation named Anushilan Samiti founded by Satish Chandra Basu with the patronage of Pramathanath Mitra. A third one was a youth club called Attōnnōti Samiti (Self-improvement society) in central Calcutta.[7][16]

Basu himself was a student of the

Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay's works entitled Anushilan-Tattva (Theory of discipline), which expounded the concept of allround development of physical, mental, moral and spiritual capabilities.[17] In Pramathanath Mitra, Basu found a patron and through Mitra and Sarala Devi, Jatindranath Bannerjee was introduced to Basu. In March 1902, Bannerjee's group was amalgamated to that of Basu's, retaining the name chosen by the latter.[16]

The early Anushilan Samity drew its members largely from the young student fraternity in Calcutta. New recruits were required to swear an oath on the

Goddess Durga. These were however technical reasons why Muslims were not accepted. The members trained in drill, practiced swordplay, boxing, wrestling, and other exercises. Nationalist spirit and moral development was inculcated through weekly classes, and interactions with leading social figures of the likes of Rabindranath Tagore, Bipin Chandra Pal, Gurudas Bannerjee.[17]

The Anushilan Samiti, however, failed to make any significant impact in its early years, as was the case for similar Calcutta groups.

controversial plan to partition Bengal was proposed, veered the course otherwise.[16] The plans, implemented by the Viceroy, Charles Hardinge, drew widespread criticisms throughout Bengal. The local population, led by social figures and leaders of the Indian National Congress, refused to accept the Raj's argument that the partition was necessary for improving the administration in the province. It was seen as an attempt to divide Bengal on religious lines to stem the tide of political and nationalist work that was emanating from the region. The Raj argued that the opposition to the partition was motivated by the Hindu middle-class Bhadralok, who feared a loss of their government positions and influence in the administrative set up to the larger Muslim population of eastern Bengal. Opposition to the partition took shape in the Swadeshi movement, where imported goods were boycotted in Bengal and throughout India. These boycotts were enforced by groups of "volunteers" recruited from the youth Samities. The patronage of the extremist Bengalee politicians in the Congress, including the likes of Bipin Chandra Pal and Brahmabandhab Upadhyaya, helped Anushilan stem the decline and rejuvenated its influence and reach, and this in turn helped consolidate the position of the former as radicals within Congress. The unprecedented popular resistance to the partition plans also gave Anushilan fertile grounds to preach its cause and bring new recruits to its folds.[16][20]

Dhaka Anushilan

In November 1905, Bipin Chandra Pal along with Pramathanath Mitra, visited

Jessore, Khulna, Faridpur, Rajnagar, Rajendrapur, Mohanpur, Barvali, Bakarganj and other places. Estimates of Dhaka Anushilan Samiti's reach show a membership of between 15,000 and 20,000 members. Within another two years, Dhaka Anushilan would devolve its aims from the Swadeshi to the dedicated aim of political terrorism.[19]

Jugantar

Barindra Ghosh returned to Bengal around 1906, where he began organising volunteers movements in support of the agitations and the

Jatindranath Mukherjee, and Jadugopal Mukherjee.[21] Jugantar party embarked irrevocably on the path of political terrorism, when plans were made to assassinate in summer 1906, the Lieutenant Governor of Eastern Bengal and Assam, Sir Bampfylde Fuller
. This was the first of its planned "actions".

Political assassinations

First phase

The two branches of Anushilan engaged at this time in a number of notable incidences[

Sir Andrew Fraser. In December 1907, Dhaka Anushilan Samiti assassinated D.C. Allen, a former district magistrate of Dhaka. In 1908, the activities of Anushilan saw eleven assassinations, seven attempted assassinations and bomb explosions, and eight dacoities in western Bengal alone. The targets of these "actions" included British police officials and civil servants, native Indian police officers, approvers and public prosecutors in cases of political crime, as well as the wealthy upper-class families.[23]
Anushilan, notably from early on, established links with foreign movements and Indian nationalism abroad. In 1907
Alipore Conspiracy trial.[22] Some of its leadership were executed or incarcerated, while others went underground.[citation needed] Aurobindo Ghosh himself retired from active politics after being acquitted, his brother Barin was imprisoned for life.[26] This was followed by the Dacca Conspiracy case in 1909 which brought 44 members of the Dhaka Anushilan to trial.[27][28]
Anushilan, however, took its revenge. Nandalal Bannerjee, the officer who had arrested Kshudiram, was shot dead in 1908, followed by the assassinations of the prosecutor and the approver in the Alipore case in 1909.

Western Anushilan Samiti in the aftermath of Manicktala Conspiracy found more prominent leader in Jatindra Nath Mukherjee which emerged distinctly as the Jugantar group. Meanwhile, Rash Behari Bose extended the groups reach into north India, where he found work in the

10th Jat Regiment then garrisoned at Fort William in Calcutta. Narendra Nath carried out through this time a number of robberies to obtain funds. In the meantime, however, a second blow came in 1910 when Shamsul Alam, a Bengal Police officer then preparing a conspiracy case against the group, was assassinated by an associate of Jatindranath by the name of Biren Dutta Gupta. The assassination led to the arrests which ultimately precipitated the Howrah-Sibpur Conspiracy case.[29]

Nonetheless, the campaign by Anushilan continued. In 1911, Dhaka Anushilan shot dead two Bengali police officers, sub-inspector Raj Kumar and Inspector Man Mohan Ghosh, who had been investigating the unrest, were shot dead at

Delhi–Lahore Conspiracy, as it came to be called, culminated on 23 December 1912 when Basanta Kumar Biswas successfully bombed the Viceroy's Howdah as the ceremonial procession moved through the Chandni Chowk suburb of Delhi. Although wounded in the attempt, the Viceroy escaped with his injuries, along with Lady Hardinge, but his mahout
was killed in the attack. The following investigations uncovered Rash Behari Bose as one of the Kingpins of political extremisms, and further, brought to light the extent of coordination between the extremist cells in Punjab and Bengal.

Prelude to World War

With the clouds of war gathering in Europe, Indian nationalists at home and outside India had decided to use the event of a war with Germany towards the nationalist cause. To these plans, a number of prominent Jugantar leaders became party. Through Kishen Singh, the Bengal revolutionary cell was introduced to

Lala Har Dayal when the latter visited India in 1908.[31] Har Dayal himself was associated with the India House, a revolutionary organisation in London then under V. D. Savarkar. By 1910, Har Dayal was working closely with Rash Behari Bose.[32] Bose was a Jugantar member employed at the Forest institute at Dehradun, who worked, possibly independent of Jatin, on the revolutionary movement in UP and Punjab since October 1910.[33] The India House itself was liquidated in 1910 in the aftermath of Sir W.H. Curzon Wyllie's assassination in the hands of Madan Lal Dhingra, a member of the London group. Among the India House group who fled Britain was V. N. Chetterjee, who left for Germany. Har Dayal himself moved to San Francisco after working briefly with the Paris Indian Society. In the United States, nationalism among Indian immigrants, particularly students and working classes, was gaining grounds. Tarak Nath Das, who had left Bengal for the United States in 1907, was among the noted Indian students who engaged in political work. In California, Har Dayal's arrival bridged a gap between the intellectual agitators in the west coast and the lower classes in the Pacific coast. He emerged a leading organiser of Indian nationalism amongst the predominantly Punjabi immigrant labour workers, founding the Ghadar Movement
.

Meanwhile, in 1912, Jatin met in the company of

Benares
after the 1912 attempt on Hardinge, but he met Jatin towards the end of 1913, outlining the prospects of a pan-Indian revolution.

World War I

See also: Hindu–German Conspiracy, Ghadar Mutiny, Christmas Day Plot, and Defence of India Act 1915

In 1914 Rash Behari Bose, along with the Maharashtrian Vishnu Ganesh Pinglay and some Sikh militants, planned simultaneous troop risings in different places in February 1915. In the meantime, in Bengal the activity of Anushilan and Jugantar launched what has been described by some historians as "...a reign of terror in both the cities and the countryside..." that "...came close to achieving their key goal of paralysing the administration...". A general atmosphere of fear encompassed the police and the law courts, severely affecting the morale.[35] In the entire 1915, only six revolutionaries were successfully brought to trial. However both the February plot and a subsequent plot for December 1915 were thwarted by British intelligence. Jatin Mukherjee along with a number of fellow-revolutionaries were killed in a firefight with Policeforces at Balasore, in present-day Orissa. This effectively brought Jugantar to an end during the war. The passage of the Defence of India Act 1915 led to widespread arrest, internment, deportation and execution of members of the revolutionary movement. By March 1916 widespread arrests helped Bengal Police crush the Dhaka Anushilan Samiti in Calcutta.[36] Regulation III and Defence of India act was applied to Bengal from August 1916 on a widescale. By June 1917, 705 were under home-arrest under the act, along with 99 imprisonments under Regulation III.[36] In Bengal Revolutionary violence in Bengal plummeted in 1917.[37] After the war these powers were extended by the so-called Rowlatt Acts, the passage of which was one of the goads that led to the launching of M. K. Gandhi's Non-Co-operation Movement.

Gandhian era

Post World War I

See also:
Hindustan Republican Association

Between 1919 and 1922, the first of the noncooperation movement began with the

Calcutta Corporation, headed by Das and Subhas Chandra Bose
. Bose apparently ‘‘met with active revolutionaries and knew in a general way what they planned to do’’. Terrorists and ex-terrorists would be factors in the Bengal local-government equation from this point on.

In 1923, another Anushilan-linked group, the

Sachindranath Sanyal and Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee, and was influential in radicalising north India, it soon had branches from Calcutta to Lahore. A series of successful dacoities in UP culminated in the train robbery in Kakori
. However, the subsequent investigations and two trials broke the organization. Several years later it would be reborn as the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association.

In 1927 the Indian National Congress came out in favour of complete independence from Britain. Bengal had quieted relatively within these four years and the government released most of those interned under the Act of 1925. There was an attempt, ultimately unsuccessful, to forge a Jugantar-Anushilan alliance at this time. Some of the younger radicals struck out in new directions, while many, young and old, took part in Congress activities, such as the anti-Simon agitation of 1928. Congress leader Lala Lajpat Rai succumbed to wounds received when police broke up a Lahore protest-march in October. Bhagat Singh and other members of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association avenged his death in December. Later Bhagat Singh boldly threw a bomb into the Legislative Assembly. He and other HSRA members were arrested, and three of them attracted wide attention by going on a hunger strike in jail. Bengali bomb-maker Jatindra Nath Das persisted until his death in September 1929. The Calcutta Corporation passed a resolution of sorrow and condolence after his martyrdom, as did the Indian National Congress when Bhagat Singh was executed.

1930s

See also: Chittagong armoury raid

As

Civil Disobedience Movement also saw the most active period of revolutionary terrorism in Bengal after first world war. During 1930 alone eleven British officials were killed, notably during the Writer's Building raid of December 1930 BY Benoy Basu, Dinesh Gupta and Badal Gupta
. Three successive District Magistrates of Midnapore were assassinated and dozens of other successful actions were carried out during the first half of the decade. But this was a last flare-up before the fire was extinguished. The terrorist movement in Bengal may be said to have ended in 1934.

Through the twenties and thirties, many Anushilan members began identifying with Communism and leftist ideologies. Former Jugantar leader Narendranath Bhattacharya, now known as

Civil Disobedience Movement
, many members were won over to the party. By the end of that decade a number of left-wing parties were competing for the youth of Bengal. Most were aimed at broad-based class warfare, opposed to terrorism in principle. Those who did not join left-wing parties identified more closely with Congress. Jugantar was formally dissolved in 1938, many former members continued to act together under Surendra Mohan Ghose, who acted as a liaison between other Congress politicians and Aurobindo Ghose in Pondicherry.

Revolutionary Socialist Party

A major section of the Anushilan movement had been attracted to Marxism during the 1930s, many of them studying Marxist–Leninist literature whilst serving long jail sentences. A minority section broke away from the Anushilan movement and joined the Communist Consolidation the Marxist group of Cellular Jail, and the members later joined the Communist Party of India. The majority of the Anushilan Marxists did however, whilst having adopted Marxist–Leninist thinking, feel hesitant over joining the Communist Party.[38]

The Anushilanites distrusted the political lines formulated by the

Socialism in One Country
'.

However, although sharing some critiques against the leadership of Joseph Stalin and the Comintern, the Anushilan Marxists did not embrace Trotskyism. Buddhadeva Bhattacharya writes in 'Origins of the RSP' that the "rejection of Stalinism did not automatically mean for them [the Anushlian Samiti] acceptance of Trotskyism. Incidentally, the leninist conception of international socialist revolution is different from Trotsky's theory of Permanent Revolution which deduces the necessity of world revolution primarily from the impossibility of the numerically inferior proletariat in a semi-feudal and semi-capitalist peasant country like Russia holding power for any length of time and successfully undertaking the task of socialist construction in hand without the proletariat of the advanced countries outside the Soviet Union coming to power through an extension of sociaist revolution in these countries and coming to the aid of the proletariat of the U.S.S.R."

Anushilan Marxists adhered to the Marxist–Leninist theory of 'Permanent' or 'Continuous' Revolution. "...it is our interest and task to make the revolution permanent' declared Karl Marx as early as 1850 in course of his famous address to the Communist League, 'until all more or less possessing classes have been forced out of their position of dominance, the proletariat has conquered state power, and the association of proletarians, not only in one country but in all dominant countries of the world, has advanced so far that competition among the proletarians of these countries has ceased and that at least the decisive productive forces are concentrated in the hands of the proletarians."[41]

By the close of 1936 the Anushilan Marxists at the Deoli Detention Jail in Rajputana drafted a document formulating their political line. This document was then distributed amongst the Anushilan Marxists at other jails throughout the country. When they were collectively released in 1938 the Anushilan Marxists adopted this document, The Thesis and Platform of Action of the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist): What Revolutionary Socialism Stands for, as their political programme in September that year.[42]

At this point the Anushilan Marxists, recently released from long jail sentences, stood at a cross-roads. Either they would continue as a separate political entity or they would join an existing political platform. They felt that they lacked the resources to build a separate political party. Joining the CPI was out of the question, due to sharp differences in political analysis. Neither could they reconcile their differences with the

Royists. In the end, the Congress Socialist Party, appeared to be the sole platform acceptable for the Anushilan Marxists. The CSP had adopted Marxism in 1936 and their third conference in Faizpur
they had formulated a thesis that directed the party to work to transform the Indian National Congress into an anti-imperialist front.

During the summer of 1938 a meeting took place between

Acharya Narendra Deva. The Anushilan Marxists decided to join CSP, but keeping a separate identity within the party.[43]

In the CSP

See also: Congress Socialist Party

The great majority of the Anushilan Samiti had joined the CSP, not only the Marxist sector. The non-Marxists (who constituted about a half of the membership of the Samiti), although not ideologically attracted to the CSP, felt loyalty towards the Marxist sector. Moreover, around 25% of the HSRA joined the CSP. This group was led by Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.[citation needed]

In the end of 1938 Anushilan Marxists began publishing The Socialist from Calcutta. The editor of the journal was Satish Sarkar. Although the editorial board included several senior CSP leaders like Acharya Narendra Deva, it was essentially an organ of the Anushilan Marxist tendency. Only a handful issues were published.[44]

The Anushilan Marxists were soon to be disappointed by developments inside the CSP. The party, at that the time Anushilan Marxists had joined it, was not a homogenous entity. There was the Marxist trend led by J.P. Narayan and Narendra Deva, the

world war loomed, Bose wanted to utilise the weakening of the British empire for the sake of Indian independence. Bose was re-elected as the Congress president, defeating the Gandhian candidate. But at the same session a proposal was brought forward by Govind Ballabh Pant, through which gave Gandhi veto over the formation of the Congress Working Committee. In the Subjects Committee, the CSP opposed the resolution along with other leftwing sectors. But when the resolution was brought ahead of the open session of the Congress, the CSP leaders remained neutral. According to Subhas Chandra Bose himself, the Pant resolution would have been defeated if the CSP had opposed it in the open session. J.P. Narayan stated that although the CSP was essentially supporting Bose's leadership, they were not willing to risk the unity of the Congress. Soon after the Tripuri session the CSP organised a conference in Delhi, in which fierce criticism was directed against their 'betrayal' at Tripuri.[45]

The Anushilan Marxists had clearly supported Bose both in the presidential election as well by opposing the Pant resolution. Jogesh Chandra Chatterji renounced his CSP membership in protest against the action by the party leadership.[citation needed]

Soon after the Tripuri session, Bose resigned as Congress president and formed the

Pratul Ganguly, Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee and Acharya Narendra Deva. But few days later, at a session of the All India Congress Committee, J.P. Narayan and the other CSP leaders pledged not to start any other movements parallel to those initiated by Gandhi.[47]

One of the members Madhwi Kanchan Sinha and true follower of Ram Manohar Lohia was one of the very famous and selfless servant of the Samyukt Socialist Party [1952–1968] and went to great extends to serve people. Majorly known for his deeds and service to people in Barabanki district and Gonda district Uttar Pradesh, he made great efforts and died serving them. He could not serve the party for a longer period due to sickness and died on 13 August 1975.[citation needed]

RSPI(ML)

The Left Consolidation Committee soon fell into pieces, as the CPI, the CSP and the Royists deserted it. Bose assembled the Anti-Compromise Conference in

Bihar, now Jharkhand. The Forward Bloc, the Anushilan Marxists (still members of the CSP at the time), the Labour Party and the Kisan Sabha attended the conference. The conference spelled out that no compromise towards the Britain should be made on behalf of the Indian independence movement. At that conference the Anushilan Marxists assembled to launch their own party, the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) severing all links to the CSP. The first general secretary of the party was Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.[48]

The first War Thesis of RSP in 1940 took the called for "turning imperialist war into civil war". But after the attack by Germany on the Soviet Union, the line of the party was clarified. RSP meant that the socialist Soviet Union had to be defended, but that the best way for Indian revolutionaries to do that was to overthrow the colonial rule in their own country. RSP was in sharp opposition to groups like Communist Party of India and the Royist RDP, who meant that antifascists had to support the Allied war effort.[citation needed]

Notes and references

Notes

  1. ^ Mitra 2006, p. 63
  2. ^ Desai 2005, p. 30
  3. ^ Desai 2005, p. 125
  4. ^ Desai 2005, p. 154
  5. ^ Heehs 1992, p. 2
  6. ^ Heehs 1994, p. 534 "[Around 1881] a number of self-styled 'secret societies' were set up in Calcutta that were consciously modelled on the Carbonari and Mazzini's Young Italy Society ... They were in fact simply undergraduate clubs, long on nebulous ideals but short on action."
  7. ^ a b Bandyopadhyaya 2004, p. 260 The physical culture movement became a craze ... to develop what Swami Vivekananda had described as strong muscles and nerves of steel ... this was a psychological attempt to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalees. Their symbolic recovery of masculinity ... remained parts of a larger moral and spiritual training to achieve mastery over body, develop a national pride and a sense of social service ... founding of a gymnasium by Sarala Ghosal in Ballygunge Circular Road in Calcutta, the Atmonnoti Samiti by some central Calcutta youths and the Anushilan Samiti by Satischandra Basu.
  8. ^ Heehs 1992, p. 3
  9. ^ a b c d Heehs 1992, p. 4
  10. ^ a b c Heehs 1994, p. 536, para 2 "Aurobindo and Jatindranath met in Baroda in 1899. Both became members of a 'secret society' of Bombay with which the Maharashtrian political leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak was associated. Tilak later [made] an effort to get Aurobindo's friend Madhavrao Jadhav admitted to a military school in Russia. This plan fell through, but Madhavrao was eventually ... enrolled (possibly with Russian help) in the Swiss military academy in Bern.'"
  11. ^ a b Radhan 2002, p. 636
  12. ^ Heehs 1994, p. 536, para 1 "Aurobindo Ghose, who with Jatindranath helped to organize the first revolutionary group in Bengal with a well-thought-out programme, read widely in the history of Europe while a scholar at St Paul's School, London, and Kings College, Cambridge. Shortly after his return to India in 1893 he wrote in a Bombay newspaper ... his thesis that when men wanted a radical change of government, revolutionary action counted for much more than the sort of endless discussion that the members of the Indian National Congress engaged in."
  13. ^ Heehs 1994, p. 537 "Tilak's interest in military weaponry and training was indicative of his and Aurobindo's revolutionary programme. Neither was interested in terrorism of the sort that is usually associated with secret societies, but rather in a disciplined military uprising ... Aurobindo's idea was to prepare for 'an armed insurrection' that would consist of 'guerrilla warfare accompanied by general resistance and revolt' including, if possible, 'a general revolt of the Indian army'. The first step ... would be a work of 'revolutionary propaganda and recruiting'. Young Bengalis would be given instruction 'in activities that might be helpful for ultimate military action, such as riding, physical training, athletics of various kinds, drill and organized movement.' Aurobindo thought that this programme 'might occupy a period of 30 years before fruition'."
  14. ^ Majumdar 2005, p. 25
  15. ^ Majumdar 2005, p. 26
  16. ^ a b c d e f Heehs 1992, p. 5
  17. ^ a b c d Radhan 2002, p. 637
  18. ^ Heehs 1994, p. 539 "Okakura had been corresponding with Nivedita for several months ... If the countries of Asia stood together they would be able to free themselves more swiftly from ... Europe. During his stay in Calcutta Okakura [spoke] about his notion of a pan-Asiatic union."
  19. ^ a b Heehs 1992, p. 6
  20. ^ Bandyopadhyaya 2004, pp. 255, 258
  21. ^ Sen 2010, p. 244 Government found it difficult to suppress revolutionary activities in Bengal owing to the strong organisation of the Anushilan Samiti and ... leaders like Jatindranath Mukherjee, Rashbehari Bose and Jadugopal Mukheijee.
  22. ^ a b c Roy 1997, pp. 5–6 The first such dacoity was committed by Naren ... Around this time, revolutionaries threw a bomb-at the carriage of Mr and Mrs Kennedy ... in Muzaffarpur, under the mistaken notion that the 'notorious' Magistrate Kingsford was in the carriage. This led to the arrest of Kshudiram Bose and the discovery of the underground conspiratorial centre at Manicktala in eastern Calcutta. ... Nandalal Banerjee, an officer in the Intelligence Branch of the Bengal Police was shot dead by Naren ... This was followed by the arrest of Aurobindo, Barin and others in connection with the Alipore Conspiracy case.
  23. ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 108
  24. ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 104
  25. OCLC 254043308
    . A Bengali police officer, Nandalal Banerji was also travelling in the same compartment ... Nandalal suspected Prafulla and tried to arrest him. But Prafulla was quite alert; he put his revolver under his own chin and pulled the trigger ... This happened on the Mokama station platform on 2nd May, 1908.
  26. ^ a b Roy 1997, p. 6 Aurobihdo’s retirement from active politics after his acquittal and the long imprisonment of Barin Ghosh ... Two centres were established, one was the Sramajibi Samabaya ... and the other in the name of S.D. Harry and Sons.
  27. ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 111
  28. ^ Roy 2006, p. 105
  29. ^ Roy 1997, pp. 6–7 Shamsul Alam, an Intelligence officer who was then preparing to arrest all the revolutionaries ... was murdered by Biren Datta Gupta, one of Jatin Mukherjee's associates. This led to the arrests in the Howrah Conspiracy case.
  30. ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 114
  31. ^ Roy 1997, pp. 7–8 The group foresaw the possibility of a world war and planned to launch a guerrilla war at that time, expecting assistance from Germany. Lala Har Dayal, on his return to India in 1908, also became interested in the programme of the Bengal revolutionaries through Kissen Singh.
  32. ^ Desai 2005, p. 320
  33. ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 167
  34. ^ Terrorism in Bengal, Compiled and Edited by A.K. Samanta, Government of West Bengal, 1995, Vol. II, p625.
  35. ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 201
  36. ^ a b Popplewell 1995, p. 210
  37. ^ Bates 2007, p. 118: "Following the outbreak of war, terrorist activity in India increased ... 19 political murders between 1914 and 1915 and 32 in the year 1915 to 1916 ... After the passing of the 1915 Defence of India Act, violent political activity effectively came to an end."
  38. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 20–21
  39. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 21–25
  40. ^ Saha 2001, p. 28
  41. ^ Saha 2001, p. 34
  42. ^ Saha 2001, p. 29
  43. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 35–37
  44. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 37, 52
  45. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 38–42
  46. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 43–45
  47. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 44–46
  48. ^ Saha 2001, pp. 46–47

References

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