History of the United Kingdom during the First World War
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Timeline of the United Kingdom during the First World War |
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Timeline |
The
On the eve of war, there was serious domestic unrest amongst the labour and suffrage movements and especially in Ireland. But those conflicts were postponed. Significant sacrifices were called for in the name of defeating the Empire's enemies and many of those who could not fight contributed to philanthropic and humanitarian causes. Fearing food shortages and labour shortfalls, the government passed legislation such as the
Newspapers played an important role in maintaining popular support for the war.[6] Large quantities of propaganda were produced by the government under the guidance of such journalists as Charles Masterman and newspaper owners such as Lord Beaverbrook. By adapting to the changing demographics of the workforce (or the "dilution of labour", as it was termed), war-related industries grew rapidly, and production increased, as concessions were quickly made to trade unions.[7] In that regard, the war is also credited by some with drawing women into mainstream employment for the first time.[8] Debates continue about the impact the war had on women's emancipation, given that a large number of women were granted the vote for the first time in 1918. The experience of individual women during the war varied; much depended on locality, age, marital status and occupation.[9][10]
The civilian death rate rose due to food shortages and
Government
Asquith as prime minister
On 4 August 1914,
The strategic risk posed by German control of the Belgian and ultimately French coast was considered unacceptable. German guarantees of post-war behaviour were cast into doubt by her blasé treatment of Belgian neutrality. However, the Treaty of London had not committed Britain on her own to safeguard Belgium's neutrality. Moreover, naval war planning demonstrated that Britain herself would have violated Belgian neutrality by blockading her ports (to prevent imported goods passing to Germany) in the event of war with Germany.
Britain's duty to her Entente partners, both France and Russia, were paramount factors. The Foreign Secretary Edward Grey argued that the secret naval agreements with France created a moral obligation 'to save France from defeat by Germany. British national interest rejected German control of France, Belgium and the Netherlands. Grey warned that to abandon its allies would be a permanent disaster: if Germany won the war, or the Entente won without British support, then, either way, Britain would be left without any friends. This would have left both Britain and her Empire vulnerable to isolation.[17]
Eyre Crowe, a senior Foreign office expert said:
Should the war come, and England stand aside, one of two things must happen. (a) Either Germany and Austria win, crush France and humiliate Russia. What will be the position of a friendless England? (b) Or France and Russia win. What would be their attitude towards England? What about India and the Mediterranean?[18]: 544
Crisis of Liberal leadership
The Liberal Party might have survived a short war, but the totality of the Great War called for strong measures that the party had long rejected. The result was the permanent destruction of the ability of the Liberal Party to lead a government. Historian Robert Blake explains the dilemma:
- the Liberals were traditionally the party of freedom of speech, conscience and trade. They were against jingoism, heavy armaments and compulsion....Liberals were neither wholehearted nor unanimous about conscription, censorship, the Defence of the Realm Act, severity toward aliens and pacifists, direction of labour and industry. The Conservatives... had no such misgivings.[19]
Blake further notes that it was the Liberals, not the Conservatives who needed the moral outrage of Belgium to justify going to war, while the Conservatives called for intervention from the start of the crisis on the grounds of realpolitik and the balance of power.[20]
The British people were disappointed that there was no quick victory in the war. They had long taken great pride and expense in the Royal Navy, but now there was little to cheer about. The Battle of Jutland in May 1916 was the first and only time the German fleet challenged control of the North Sea, but it was overmatched and was reassigned mostly to helping the more important U-boats. Since the Liberals ran the war without consulting the Unionists (Conservatives) there were heavy partisan attacks. However even Liberal commentators were dismayed by the lack of energy at the top. At the time public opinion was intensely hostile, both in the media and in the street, against any young man in civilian garb and labeled as a slacker. The leading Liberal newspaper, the Manchester Guardian complained:
- The fact that the Government has not dared to challenge the nation to rise above itself, is one among many signs... The war is, in fact, not being taken seriously.... How can any slacker be blamed when the Government itself is slack.[21]
Asquith's Liberal government was brought down in May 1915, due in particular to a
- The Unionists, by and large, regarded Germany as a dangerous rival, and rejoiced at the chance to destroy her. They meant to fight a hard-headed war by ruthless methods; the condemned Liberal 'softness' before the war and now. The Liberals insisted on remaining high-minded. Many of them come to support the war only when the Germans invaded Belgium....Entering the war for idealistic motives, the Liberals wish to fight it by noble means and found it harder to abandon their principles than to endure your defeat in the field.
Lloyd George as prime minister
This coalition government lasted until 1916, when the Unionists became dissatisfied with Asquith and the Liberals' conduct of affairs, particularly over the
Lloyd George immediately set about transforming the British war effort, taking firm control of both military and domestic policy.
In rapid succession in spring 1918 came a series of military and political crises.[30] The Germans, having moved troops from the Eastern front and retrained them in new tactics, now had more soldiers on the Western Front than the Allies. On 21 March 1918 Germany launched a full scale Spring Offensive against the British and French lines, hoping for victory on the battlefield before United States troops arrived in large numbers. The Allied armies fell back 40 miles in confusion, and facing defeat London realized it needed more troops to fight a mobile war. Lloyd George found half a million soldiers and rushed them to France, asked American President Woodrow Wilson for immediate help, and agreed to the appointment of the French General Foch as commander in chief on the Western Front, so that Allied forces could be coordinated to handle the German offensive.[31]
Despite strong warnings that it was a bad idea, the War Cabinet
On 7 May 1918, a senior army officer on active duty, Major-General
Historian George H. Cassar has evaluated Lloyd George's legacy as a war leader:
- After all that has been said and done, what are we to make of Lloyd George’s legacy as a war leader? On the home front he achieved varied results in tackling difficult, and in some instances, unprecedented problems. It would be hard to have improved on his dealings with labour and the program to increase homegrown food, but in the sectors of manpower, price control and food distribution he adopted the same approach as his predecessor, taking action only in response to the changing nature of the conflict. In the vital area of national morale, while he did not have the technical advantages of Churchill, his personal conduct damaged his ability to do more to inspire the nation. All things considered, it is unlikely that any of his political contemporaries could have handled matters at home as effectively as he did, although it can be argued that if someone else had been in charge, the difference would not have been sufficient to change the final outcome. In his conduct of the war he did advance the cause of the Entente significantly in some ways, but in determining strategy, one of the most important tasks for which a prime minister must be responsible, he was undeniably a failure. To sum up, while Lloyd George's contributions outweighed his mistakes, the margin is too narrow, in my opinion, to include him In the pantheon of Britain's outstanding war leaders.[37]
Collapse of the Liberal Party
In the
Finance
Before the war, the government spent 13 percent of
Monarchy
The
On 17 July 1917, to appease British nationalist feelings, King George issued an
Developments in Russia posed another set of issues for the monarchy.
The Prince of Wales – the future Edward VIII – was keen to participate in the war but the government refused to allow it, citing the immense harm that would occur if the heir to the throne were captured.[53] Despite this, Edward witnessed trench warfare at first hand and attempted to visit the front line as often as he could, for which he was awarded the Military Cross in 1916. His role in the war, although limited, led to his great popularity among veterans of the conflict.[54][55]
Other members of the royal family were similarly involved. The Duke of York (later
Defence of the Realm Act
The first Defence of the Realm Act (DORA) was passed on 8 August 1914, during the early weeks of the war,
Internment
The Aliens Restriction Act, passed on 5 August, required all foreign nationals to register with the police, and by 9 September just under 67,000 German, Austrian and Hungarian nationals had done so.[68][69] Citizens of enemy states were subject to restrictions on travel, possession of equipment that might be used for espionage, and residence in areas likely to be invaded.[70] The government was reluctant to impose widespread internment. It rescinded a military decision of 7 August 1914 to intern all nationals of enemy states between the ages of 17 and 42, and focussed instead only on those suspected of being a threat to national security. By September, 10,500 aliens were being held, but between November 1914 and April 1915 few arrests were made and thousands of internees were actually released. Public anti-German sentiment, which had been building since October following reports of German atrocities in Belgium, peaked after the sinking of the RMS Lusitania on 7 May 1915. The incident prompted a week of rioting across the country, during which virtually every German-owned shop had its windows smashed. The reaction forced the government to implement a tougher policy on internment, as much for the aliens own safety as for the security of the country. All non-naturalised enemy nationals of military age were to be interned, while those over military age were to be repatriated, and by 1917 only a small number of enemy nationals were still residing at liberty.[71][72][73]
Armed forces
Army
The
The Royal Navy at the start of the war was the largest navy in the world due, for the most part, to the
The major part of the
In 1914, the navy had also formed the 63rd (Royal Naval) Division from reservists, and this served extensively in the Mediterranean and on the Western Front.[77] Almost half of the Royal Navy casualties during the War were sustained by this division, fighting on land and not at sea.[77]
British air services
At the start of the war, the Royal Flying Corps (RFC), commanded by
Recruitment and conscription
Particularly in the early stages of the war, many men, for a wide variety of reasons, decided to "join up" to the armed forces—by 5 September 1914, over 225,000 had signed up to fight for what became known as Kitchener's Army.
Recruitment remained fairly steady through 1914 and early 1915, but fell dramatically during the later years, especially after the Somme campaign, which resulted in 500,000 casualties. As a result,
Urban centres, with their poverty and unemployment were favourite recruiting grounds of the regular British army. Dundee, where the female dominated jute industry limited male employment had one of the highest proportion of reservists and serving soldiers than almost any other British city.[84] Concern for their families' standard of living made men hesitate to enlist; voluntary enlistment rates went up after the government guaranteed a weekly stipend for life to the survivors of men who were killed or disabled.[85] After the introduction of conscription from January 1916, every region of the country, outside of Ireland, was affected.
The policy of relying on volunteers had sharply reduced the capacity of heavy industry to produce the munitions needed for the war. Historian R. J. Q. Adams reports that 19% of the men in the iron and steel industry entered the Army, 22% of the miners, 20% in the engineering trades, 24% in the electrical industries, 16% among small arms craftsmen, and 24% of the men who had been engaged in making high explosives.[86] In response critical industries were prioritised over the army ("reserved occupations"), including munitions, food production and merchant shipping.[81]
Conscription Crisis of 1918
In April 1918 legislation was brought forward which allowed for extension of conscription to Ireland.
Conscientious objectors
External audio | |
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Voices from the Walls – Richmond Castle's Conscientious Objectors, Speaking with Shadows, published by English Heritage, retrieved 2 December 2019 |
The conscription legislation introduced the right to refuse military service, allowing for conscientious objectors to be absolutely exempted, to perform alternative
At the start of the First World War, for the first time since the
The Raid on Yarmouth, which took place in November 1914, was an attack by the German Navy on the British North Sea port and town of Great Yarmouth. Little damage was done to the town itself, since shells only landed on the beach once German ships laying mines offshore were interrupted by British destroyers. One British submarine was sunk by a mine as it attempted to leave harbour and attack the German ships, while one German armoured cruiser was sunk after striking two mines outside its own home port.[94]
In December 1914, the German navy carried out attacks on the British coastal towns of Scarborough, Hartlepool and Whitby. The attack resulted in 137 fatalities and 593 casualties,[95] many of which were civilians. The attack made the German navy very unpopular with the British public, as an attack against British civilians in their homes. Likewise, the British Royal Navy was criticised for failing to prevent the raid.[96][97]
Bombardment of Yarmouth and Lowestoft
In April 1916 a German battlecruiser squadron with accompanying cruisers and destroyers bombarded the coastal ports of Yarmouth and Lowestoft. Although the ports had some military importance, the main aim of the raid was to entice out defending ships which could then be picked off either by the battlecruiser squadron or by the full High Seas Fleet, which was stationed at sea ready to intervene if an opportunity presented itself. The result was inconclusive: nearby Royal Navy units were too small to intervene so largely kept clear of the German battlecruisers, and the German ships withdrew before the first British fast response battlecruiser squadron or the Grand Fleet could arrive.[98]
Air raids
German zeppelins bombed towns on the east coast, starting on 19 January 1915 with Great Yarmouth.[99] London was also hit later in the same year, on 31 May.[99] Propaganda supporting the British war effort often used these raids to their advantage: one recruitment poster claimed: "It is far better to face the bullets than to be killed at home by a bomb" (see image). The reaction from the public, however, was mixed; whilst 10,000 visited Scarborough to view the damage there, London theatres reported having fewer visitors during periods of "Zeppelin weather"—dark, fine nights.[99]
Throughout 1917
Media
Propaganda
Propaganda and censorship were closely linked during the war.
- Crowded audiences ... were interested and thrilled to have the realities of war brought so vividly before them, and if women had sometimes to shut their eyes to escape for a moment from the tragedy of the toll of battle which the film presents, opinion seems to be general that it was wise that the people at home should have this glimpse of what our soldiers are doing and daring and suffering in Picardy.[106]
The media—including the press, film, posters and billboards—were called to arms as propaganda for the masses. The manipulators favoured upper-and middle-class authoritative characters to educate the masses. At the time cinema audience were largely working class blokes. By contrast in World War Two, equality was a theme and class differentials were downplayed.[107]
Newspapers
Newspapers during the war were subject to the Defence of the Realm Act, which eventually had two regulations restricting what they could publish:
The most popular papers of the period included dailies such as
News magazines
The public's thirst for news and information was in part satisfied by
Motion pictures
The 1916 British film The Battle of the Somme, by two official cinematographers, Geoffrey Malins and John McDowell, combined documentary and propaganda, seeking to give the public an impression of what trench warfare was like. Much of the film was shot on location at the Western Front in France; it had a powerful emotional impact. It was watched by some 20 million people in Britain in its six weeks of exhibition, making it what the critic Francine Stock called "one of the most successful films of all time".[116][117]
Music
On 13 August 1914, the Irish regiment the Connaught Rangers were witnessed singing "It's a Long Way to Tipperary" as they marched through Boulogne by the Daily Mail correspondent George Curnock, who reported the event in that newspaper on 18 August 1914. The song was then picked up by other units of the British Army. In November 1914, it was sung in a pantomime by the well-known music hall singer Florrie Forde, which helped contribute to its worldwide popularity.[118] Another song from 1916, which became very popular as a music hall and
War poems
There was also a notable group of
Economy
On the whole the British successfully managed the economics of the war. There had been no prewar plan for mobilization of economic resources. Controls were imposed slowly, as one urgent need followed another.[122] With the City of London the world's financial capital, it was possible to handle finances smoothly; in all Britain spent 4 million pounds everyday on the war effort.[123]
The economy (in terms of GDP) grew about 14% from 1914 to 1918 despite the absence of so many men in the services; by contrast the German economy shrank 27%. The War saw a decline of civilian consumption, with a major reallocation to munitions. The government share of GDP soared from 8% in 1913 to 38% in 1918 (compared to 50% in 1943).[124][125] The war forced Britain to use up its financial reserves and borrow large sums from private and government creditors in the United States.[126] Shipments of American raw materials and food allowed Britain to feed itself and its army while maintaining productivity. The financing was generally successful,[127] as London's strong financial position minimized the damaging effects of inflation, as opposed to much worse conditions in Germany.[128] Overall consumer consumption declined 18% from 1914 to 1919.[129] Women were available and many entered munitions factories and took other home front jobs vacated by men.[130][131]
Scotland specialized in providing manpower, ships, machinery, food (particularly fish) and money. Its shipbuilding industry expanding by a third.[132]
Rationing
In line with its "business as usual" policy, the government was initially reluctant to try to control the food markets.
In January 1917, Germany started using
Industry
Total British production fell by ten percent over the course of the war; there were, however, increases in certain industries such as steel.
The Government's policy, according to historian and Conservative politician
- No private interest was to be permitted to obstruct the service, or imperil the safety, of the State. Trade Union regulations must be suspended; employers' profits must be limited, skilled men must fight, if not in the trenches, in the factories; man-power must be economized by the dilution of labour and the employment of women; private factories must pass under the control of the State, and new national factories be set up. Results justified the new policy: the output was prodigious; the goods were at last delivered.[139]
By April 1915, just two million rounds of shells had been sent to France; by the end of the war the figure had reached 187 million,[140] and a year's worth of pre-war production of light munitions could be completed in just four days by 1918. Aircraft production in 1914 provided employment for 60,000 men and women; by 1918 British firms employed over 347,000.[7]
Labour
Industrial production of munitions was a central feature of the war, and with a third of the men in the labour force moved into the military, demand was very high for industrial labour. Large numbers of women were employed temporarily.[141] Most trade unions gave strong support to the war effort, cutting back on strikes and restrictive practices. However the coal miners and engineers were less enthusiastic.[142] Trade unions were encouraged as membership grew from 4.1 million in 1914 to 6.5 million in 1918, peaking at 8.3 million in 1920 before relapsing to 5.4 million in 1923.[143] In 1914, 65% of union members had been associated with the Trades Union Congress (TUC) rising to 77% in 1920. Women were grudgingly admitted to the trade unions. Looking at a union of unskilled workers, Cathy Hunt concludes its regard for women workers, "was at best inconsistent and at worst aimed almost entirely at improving and protecting working conditions for its male members."[144] Labour's prestige had never been higher, and it systematically placed its leaders into Parliament.[145]
The Munitions of War Act 1915 followed the Shell Crisis of 1915 when supplies of material to the front became a political issue. The Act forbade strikes and lockouts and replaced them with compulsory arbitration. It set up a system of controlling war industries, and established munitions tribunals that were special courts to enforce good working practices. It suspended, for the duration, restrictive practices by trade unions. It tried to control labour mobility between jobs. The courts ruled the definition of munitions was broad enough to include textile workers and dock workers. The 1915 act was repealed in 1919, but similar legislation took effect during the Second World War.[146][147][148]
It was only as late as December 1917 that a War Cabinet Committee on Manpower was established, and the British government refrained from introducing compulsory labour direction (though 388 men were moved as part of the voluntary National Service Scheme). Belgian refugees became workers, though they were often seen as "job stealers". Likewise, the use of Irish workers, because they were exempt from conscription, was another source of resentment.[149] Worried about the impact of the dilution of labour caused by bringing external groups into the main labour pool, workers in some areas turned to strike action. The efficiency of major industries improved markedly during the war. For example, the Singer Clydebank sewing machine factory received over 5000 government contracts, and made 303 million artillery shells, shell components, fuzes, and airplane parts, as well as grenades, rifle parts, and 361,000 horseshoes. Its labour force of 14,000 was about 70 percent female at war's end.[150]
Energy
Energy was a critical factor for the British war effort. Most of the energy supplies came from coal mines in Britain, where the issue was labour supply. Critical however was the flow of oil for ships, lorries and industrial use. There were no oil wells in Britain so everything was imported. The U.S. pumped two-thirds of the world's oil. In 1917, total British consumption was 827 million barrels, of which 85 percent was supplied by the United States, and 6 percent by Mexico.[151] The great issue in 1917 was how many tankers would survive the German U-boats. Convoys and the construction of new tankers solved the German threat, while tight government controls guaranteed that all essential needs were covered. An Inter-Allied Petroleum Conference allocated American supplies to Britain, France and Italy.[152]
Fuel oil for the Royal Navy was the highest priority. In 1917, the Royal Navy consumed 12,500 tons a month, but had a supply of 30,000 tons a month from the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, using their oil wells in Persia.[153]
Social change
Variously throughout the war, serious shortage of able-bodied men ("manpower") occurred in the country, and women were required to take on many of the traditional male roles, particularly in the area of arms manufacture; though this was only significant in the later years of the war, since unemployed men were often prioritised by employers.
When the government targeted women early in the war focused on extending their existing roles – helping with Belgian refugees, for example—but also on improving recruitment rates amongst men. They did this both through the so-called "Order of the White Feather" and through the promise of home comforts for the men while they were at the front. In February 1916, groups were set up and a campaign started to get women to help in agriculture and in March 1917, the Women's Land Army was set up. One goal was to attract middle-class women who would act as models for patriotic engagement in nontraditional duties. However the uniform of the Women's Land Army included male overalls and trousers, which sparked debate on the propriety of such cross-dressing. The government responded with rhetoric that explicitly feminized the new roles.[155] In 1918, the Board of Trade estimated that there were 148,000 women in agricultural employment, though a figure of nearly 260,000 has also been suggested.[8]
The war also caused a split in the
Following the war, millions of returning soldiers were still not entitled to vote.[157] This posed another dilemma for politicians since they could be seen to be withholding the vote from the very men who had just fought to preserve the British democratic political system. The Representation of the People Act 1918 attempted to solve the problem, enfranchising all adult males as long as they were over 21 years old and were resident householders.[157] It also gave the vote to women over 30 who met minimum property qualifications. The enfranchisement of this latter group was accepted as recognition of the contribution made by women defence workers,[157] though the actual feelings of members of parliament (MPs) at the time is questioned.[8] In the same year the Parliament (Qualification of Women) Act 1918 allowed women over 21 to stand as MPs.[158]
The new coalition government of 1918 charged itself with the task of creating a "land fit for heroes", from a speech given in Wolverhampton by David Lloyd George on 23 November 1918, where he stated "What is our task? To make Britain a fit country for heroes to live in."[159] More generally, the war has been credited, both during and after the conflict, with removing some of the social barriers that had pervaded Victorian and Edwardian Britain.[2]
Regional conditions
Stephen Badsey argues that in 1914, Great Britain (excluding Ireland) was the most homogeneous and settled society of any of the major powers. He states that the population was almost entirely literate and first language English Speakers. Christianity was almost universal and religious discrimination limited. The distinctive cultural identity of Scotland and Wales accepted but often passed over in the language of the time. He also argues that:[160]
This homogeneity was strengthened rather than weakened by a marked parochialism and regionalism, of which the Scots and Welsh identities were only the most prominent, with most people looking to their local rather than national leaders, including local business, religious, and trade union representatives.
The War had a profound influence upon rural areas, as the U-boat blockade required the government to take full control of the food chain, as well as agricultural labour. Cereal production was a high priority, and the Corn Production Act 1917 guaranteed prices, regulated wage rates, and required farmers to meet efficiency standards. The government campaigned heavily for turning marginal land into cropland.[161][162][163] The Women's Land Army brought in 23,000 young women from the towns and cities to milk cows, pick fruit and otherwise replace the men who joined the services.[164] More extensive use of tractors and machinery also replaced farm labourers. However, there was a shortage of both men and horses on the land by late 1915. County War Agricultural Executive Committees reported that the continued removal of men was undercutting food production because of the farmers' belief that operating a farm required a set number of men and horses.[165]
Kenneth Morgan argues that, "the overwhelming mass of the Welsh people cast aside their political and industrial divisions and threw themselves into the war with gusto." Intellectuals and ministers actively promoted the war spirit.[166] Initially, early recruitment rates were somewhat lower than in urban areas of England with smaller populations.[167] Later, with 280,000 men enrolled in the services (14% of the population), the proportionate effort in Wales outstripped both England and Scotland.[166] Adrian Gregory points out that the Welsh coal miners, while officially supporting the war effort, refused the government request to cut short their holiday time. After some debate, the miners agreed to extend the working day.[168]
Scotland's distinctive characteristics have attracted significant attention from scholars.[169] Daniel Coetzee shows it supported the war effort with widespread enthusiasm.[170] It especially provided manpower, ships, machinery, food (particularly fish) and money, engaging with the conflict with some enthusiasm.[171] With a population of 4.8 million in 1911, Scotland sent 690,000 men to the war, of whom 74,000 died in combat or from disease, and 150,000 were seriously wounded.[172][173] Scottish urban centres, with their poverty and unemployment were favourite recruiting grounds of the regular British army, and Dundee, where the female dominated jute industry limited male employment had one of the highest proportion of reservists and serving soldiers than almost any other British city.[174] Concern for their families' standard of living made men hesitate to enlist; voluntary enlistment rates went up after the government guaranteed a weekly stipend for life to the survivors of men who were killed or disabled.[175] After the introduction of conscription from January 1916 every part of the country was affected. Occasionally Scottish troops made up large proportions of the active combatants, and suffered corresponding loses, as at the Battle of Loos, where there were three full Scots divisions and other Scottish units.[84] Thus, although Scots were only 10 per cent of the British population, they made up 15 per cent of the national armed forces and eventually accounted for 20 per cent of the dead.[176] Some areas, like the thinly populated Island of Lewis and Harris suffered some of the highest proportional losses of any part of Britain.[84] Clydeside shipyards and the nearby engineering shops were the major centers of war industry in Scotland. In Glasgow, radical agitation led to industrial and political unrest that continued after the war ended.[177]
Casualties
In the post war publication Statistics of the Military Effort of the British Empire During the Great War 1914–1920 (
A second publication, Casualties and Medical Statistics (1931), the final volume of the Official Medical History of the War, gives British Empire Army losses by cause of death.[12] The total losses in combat from 1914 to 1918 were 876,084, which included 418,361 killed, 167,172 died of wounds, 113,173 died of disease or injury, 161,046 missing presumed dead and 16,332 died as a prisoner of war.[12]
The Commonwealth War Graves Commission lists 888,246 imperial war dead (excluding the dominions, which are listed separately). This figure includes identified burials and those commemorated by name on memorials; there are an additional 187,644 unidentified burials from the Empire as a whole.[178]
The civilian death rate exceeded the prewar level by 292,000, which included 109,000 deaths due to food shortages and 183,577 from Spanish flu.[11] The 1922 War Office report detailed the deaths of 1,260 civilians and 310 military personnel due to air and sea bombardment the home islands.[179] Losses at sea were 908 civilians and 63 fisherman killed by U-boat attacks.[180]
With a population of 4.8 million in 1911, Scotland sent 690,000 men to the war, of whom 74,000 died in combat or from disease, and 150,000 were seriously wounded.[172][173] At times Scottish troops made up large proportions of the active combatants, and suffered corresponding losses, as at the Battle of Loos, where there were three full Scots divisions and other Scottish units.[84] Thus, although Scots were only 10 per cent of the British population, they made up 15 per cent of the national armed forces and eventually accounted for 20 per cent of the dead.[176] Some areas, like the thinly populated Island of Lewis and Harris suffered some of the highest proportional losses of any part of Britain.[84] Clydeside shipyards and the engineering shops of west-central Scotland became the most significant centre of shipbuilding and arms production in the Empire. In the Lowlands, particularly Glasgow, poor working and living conditions led to industrial and political unrest.[176]
Legacy and memory
Immediate aftermath
Images of trench warfare became iconic symbols of human suffering and endurance. The post-war world had many veterans who were maimed or damaged by shell shock. In 1921 1,187,450 men were in receipt of pensions for war disabilities, with a fifth of these having suffered serious loss of limbs or eyesight, paralysis or lunacy.[181]
The war was a major economic catastrophe as Britain went from being the world's largest overseas investor to being its biggest debtor, with interest payments consuming around 40 percent of the national budget.
Less concrete changes include the growing assertiveness of the
Further change came in 1919. With the
Longterm memory
The horrors of the Western Front as well as Gallipoli and Mesopotamia were seared into the collective consciousness of the twentieth century. To a large extent the understanding of the war in popular culture focused on the first day of the Battle of the Somme. Historian A. J. P. Taylor argued, "The Somme set the picture by which future generations saw the First World War: brave helpless soldiers; blundering obstinate generals; nothing achieved."[190] A similar view of the cultural legacy of the war has been argued by historian Adrian Gregory;
- "The verdict of popular culture is more or less unanimous. The First World War was stupid, tragic and futile. The stupidity of the war has been a theme of growing strength since the 1920s. From Robert Graves, through 'Oh! What a Lovely War' to 'Blackadder Goes Forth,' the criminal idiocy of the British High Command has become an article of faith."[191]
However, many historians don't believe this view of the conflict is correct. Arguing instead that the Central Powers were the primary aggressors and that Germany was a threat to Britain and Europe.[192]
Polling conducted by Yougov in 2014 suggested that 58% of modern British adults believed the Central powers were primarily responsible for the outbreak of the First World War, 3% the Triple Entente (the major countries in each group were listed), 17% both sides and 3% said they didn't know. 52% believed generals had failed British soldiers, 17% believed they had done as well as they could whilst 30% said they didn't know or believed neither statement. 40% believed the conflict was a Just War from a British perspective whilst 27% believed there was no difference between the participants. 34% believed Britain's participation in the First World War was something to be proud of whilst 15% believed it was something to regret.[193] A report produced on commemorations of the conflict by a think tank which had conducted research into public attitudes to the subject in 2013 argued that public knowledge of the First World War was quite limited;[194]
Over half of men – 58% – knew that the
Kaiser Wilhelm II. As British Future’s research groups also discovered, many find it difficult to distinguish between the first and second world wars. A clear indication of this came when people were asked “the invasion of which territory sparked Britain’s declaration of war?”. While nearly one in five answered Poland, the second most popular answer after “don’t know”, only 13% correctly identified Belgium. While the conflation of the two wars may excuse some of the answers given, it appears that lack of knowledge is the key factor. This is most telling when respondents were asked whether particular countries were Britain’s allies or enemies during the war, or whether they were neutral. While we may expect people to struggle with countries like Bulgaria or Japan, there is a certain folklore to Britain’s relationship with Germany. Despite this, a mere 81% identified Germany as an enemy during the first world war, falling to three quarters (75%) of women and just over two thirds (69%) of 18–24-year-olds. The consequences of the war for the homefront were no clearer for most of those polled. Only 13% correctly identified 1916 as the year conscription was introduced, while fewer than one in 10 – just 7% – knew that women were first entitled to votein 1918.
See also
- Diplomatic history of World War I
- British home army in the First World War
- Imperial German plans for the invasion of the United Kingdom
- Opposition to World War I
- The Women's Peace Crusade
- British Land Units of the First World War
References
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It shall be lawful for the competent naval or military authority ... (a) to take possession of any land ... (b) to take possession of any buildings or other property
{{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ FitzRoy, Almeric William, Clerk of the Privy Council (14 August 1914). "Part 2: Regulations specially designed to prevent persons communicating with the enemy ..." (PDF). The London Gazette. No. 28870. p. 4. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 June 2011. Retrieved 24 August 2009.
No person shall trespass on any railway, or loiter under or near any bridge, viaduct, or culvert, over which a railway passes.
{{cite news}}
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- ^ FitzRoy, Almeric William, Clerk of the Privy Council (14 August 1914). "Part 2: Regulations specially designed to prevent persons communicating with the enemy ..." (PDF). The London Gazette. No. 28870. p. 4. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 June 2011. Retrieved 24 August 2009.
No person shall ... communicate any information with respect to the movement or disposition of any of the forces, ships, or war materials ... or with respect to the plans of any naval or military operations
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- ^ Pearsall
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- ^ a b Taylor (2001), p 116
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- ^ a b "Espionage, propaganda and censorship". National Archives. Retrieved 17 May 2009.
- ^ D. G. Wright, "The Great War, Government Propaganda and English 'Men Of Letters' 1914–16." Literature and History 7 (1978): 70+.
- ^ 'War's Realities on the Cinema', The Times, London, 22 August 1916, p 3
- ^ Stella Hockenhull, "Everybody’s business: Film, food and victory in the first world war." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 35.4 (2015): 579-595. online
- ^ a b c Paddock (2004), p 22
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- ^ "War Weeklies". Time. 25 September 1939. Archived from the original on 5 January 2013. Retrieved 12 June 2009.
- ISBN 978-0-90162-794-0. Archived from the original(PDF) on 1 August 2011. Retrieved 14 July 2021.
- ^ Stock, Francine. "Why was the Battle of the Somme film bigger than Star Wars?". BBC. Retrieved 29 June 2016.
- ^ Cryer (2009), p 188
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- ^ The Times on 21 September 1914.
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- ^ William Ashworth, An Economic History of England, 1870–1939 (1960) pp 265–84.
- ^ Tom Kington (13 October 2009). "Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini". The Guardian.
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- ^ Niall Ferguson, The Pity of War (1998) p 249
- ^ Steven Lobell, "The Political Economy of War Mobilization: From Britain's Limited Liability to a Continental Commitment," International Politics (2006) 43#3 pp 283–304
- ^ M. J. Daunton, "How to Pay for the War: State, Society and Taxation in Britain, 1917–24," English Historical Review (1996) 111# 443 pp. 882–919 in JSTOR
- ^ T. Balderston, "War finance and inflation in Britain and Germany, 1914–1918," Economic History Review (1989) 42#2 p p 222–244. in JSTOR
- ^ B.R. Mitchell, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (1962) p 371
- ^ Gail Braybon, Women Workers in the First World War: The British Experience (1990)
- ^ G. R. Searle, A New England?: Peace and War, 1886–1918 (OUP, 2005) pp. 777–793.
- ISBN 9780521728836.
- ISBN 9781136931864.
- ^ Condell & Liddiard (1987), p 18
- ^ Morrow (2005), p 202
- ^ Palmer (1992), pp 355–356
- ^ Peter Fraser, "The British 'Shells Scandal' of 1915." Canadian Journal of History 18.1 (1983): 69-86.
- ^ Bentley Gilbert, David Lloyd George: Organizer of Victory 1912–1916 (1992), pp 209–50
- J. A. R. Marriott, Modern England: 1885–1945 (4th ed. 1948) p. 376
- ^ "The war and the changing face of British society". The National Archives. Retrieved 16 May 2009.
- ^ John N. Horne, Labour at war: France and Britain, 1914–1918 (1991).
- ^ G. R. Searle, A New England?: Peace and War, 1886–1918 (2005) pp. 819–821
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- ^ Cathy Hunt, "'Her Heart and Soul were with The Labour Movement': Using a Local Study to Highlight the Work Of Women Organizers Employed by the Workers' Union in Britain From the First World War to 1931." Labour History Review 70.2 (2005): 167–184, quote p 180.
- ^ David Swift, "Patriotic labour in the era of the great war" (PhD. Dissertation University of Central Lancashire, 2014) online Detailed bibliography on pp 220–35.
- ^ F. M. Leventhal, ed. Twentieth-Century Britain: An Encyclopedia (1995) p 78-80.
- ^ Beckett (2007), p 369
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- ^ Beckett (2007), p 366
- ^ Robert Bruce Davies, Peacefully working to conquer the world (Arno Press, 1976) p 170
- ^ Harold F. Williamson, The American Petroleum Industry: the Age of Energy 1899–1959 (1963) 2:267
- ^ Daniel Yergin, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power (1991) pp 176–77
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- ^ a b Joanna Bourke. "Women on the Home Front in World War One". Retrieved 13 May 2009.
- ^ Susan R. Grayzel, "Nostalgia, Gender, and The Countryside: Placing the 'Land Girl' in First World War Britain," Rural History (1999) 10#2 pp 155–170.
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- ^ The Times, 25 November 1918.
- ^ Badsey, Stephen (9 March 2017). "Great Britain | International Encyclopedia of the First World War (WW1)". encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net. Retrieved 25 November 2022.
- ^ Pamela Horn, Rural Life in England in the First World War (St. Martin's Press, 1984)
- ^ Peter E. Dewey, "British Farming Profits and Government Policy During the First World War." Economic History Review (1984) 37#3 pp: 373–390.
- ^ Peter E. Dewey, British Agriculture in the First World War (1989)
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- ISBN 9781107650862. ch 1
- ^ C. M. M. Macdonald and E. W. McFarland, eds, Scotland and the Great War (Edinburgh: Tuckwell Press, 1999)
- ^ Daniel Coetzee, "Measures of enthusiasm: new avenues in quantifying variations in voluntary enlistment in Scotland, August 1914 – December 1915", Local Population Studies, Spring 2005, Issue 74, pp. 16–35.
- ^ D. Daniel, "Measures of enthusiasm: new avenues in quantifying variations in voluntary enlistment in Scotland, August 1914-December 1915", Local Population Studies, Spring 2005, Issue 74, pp. 16–35.
- ^ a b I. F. W. Beckett and K. R. Simpson, eds. A Nation in Arms: a Social Study of the British Army in the First World War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985) p. 11.
- ^ a b R. A. Houston and W. W. Knox, eds, The New Penguin History of Scotland (London: Penguin, 2001), p. 426.
- ^ B. Lenman and J., Mackie, A History of Scotland (London: Penguin, 1991)
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- ^ a b c J. Buchanan, Scotland (Langenscheidt, 3rd edn., 2003), p. 49.
- ^ Bruce Lenman, An Economic History of Modern Scotland: 1660–1976 (1977) pp 206–14
- ^ Commonwealth War Graves Commission Annual Report 2010-2011, page 45.
- ^ Gilbert (1994), pp 674–678
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- ^ a b Beaumont (1995), pp 125–148
- ^ Hennessey (1998), p 220
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- ^ Olson (1996), p 658
- ISBN 9781139434096.
- ISBN 9781107650862.
- ^ Shield, Gary (8 August 2013). "The Great War was a Just War | History Today". www.historytoday.com. Retrieved 18 August 2022.
She was responding to the journalist and historian Max Hastings, who had stated that most historians held Germany and Austria-Hungary primarily responsible for the outbreak of the First World War. While recently there has been an attempt to spread the blame, particularly by pinning responsibility on Russia, this indeed remains the mainstream position among serious historians. In the debate over war guilt, what happened next is often ignored. However the conflict started, Germany took full advantage to carry out a war of conquest and aggression. Britain's First World War was a war of national survival, a defensive conflict fought at huge cost against an aggressive enemy bent on achieving hegemony in Europe.
- ^ "YouGov Survey Results" (PDF). January 2014.
- ^ "Do mention the war: Will 1914 matter in 2014?" (PDF).
External links
- Articles relating to Great Britain and Ireland at 1914–1918 Online: International Encyclopedia of the First World War
- Badsey, Stephen: Great Britain
- Johnson, Matthew: Governments, Parliaments and Parties (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Wrigley, Chris: Labour, Labour Movements, Trade Unions and Strikes (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Pennell, Catriona: Making Sense of the War (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Monger, David: Press/Journalism (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Noakes, Lucy: Women's Mobilization for War (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Monger, David: Propaganda at Home (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Meyer, Jessica: Subjectivity and Emotions (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Millman, Brock: War Aims and War Aims Discussions (Great Britain and Ireland)
- Horn, Martin: War Finance (Great Britain and Ireland)
- First World War > British Home Front article index at Spartacus Educational
- Sheffield City Council Archives & Local Studies: "World War I in Sheffield" — research guide links.
Further reading
Surveys
- Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed. 1922) comprises the 11th edition plus three new volumes 30-31-32 that cover events since 1911 with very thorough coverage of the war as well as every country and colony. Included also in 13th edition (1926) partly online
- Beckett, Ian F.W. (2007). The Great War (2 ed.). Pearson Longman. ISBN 978-1-4058-1252-8.
- Beckett, Ian F. W. (2006). Home Front, 1914–1918: How Britain Survived the Great War. Kew: The National Archives. ISBN 978-1-903365-81-6.
- Chandler, David (2003). The Oxford History of the British Army. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280311-5.
- The Cambridge History of the First World War Volume 3: Civil Society (2014) online Archived 20 August 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- ISBN 978-0-14-027523-0.
- Gilbert, Martin (1994). Atlas of World War I. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-521077-4.
- Havighurst, Alfred F. Modern England, 1901–1984 (2nd ed. 1987)
- Marriott, J. A. R. Modern England, 1885-1945 A History Of My Own Times (4th ed. 1949) pp 347–456 online
- ISBN 978-0-224-04092-1.
- Medlicott, W. N. Contemporary England 1914–1964 (1967), emphasis on politics and foreign policy
- Mitchell, T.J. (1931). Casualties and Medical Statistics of the Great War. London: Reprinted by Battery Press (1997). ISBN 978-0-89839-263-0.
- Palmer, Alan; Palmer, Veronica (1992). The Chronology of British History. London: Century Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7126-5616-0.
- Searle, G. R. A New England?: Peace and War, 1886-1918 (New Oxford History of England, Oxford University Press, 2005) pp 663–838..
- Somervell, D.C. The Reign of King George V, (1936) pp 101–202; wide-ranging survey. online
- ISBN 978-0-19-280140-1.
- Turner, John, ed. Britain and the First World War (1988)
- Wilson, Trevor. The Myriad Faces of War: Britain and the Great War 1914–1918 (1989) excerpt and text search 864pp; covers both the homefront and the battlefields
- Winter, Jay, and Jean-Louis Robert, eds. Capital Cities at War: Paris, London, Berlin 1914–1919 (2 vol. 1999, 2007), 30 chapters 1200pp; comprehensive coverage by scholars vol 1 excerpt; vol 2 excerpt and text search
- Woodward, Llewellyn. Great Britain and the War of 1914–1918 (1967) 610pp; thorough scholarly coverage of military operations, diplomacy, and high politics, with the chapter on economics; more recent histories cover much more social, cultural and intellectual history.
Politics
- Adams, R. J. Q. '"Andrew Bonar Law and the fall of the Asquith Coalition: The December 1916 cabinet crisis," Canadian Journal of History (1997) 32#2 pp 185–200 online
- ISBN 978-0-8047-3716-6. Available on Internet Archive.
- Bourne, J M (2001). Who's who in World War One. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-14179-6.
- Gilbert, Bentley Brinkerhoff. David Lloyd George: Organizer of Victory 1912–1916 (1992)
- Denness, Zoë Andrea (October 2012). A Question Which Affects Our Prestige as a Nation: The History of British Civilian Internment, 1899–1945 (PDF) (Thesis). University of Birmingham. Retrieved 23 May 2018.
- Grigg, John. Lloyd George: From Peace to War 1912–1916 (1985)
- Grigg, John. Lloyd George: War Leader 1916–1918 (2002)
- Hennessey, Thomas (1998). Dividing Ireland, World War I and Partition, The Irish Convention and Conscription. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-17420-6.
- McEwen, John M. "The Struggle for Mastery in Britain: Lloyd George versus Asquith, December 1916." Journal of British Studies 18#1 (1978): 131–156.
- McGill, Barry. "Asquith's Predicament, 1914-1918." Journal of Modern History 39.3 (1967): 283–303. in JSTOR
- Martin, Ged. "Asquith, the Maurice Debate and the Historians." Australian Journal of Politics & History 31.3 (1985): 435–444.
- ISBN 978-0-09-453181-9.
- Payani, Panikos (2013). Prisoners of Britain: German Civilian and Combatant Internees During the First World War. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 9780719078347.
- Payani, Panikos (2014). Enemy in our Midst: Germans in Britain during the First World War. London: Bloomsbury. ISBN 9781847881847.
- Pearsall, Mark (24 March 2017). "Enemy aliens in Great Britain 1914—1919". Richmond, Surrey: National Archives. Retrieved 23 May 2018.
- Pennell, Catriona (2012). A Kingdom United: Popular Responses to the Outbreak of the First World War in Britain and Ireland. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-959058-2.
- Historical Journal 17#4 (1974): 813–836. in JSTOR
- Ridley, Jane. George V: Never a Dull Moment (2022) excerpt
- Robbins, Keith. The Abolition of War: The" Peace Movement" in Britain, 1914–1919 (U of Wales Press, 1976).
- ISBN 978-0-297-78245-2.
- Swift, David. "The War Emergency: Workers' National Committee" History Workshop Journal 81 (2016): 84–105. [1]
- Swift, David (2016). For Class and Country: the Patriotic Left and the First World War. Liverpool University Press.
- Turner, John. British Politics and the Great War: Coalition and Conflict 1915–1918 (1992)
Empire
- Beaumont, Broken Nation: Australians in the Great War (2014)
- Beaumont, Joan (1995). Australia's War, 1914–1918. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-1-86373-461-5.
- Fogarty, Richard S., and David Killingray. "Demobilization in British and French Africa at the End of the First World War." Journal of Contemporary History (2015) 50#1 pp: 100–123.
- McCreery, Christopher (2005). The Order of Canada. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-3940-8. Available on Google books.
- Olson, James (1996). Historical Dictionary of the British Empire. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-29366-5.
- Morrow, John Howard (2005). The Great War: An Imperial History. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-20440-8.
- Pierce, John (Spring 1992). "Constructing Memory: The Vimy Memorial" (PDF). Canadian Military History. 1 (1–2): 5–14. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 March 2009. Retrieved 17 May 2009.
- ISBN 978-1-84734-682-7.
Economics
- Adams, R. J. Q. "Delivering the Goods: Reappaising the Ministry of Munitions: 1915–1916." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies (1975) 7#3 pp: 232–244 in JSTOR
- Adams, R. J. Q. Arms and the Wizard: Lloyd George and the Ministry of Munitions. (1978)
- Ashworth, William. An Economic History of England, 1870–1939 (1960) pp 265–304.online
- Baker, Charles Whiting (1921). Government control and operation of industry in Great Britain and the United States during the World War. New York: Oxford University Press.
- Barnett, Margaret. British food policy during the First World War (Routledge, 2014)
- ISBN 978-0-330-49181-5.
- Burk, Kathleen. Britain, America and the sinews of war, 1914-1918 (1985) online
- Chickering, Roger, and Stig Förster, eds. Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914–1918 (Cambridge U.P., 2000)
- Dehne, Phillip. "The Ministry of Blockade during the First World War and the Demise of Free Trade" Twentieth Century British History (2016) 27: 333–356. DOI : 10.1093/tcbh/hww027
- Godden, Christopher. "The Business of War: Reflections on Recent Contributions to the Economic and Business Histories of the First World War." Œconomia. History, Methodology, Philosophy 6-4 (2016): 549–556. online
- Great Britain. Ministry of Munitions. History of the Ministry of Munitions (8 vol. 1922), online
- Grieves, Keith. The politics of manpower, 1914–18 (Manchester UP, 1988).
- Hancock, W.K. and M. M. Gowing. British War Economy (1949) pp 3–40 online
- Hurwitz, Samuel J. (1949). State Intervention in Great Britain: Study of Economic Control and Social Response, 1914–1919. Routledge. ISBN 9781136931864.
- Lloyd-Jones, Roger, and M. J. Lewis. Arming the Western Front: War, Business and the State in Britain, 1900–1920 (Routledge, 2016).
- McVey, Frank L. The financial history of Great Britain, 1914-1918 (1918) online
- Whetham, Edith H. The Agrarian History of England and Wales: Volume VIII: 1914–39 (Cambridge University Press, 1978), pp 70–123
Propaganda and popular culture
- Bell, Stuart. "‘Soldiers of Christ arise’: Religious Nationalism in the East Midlands during World War I." Midland History 39.2 (2014): 219–235.
- Field, Clive. "Keeping the Spiritual Home Fires Burning: Religious Belonging in Britain during the First World War." War & Society 33.4 (2014): 244–268.
- Fussell, Paul. The Great War and modern memory (1975), highly influential cultural interpretation online
- Goebel, Stefan and White, Jerry. "London and the First World War". London Journal 41:3 (2016): 1–20, <URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03058034.2016.1216758>
- Green, Leanne. "Advertising war: Picturing Belgium in First World War publicity." Media, War & Conflict 7.3 (2014): 309–325.
- Haste, Cate. Keep the home fires burning: Propaganda in the First World War (Lane, Allen, 1977)
- Hynes, Samuel. A war imagined: the First World War and English culture (2011)
- Kennedy, Kate. "‘A music of grief’: classical music and the First World War." International Affairs 90.2 (2014): 379–395.
- Lasswell, Harold D. Propaganda Technique in World War I. (1927) online
- Lonsdale, Sarah. "“Roast Seagull and other Quaint Bird Dishes” The development of features and “lifestyle” journalism in British newspapers during the First World War." Journalism Studies (2014): 1–16.
- Millman, Brock. Managing Domestic Dissent in First World War Britain (Routledge, 2014)
- Monger, David. Patriotism and Propaganda in First World War Britain: The National War Aims Committee and Civilian Morale (2013)
- O'Prey, Paul. "Poetry of the First World War: Dispelling the Myths." The RUSI Journal 159.4 (2014): 102–105.
- Paddock, Troy R E (2004). A call to arms: propaganda, public opinion, and newspapers in the Great War. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-275-97383-4.
- Wilkinson, Alan. The Church of England and the First World War (Lutterworth Press, 2014)
- Williams, Vanessa. "'Welded in a single mass': Memory and Community in London’s Concert Halls during the First World War." Journal of Musicological Research 3.1–3 (2014): 27–38.
Posters
- Bownes, David, and Robert Fleming. Posters of the First World War (2014)
- Christopher, John, ed. British Posters of the First World War (2016)
- Darracott, Joseph, and Belinda Loftus, eds. The First World War Posters (1974)
- Rickards, Maurice ed. Posters of the First World War (1968)
- Slocombe, Richard, ed. Posters of the First World War (2014)
- Stanley, Peter, ed. What Did You Do in the War, Daddy? A visual history of propaganda posters (1984)
- White, Edward J. ed. World War I Posters: 100th Anniversary Collectors Edition (2014)
Year books
- Annual Register 1915, highly detailed political history of UK and British Empire
- Annual Register 1916
- Annual Register 1917
- Annual Register 1918
- Annual Register 1919
Women, family and society
- Braybon, Gail (1990). Women Workers in the First World War: The British Experience. London: Routledge. ISBN 9780415042017.
- Condell, Diana; Liddiard, Jean (1987). Working for victory?: images of women in the First World War, 1914–18. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7102-0974-0. Available on Google books.
- Grayzel, Susan R. Women's identities at war: gender, motherhood, and politics in Britain and France during the First World War . UNC Press Books, 1999.
- Gregory, Adrian (2008). The Last Great War: British Society and the First World War. Cambridge.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Law, Cheryl (1997). Suffrage and power: the women's movement, 1918–1928. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-201-2. Available on Google books.
- Marwick, Arthur (1965) The Deluge: British Society and the First World War ISBN 0-393-00523-2
- Peel, Mrs. C.S. (Dorothy Constance) (1929) How We Lived Then, 1914–1918: a Sketch of Social and Domestic Life in England during the War, London: Bodley Head
- Shields, Rosemary, and Linda Shields. "Dame Maud McCarthy (1859–1949): Matron-in-Chief, British Expeditionary Forces France and Flanders, First World War." Journal of Medical Biography (2015): 0967772013480610.
- Silbey, David. The British Working Class and Enthusiasm for War, 1914-1916 (2005)
Primary sources
- Brown, Malcolm, ed. The Imperial War Museum Book of the First World War: A Great Conflict Recalled in Previously Unpublished Letters, Diaries, Documents and Memoirs (1993)
- Gooch, G. P.Recent Revelations Of European Diplomacy (1940), pp 343–429 summarizes published memoirs by main British participants
- Pike, E. Royston, ed. Human Documents Of The Lloyd George Era (1972)
Historiography and memory
- Bond, Brian, ed. The First World War and British Military History (Oxford UP, 1991) DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222996.001.0001 online. 11 topical essays by experts.
- Braybon, Gail (2005). Evidence, History and the Great War: Historians and the Impact of 14–18. Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-57181-801-0.
- Elton, G.R. Modern Historians on British History 1485-1945: A Critical Bibliography 1945-1969 (1969), annotated guide to 1000 history books on every major topic, plus book reviews and major scholarly articles. online
- Gaffney, Angela. Aftermath: Remembering the Great War in Wales (1998)
- Korte, Barbara and Ann-Marie Einhaus. "Short-Term Memories: The First World War in British Short Stories, 1914–39," Literature & History (2009) 18#1 pp 54–67.
- McCartney, Helen B. "The First World War soldier and his contemporary image in Britain," International Affairs (2014) 90#2 pp 299–315.
- Morley, Joel. "The Memory Of The Great War And Morale During Britain's Phoney War." Historical Journal 63.2 (2020): 437–467. online
- Reynolds, David J. " Britain, the Two World Wars, and the Problem of Narrative" Historical Journal, 60#1, 197–231. https://Doi.Org/10.1017/S0018246X16000509
- Wolford, Scott. "Teaching the First World War in 'Real Time'" (2015). online