Huey Long
Huey P. Long | |
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United States Senator from Louisiana | |
In office January 25, 1932 – September 10, 1935 | |
Preceded by | Joseph E. Ransdell |
Succeeded by | Rose McConnell Long |
40th Governor of Louisiana | |
In office May 21, 1928 – January 25, 1932 | |
Lieutenant |
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Preceded by | Oramel H. Simpson |
Succeeded by | Alvin King |
Personal details | |
Born | Winnfield, Louisiana, U.S. | August 30, 1893
Died | September 10, 1935 Baton Rouge, Louisiana, U.S. | (aged 42)
Manner of death | Assassination (gunshot wound) |
Resting place | Louisiana State Capitol |
Political party | Democratic |
Spouse | |
Children | 3; including Russell |
Relatives | Long family |
Profession | Politician, lawyer |
Signature | |
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Huey Pierce Long Jr. (August 30, 1893 – September 10, 1935), nicknamed "The Kingfish", was an American politician who served as the
Long was born in the impoverished north of Louisiana in 1893. After working as a traveling salesman and briefly attending three colleges, he was
After a failed 1924 campaign, Long appealed to the sharp economic and class divisions in Louisiana to win the 1928 gubernatorial election. Once in office, he expanded social programs, organized massive public works projects, such as a modern highway system and the tallest capitol building in the nation, and proposed a cotton holiday. Through political maneuvering, Long became the political boss of Louisiana. He was impeached in 1929 for abuses of power, but the proceedings collapsed in the State Senate. His opponents argued his policies and methods were unconstitutional and authoritarian. At its climax, political opposition organized a minor insurrection.
Long was
Early life (1893–1915)
Childhood
Huey Pierce Long Jr. was born on August 30, 1893, near
One of nine children,
Education and marriage
In September 1911, Long started attending seminary classes at
Long met Rose McConnell at a baking contest he had promoted to sell Cottolene shortening.[13] The two began a two-and-a-half-year courtship and married in April 1913 at the Gayoso Hotel in Memphis, Tennessee.[14] On their wedding day, Long had no cash with him and had to borrow $10 from his fiancée to pay the officiant.[15] Shortly after their marriage, Long revealed to his wife his aspirations to run for a statewide office, the governorship, the Senate, and ultimately the presidency.[16] The Longs had a daughter named Rose (1917–2006) and two sons: Russell B. Long (1918–2003), who became a U.S. senator, and Palmer Reid Long (1921–2010), who became an oilman in Shreveport, Louisiana.[17][18]
Long enrolled at
Legal career (1915–1923)
In 1915, Long established a private practice in Winnfield. He represented poor plaintiffs, usually in
That same year, Long entered the race to serve on the three-seat Louisiana Railroad Commission. According to historian William Ivy Hair, Long's political message:
... would be repeated until the end of his days: he was a young warrior of and for the plain people, battling the evil giants of Wall Street and their corporations; too much of America's wealth was concentrated in too few hands, and this unfairness was perpetuated by an educational system so stacked against the poor that (according to his statistics) only fourteen out of every thousand children obtained a college education. The way to begin rectifying these wrongs was to turn out of office the corrupt local flunkies of big business ... and elect instead true men of the people, such as [himself].[27]
In the Democratic primary, Long polled second behind incumbent Burk Bridges. Since no candidate garnered a majority of the votes, a run-off election was held, for which Long campaigned tirelessly across northern Louisiana. The race was close: Long defeated Burk by just 636 votes.[28] Although the returns revealed wide support for Long in rural areas, he performed poorly in urban areas.[22] On the Commission, Long forced utilities to lower rates, ordered railroads to extend service to small towns, and demanded that Standard Oil cease the importation of Mexican crude oil and use more oil from Louisiana wells.[29][30]
In the
By 1922, Long had become chairman of the commission, now called the "Public Service Commission".[24][29] That year, Long prosecuted the Cumberland Telephone & Telegraph Company for unfair rate increases; he successfully argued the case on appeal before the United States Supreme Court,[33] which resulted in cash refunds to thousands of overcharged customers.[34] After the decision, Chief Justice and former President William Howard Taft praised Long as "the most brilliant lawyer who ever practiced" before the court.[35][36]
Gubernatorial campaigns (1924–1928)
1924 election
On August 30, 1923, Long announced his candidacy for the governorship of Louisiana.[5] Long stumped throughout the state, personally distributing circulars and posters. He denounced Governor Parker as a corporate stooge, vilified Standard Oil, and assailed local political bosses.[37]
He campaigned in rural areas disenfranchised by the state's political establishment, the "Old Regulars". Since the 1877 end of Republican-controlled Reconstruction government, they had controlled most of the state through alliances with local officials.[37][38] With negligible support for Republicans, Louisiana was essentially a one party state under the Democratic Old Regulars. Holding mock elections in which they invoked the Lost Cause of the Confederacy, the Old Regulars presided over a corrupt government that largely benefited the planter class.[38][39] Consequently, Louisiana was one of the least developed states: It had just 300 miles of paved roads and the lowest literacy rate.[40][41]
Despite an enthusiastic campaign, Long came third in the primary and was eliminated.[37] Although polls projected only a few thousand votes, he attracted almost 72,000, around 31% of the electorate, and carried 28 parishes—more than either opponent. Limited to sectional appeal, he performed best in the poor rural north.[5][37]
The Ku Klux Klan's prominence in Louisiana was the campaign's primary issue. While the two other candidates either strongly opposed or supported the Klan, Long remained neutral, alienating both sides. He also failed to attract Catholic voters, which limited his chances in the south of the state. In majority Catholic New Orleans, he polled just 12,000 votes (17%).[37] Long blamed heavy rain on election day for suppressing voter turnout among his base in the north, where voters could not reach the polls over dirt roads that had turned to mud.[37][42] It was the only election Long ever lost.[43]
1928 election
And it is here, under this oak, where Evangeline waited in vain for her lover, Gabriel, who never came. This oak is an immortal spot, made so by Longfellow's poem, but Evangeline is not the only one who has waited here in disappointment. Where are the schools that you have waited for your children to have, that have never come? Where are the roads and the highways that you sent your money to build, that are no nearer now than ever before? Where are the institutions to care for the sick and disabled? Evangeline wept bitter tears in her disappointment, but it lasted only through one lifetime. Your tears in this country, around this oak, have lasted for generations. Give me the chance to dry the eyes of those who still weep here.
Long spent the intervening four years building his reputation and political organization, particularly in the heavily Catholic urban south. Despite disagreeing with their politics, Long campaigned for Catholic U.S. Senators in 1924 and 1926.[37] Government mismanagement during the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927 gained Long the support of Cajuns, whose land had been affected.[46][47] He formally launched his second campaign for governor in 1927, using the slogan, "Every man a king, but no one wears a crown", a phrase adopted from Democratic presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan.[48]
Long developed novel campaign techniques, including the use of
In the Democratic primary election, Long polled 126,842 votes: a plurality of 43.9 percent. His margin was the largest in state history, and no opponent chose to face him in a runoff. After earning the Democratic nomination, he easily defeated the Republican nominee in the general election with 96.1 percent of the vote.[52] At age 35, Long was the youngest person ever elected governor of Louisiana.[53]
Some fifteen thousand Louisianians traveled to Baton Rouge for Long's inauguration.[21] He set up large tents, free drinks, and jazz bands on the capitol grounds, evoking Andrew Jackson's 1829 inaugural festivities.[54] His victory was seen as a public backlash against the urban establishment; journalist Hodding Carter described it as a "fantastic vengeance upon the Sodom and Gomorrah that was called New Orleans".[21] While previous elections were normally divided culturally and religiously, Long highlighted the sharp economic divide in the state and built a new coalition based on class.[53][55] Long's strength, said the contemporary novelist Sherwood Anderson, relied on "the terrible South ... the beaten, ignorant, Bible-ridden, white South. Faulkner occasionally really touches it. It has yet to be paid for."[21]
Louisiana governorship (1928–1932)
First year
Once in office on May 21, 1928, Long moved quickly to consolidate power, firing hundreds of opponents in the state bureaucracy at all ranks from cabinet-level heads of departments to state road workers. Like previous governors, he filled the vacancies with patronage appointments from his network of political supporters.[34][56][57] Every state employee who depended on Long for a job was expected to pay a portion of their salary at election time directly into his campaign fund.[58]
Once his control over the state's political apparatus was strengthened, Long pushed several bills through the 1929 session of the
One program Long approved was a free textbook program for schoolchildren. Long's free school books angered Catholics, who usually sent their children to private schools. Long assured them that the books would be granted directly to all children, regardless of whether they attended public school. Yet this assurance was criticized by conservative constitutionalists, who claimed it violated the separation of church and state and sued Long. The case went to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled in Long's favor.[63][64]
Irritated by "immoral" gambling dens and brothels in New Orleans, Long sent the National Guard to raid these establishments with orders to "shoot without hesitation". Gambling equipment was burned, prostitutes were arrested, and over $25,000 (equivalent to $376,793 in 2020) was confiscated for government funds. Local newspapers ran photos of National Guardsmen forcibly searching nude women. City authorities had not requested military force, and martial law had not been declared. The Louisiana attorney general denounced Long's actions as illegal but Long rebuked him, saying: "Nobody asked him for his opinion."[65]
Despite wide disapproval, Long had the Governor's Mansion, built in 1887, razed by convicts from the State Penitentiary under his personal supervision.[57] In its place, Long had a much larger Georgian mansion built. It bore a strong resemblance to the White House; he reportedly wanted to be familiar with the residence when he became president.[66][67]
Impeachment
In 1929, Long called a special legislative session to enact a five-cent per barrel tax on refined oil production to fund his social programs.[68] The state's oil interests opposed the bill. Long declared in a radio address that any legislator who refused to support the tax had been "bought" by oil companies. Instead of persuading the legislature, the accusation infuriated many of its members.[69] The "dynamite squad", a caucus of opponents led by freshman lawmakers Cecil Morgan and Ralph Norman Bauer, introduced an impeachment resolution against Long.[70][71] Nineteen charges were listed, ranging from blasphemy to subornation of murder.[72][note 3] Even Long's lieutenant governor, Paul Cyr, supported impeachment; he accused Long of nepotism and alleged he had made corrupt deals with a Texas oil company.[73][note 4]
Concerned, Long tried to close the session. Pro-Long Speaker
Long was frightened by the prospect of conviction, for it would force him from the governorship and permanently disqualify him from holding public office in Louisiana.[81] He took his case to the people with a mass meeting in Baton Rouge, where he alleged that impeachment was a ploy by Standard Oil to thwart his programs.[78] The House referred the charges to the Louisiana Senate, in which conviction required a two-thirds majority. Long produced a round robin statement signed by fifteen senators pledging to vote "not guilty" regardless of the evidence. The impeachment process, now futile, was suspended without holding an impeachment trial. It has been alleged that both sides used bribes to buy votes and that Long later rewarded the round robin signers with positions or other favors.[82][83]
Following the failed impeachment attempt, Long treated his opponents ruthlessly. He fired their relatives from state jobs and supported their challengers in elections. Long concluded that extra-legal means would be needed to accomplish his goals: "I used to try to get things done by saying 'please.' Now... I dynamite 'em out of my path."[84] Receiving death threats, he surrounded himself with bodyguards.[85] Now a resolute critic of the "lying" press,[57] Long established his own newspaper in March 1930: the Louisiana Progress. The paper was extremely popular, widely distributed by policemen, highway workers, and government truckers.[57][86][87]
Senate campaign
Shortly after the impeachment, Long—now nicknamed "The Kingfish" after an
His opponent was incumbent
Ultimately, on September 9, 1930, Long defeated Ransdell by 149,640 (57.3 percent) to 111,451 (42.7 percent).[94][95] There were accusations of voter fraud against Long; voting records showed people voting in alphabetical order, among them celebrities like Charlie Chaplin, Jack Dempsey and Babe Ruth.[51] Although his Senate term began on March 4, 1931, Long completed most of his four-year term as governor, which did not end until May 1932. He declared that leaving the seat vacant would not hurt Louisiana: "[W]ith Ransdell as Senator, the seat was vacant anyway." By occupying the governorship until January 25, 1932, Long prevented Lieutenant Governor Cyr, who threatened to undo Long's reforms, from succeeding to the office.[96][97] In October 1931, Cyr learned Long was in Mississippi and declared himself the state's legitimate governor.[98] In response, Long ordered National Guard troops to surround the Capitol to block Cyr's "coup d'état" and petitioned the Louisiana Supreme Court.[96][89] Long successfully argued that Cyr had vacated the office of lieutenant-governor when trying to assume the governorship and had the court eject Cyr.[96][99]
Senator-elect
Now governor and senator-elect, Long returned to completing his legislative agenda with renewed strength. He continued his intimidating practice of presiding over the legislature,
To address record low cotton prices amid a Great Depression surplus, Long proposed the major cotton-producing states mandate a 1932 "cotton holiday", which would ban cotton production for the entire year.[104] He further proposed that the holiday be imposed internationally, which some nations, such as Egypt, supported.[105] In 1931, Long convened the New Orleans Cotton Conference, attended by delegates from every major cotton-producing state.[106] The delegates agreed to codify Long's proposal into law on the caveat that it would not come into effect until states producing three-quarters of U.S. cotton passed such laws.[107] As the proposer, Louisiana unanimously passed the legislation.[108] When conservative politicians in Texas—the largest cotton producer in the U.S.—rejected the measure, the holiday movement collapsed.[109] Although traditional politicians would have been ruined by such a defeat, Long became a national figure and cemented his image as a champion of the poor.[110] Senator Carter Glass, although a fervid critic of Long, credited him with first suggesting artificial scarcity as a solution to the depression.[111]
Accomplishments
Long was unusual among southern populists in that he achieved tangible progress. Williams concluded "the secret of Long's power, in the final analysis, was not in his machine or his political dealings but in his record—he delivered something".[112] Referencing Long's contributions to Louisiana, Robert Penn Warren, a professor at LSU during Long's term as governor,[113] stated: "Dictators, always give something for what they get."[112]
Long created a public works program that was unprecedented in the South, constructing roads, bridges, hospitals, schools, and state buildings. During his four years as governor, Long increased paved highways in Louisiana from 331 to 2,301 miles (533 to 3,703 km) and constructed 2,816 miles (4,532 km) of gravel roads. By 1936, the infrastructure program begun by Long had completed some 9,700 miles (15,600 km) of new roads, doubling Louisiana's road system. He built 111 bridges and started construction on the first bridge over the Mississippi entirely in Louisiana, the Huey P. Long Bridge. These projects provided thousands of jobs during the depression: Louisiana employed more highway workers than any other state.[114] Long built a State Capitol, which at 450 feet (140 m) tall remains the tallest capitol, state or federal, in the United States.[115] Long's infrastructure spending increased the state government's debt from $11 million in 1928 to $150 million in 1935.[116]
Long was an ardent supporter of the state's flagship public university,
Long's night schools taught 100,000 adults to read.
U.S. Senate (1932–1935)
Senator
When Long arrived in the Senate, America was in the throes of the
In the
Not discouraged after being snubbed, Long found other venues for his populist message. He endorsed Senator Hattie Caraway of Arkansas, a widow and the underdog candidate in a crowded field and conducted a whirlwind, seven-day tour of that state.[131][132][note 10] During the campaign, Long gave 39 speeches, traveled 2,100 miles (3,400 km), and spoke to over 200,000 people.[133] In an upset win, Caraway became the first woman elected to a full term in the Senate.[134]
Returning to Washington, Long gave theatrical speeches which drew wide attention. Public viewing areas were crowded with onlookers, among them a young
Roosevelt and the New Deal
During the first 100 days of Roosevelt's presidency in spring 1933, Long's attitude toward Roosevelt and the New Deal was tepid.[139] Aware that Roosevelt had no intention of radically redistributing the country's wealth, Long became one of the few national politicians to oppose Roosevelt's New Deal policies from the left.[note 11] He considered them inadequate in the face of the escalating economic crisis but still supported some of Roosevelt's programs in the Senate, explaining: "Whenever this administration has gone to the left I have voted with it, and whenever it has gone to the right I have voted against it."[141]
Long opposed the
Roosevelt considered Long a radical demagogue and stated that Long, along with General Douglas MacArthur, "was one of the two most dangerous men in America".[21][148][149] In June 1933, in an effort to undermine Long's political dominance, Roosevelt cut him out of consultations on the distribution of federal funds and patronage in Louisiana and placed Long's opponents in charge of federal programs in the state. Roosevelt supported a Senate inquiry into the election of Long ally John H. Overton to the Senate in 1932. The Long machine was accused of election fraud and voter intimidation, but the inquiry came up empty, and Overton was seated.[150] To discredit Long and damage his support base, Roosevelt had Long's finances investigated by the Internal Revenue Service in 1934.[151][note 12] Although they failed to link Long to any illegality, some of his lieutenants were charged with income tax evasion.[21][153] Roosevelt's son, Elliott, would later note that in this instance, his father "may have been the originator of the concept of employing the IRS as a weapon of political retribution".[154]
Chaco War and foreign policy
On May 30, 1934, Long took to the Senate floor to debate the abrogation of the
In March 1933, Long revealed a series of bills collectively known as "the Long plan" to redistribute wealth. Together, they would cap fortunes at $100 million, limit annual income to $1 million, and cap individual inheritances at $5 million.[164][165]
External videos | |
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Long's "Share the Wealth" speech on YouTube |
In a nationwide February 1934 radio broadcast, Long introduced his
With the Senate unwilling to support his proposals, in February 1934 Long formed the Share Our Wealth Society, a national network of local clubs that operated in opposition to the Democratic Party and Roosevelt. By 1935, the society had over 7.5 million members in 27,000 clubs.[173] Long's Senate office received an average of 60,000 letters a week, resulting in Long's hiring 48 stenographers to type responses.[5] Of the two trucks that delivered mail to the Senate, one was devoted solely to mail for Long.[174] Long's newspaper, now renamed American Progress, averaged a circulation of 300,000, some issues reaching over 1.5 million.[145] Long drew international attention: English writer H. G. Wells interviewed Long, noting he was "like a Winston Churchill who has never been at Harrow. He abounds in promises."[21]
Some historians believe that pressure from Share Our Wealth contributed to Roosevelt's "turn to the left" in the
Continued control over Louisiana
Long continued to maintain effective control of Louisiana while he was a senator, blurring the boundary between federal and state politics.[177] Long chose his childhood friend, Oscar K. Allen, to succeed King in the January 1932 election. With the support of Long's voter base, Allen won easily, permitting Long to resign as governor and take his seat in the U.S. Senate in January 1932.[178][179] Allen, widely viewed as a puppet, dutifully enacted Long's policies.[180] When Long visited Louisiana, Allen would relinquish his office for the Senator, working instead at his receptionist's desk.[174] Though he had no constitutional authority, Long continued to draft and press bills through the Louisiana State Legislature.[181] One of the laws passed was what Long called "a tax on lying"—a 2 percent tax on newspaper advertising revenue.[182]
In 1934, Long and James A. Noe, an independent oilman and member of the Louisiana State Senate from Ouachita Parish, formed the controversial Win or Lose Oil Company. The firm was established to obtain leases on state-owned lands so that its directors might collect bonuses and sublease the mineral rights to the major oil companies. Although ruled legal, these activities were done in secret, and the stockholders were unknown to the public. Long made a profit on the bonuses and the resale of those state leases and used the funds primarily for political purposes.[183]
1935: Final year
1936 presidential ambitions
Popular support for Long's Share Our Wealth program raised the possibility of a 1936 presidential bid against incumbent Franklin D. Roosevelt.[21][184][note 13] When questioned by the press, Long gave conflicting answers on his plans for 1936.[187] Long's son Russell believed his father would have run on a third-party ticket.[188] This is evidenced by Long's writing of a speculative book, My First Days in the White House, which laid out his plans for the presidency after the 1936 election.[189][190][note 14]
In spring 1935, Long undertook a national speaking tour and regular radio appearances, attracting large crowds and increasing his stature.[191] At a well-attended Long rally in Philadelphia, a former mayor told the press, "There are 250,000 Long votes" in this city.[192] Regarding Roosevelt, Long boasted to the New York Times' Arthur Krock: "He's scared of me. I can out-promise him, and he knows it."[193]
As the 1936 election approached, the Roosevelt Administration grew increasingly concerned by Long's popularity.[192] Democratic National Committee chairman James Farley commissioned a secret poll in early 1935.[194] Farley's poll revealed that if Long ran on a third-party ticket, he would win about four million votes, 10% of the electorate.[195] In a memo to Roosevelt, Farley expressed his concern that Long could split the vote, allowing the Republican nominee to win.[195] Diplomat Edward M. House warned Roosevelt, "many people believe that he can do to your administration what Theodore Roosevelt did to the Taft Administration in '12".[196] Many, including Hair, Roosevelt, and Williams speculated that Long expected to lose in 1936, allowing the Republicans to take the White House. They believed the Republicans would worsen the Great Depression, deepening Long's appeal. According to Roosevelt, "That would bring the country to such a state by 1940 that Long thinks he would be made dictator."[197]
Increased tensions in Louisiana
By 1935, Long's consolidation of power led to talk of armed opposition from his enemies in Louisiana. Opponents increasingly invoked the memory of the
On January 25, 1935, these Square Dealers, now armed, seized the
In summer 1935, Long called two special legislative sessions in Louisiana; bills were passed in rapid-fire succession without being read or discussed. The new laws further centralized Long's control over the state by creating new Long-appointed state agencies: a state bond and tax board holding sole authority to approve loans to local governments, a new state printing board which could withhold "official printer" status from uncooperative newspapers, a new board of election supervisors which would appoint all poll watchers, and a State Board of Censors. They stripped away the remaining powers of the
Assassination
On September 8, 1935, Long traveled to the State Capitol to pass a bill that would
Over 200,000 people traveled to Baton Rouge to attend Long's September 12 funeral.[210] His remains were buried on the grounds of the Capitol; a statue depicting Long was constructed on his grave.[204][205] Although Long's allies alleged he was assassinated by political opponents, a federal probe found no evidence of conspiracy.[207] Long's death brought relief to the Roosevelt Administration, which would win in a landslide in the 1936 election. Farley publicly admitted his apprehension of campaigning against Long: "I always laughed Huey off, but I did not feel that way about him." Roosevelt's close economic advisor Rexford Tugwell wrote that, "When he was gone it seemed that a beneficent peace had fallen on the land. Father Coughlin, Reno, Townsend, et al., were after all pygmies compared with Huey. He had been a major phenomenon." Tugwell also said that Roosevelt regarded Long's assassination as a "providential occurrence".[21]
Evidence later surfaced that suggests Long was accidentally shot by his bodyguards.[211] Proponents of this theory assert Long was caught in the crossfire as his bodyguards shot Weiss, and a bullet that ricocheted off the marble walls hit him.[204][212][213][214]
Legacy
Politics
Long's assassination may have contributed to his reputation as a legendary figure in parts of Louisiana. In 1938, Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal encountered rural children who not only insisted Long was alive, but that he was president.[34] Although no longer governing, Long's policies continued to be enacted in Louisiana by his political machine,[215] which supported Roosevelt's re-election to prevent further investigation into their finances.[216] The machine remained a powerful force in state politics until the 1960 elections. Within the Louisiana Democratic Party, Long set in motion two durable factions—"pro-Long" and "anti-Long"—which diverged meaningfully in terms of policies and voter support. For decades after his death, Long's political style inspired imitation among Louisiana politicians who borrowed his rhetoric and promises of social programs.[215][217][218]
After Long's death, a
Huey P. Newton, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, was named after Long.[224][225]
Historical reputation
Academics and historians have found difficulty categorizing Long and his ideology.[226][227] His platform has been compared to ideologies ranging from McCarthyism to European Fascism and Stalinism.[228] When asked about his own philosophy, Long simply replied: "Oh, hell, say that I'm sui generis and let it go at that."[21] In a 1981 New York Times, Robert Penn Warren wrote of Long:
My guess is that he was a remarkable set of contradictions, still baffling to biographers. But I had a great interest in what Huey did in his world, and a greater interest in Huey as a focus of myth. Without this gift for attracting myth he would not have been the power he was, for good and evil. And this gift was fused, indissolubly, with his dramatic sense, with his varying roles and perhaps, ultimately, with the atmosphere of violence which he generated.[229]
A majority of academics, biographers, and writers who have examined Long view him negatively, typically as a demagogue or dictator.[45][230][note 15] Reinhard H. Luthin said that he was the epitome of an American demagogue.[232] David Kennedy wrote that Long's regime in Louisiana was "the closest thing to a dictatorship that America has ever known".[7] Journalist Hodding Carter described him as "the first true dictator out of the soil of America" and his movement the "success of fascism in one American state".[51][233] Peter Viereck categorized Long's movement as "chauvinist thought control"; Victor Ferkiss called it "incipient fascism".[234]
One of the few biographers to praise Long was T. Harry Williams, who classified Long's ideas as neo-populist.[235][236] He labeled Long a democratic "mass leader", rather than a demagogue.[236][237] Besides Williams, intellectual Gore Vidal expressed admiration for Long, even naming him as his favorite contemporary U.S. politician.[238] Long biographer Thomas O. Harris espoused a more nuanced view of Long: "neither saint nor devil, he was a complex and heterogenous mixture of good and bad, genius and craft, hypocrisy and candor, buffoonery and seriousness".[239]
Media
In popular culture, Long has served as a template for multiple dictatorial politicians in novels.
Long has been the subject of dozens of biographies and academic texts. In fact, more has been written about Long than any other Louisianan.
Works
Written works
- Constitutions of the State of Louisiana, 1930[260]
- Every Man a King, 1933
- My First Days in the White House, 1935
Recorded works
Long collaborated with composer Castro Carazo on the following songs:[261][262]
- "Darling of LSU", 1935
- "Every Man a King", 1935
- "The LSU Cadets March", 1935
- "Touchdown for LSU", 1935
See also
- List of United States Congress members killed or wounded in office
- Charles Coughlin
- Francis Townsend
References
Notes
- ^ Long's grandfather did not fight in the Civil War, instilling Union sympathies in his son, Huey P. Long Sr. Also a populist, Long's father said in an interview at the age of 83, "There wants to be a revolution, I tell you. I seen the domination of capital, seen it for seventy years. What do these rich folks care for the poor man? They care nothing—not for his pain, nor his sickness, nor his death ... Maybe you're surprised to hear talk like that. Well, it was just such talk that my boy was raised under, and that I was raised under."[5]
- ^ The conclusion that Long was progressive on the issue of race, widely repeated in the decades after Long's death, has faced increased scrutiny in recent years.[49][50]
- ^ One of Long's subordinates claimed in an affidavit that an intoxicated Long had told him to kill Representative J. Y. Sanders Jr., the son of a former governor, and "leave him in the ditch where nobody will know how or when he got there". Long allegedly promised him "a full pardon and many gold dollars".[70][72]
- ^ Cyr's public turn against Long was largely motivated by Cyr's opposition to the executions of alleged murderers Thomas Dreher and Ada LeBoeuf, the first white woman executed in Louisiana's history. Cyr was a personal friend of Dreher and sat on the Board of Pardons, which had reversed their death sentence. Long wholeheartedly supported their execution, ultimately overruling the Board's decision.[73][74][75]
- ^ Fournet later apologized for the confusion caused by the inaccurate tally but denied rigging the outcome. According to Hair, "there is no evidence that he did; electrical contrivances of that sort were primitive, and apparently the machine simply repeated the roll call vote of a few minutes earlier".[76]
- ^ The charges were: attempted bribery of state legislators, demanding and receiving undated letters of resignation from appointees, intimidating publisher Charles P. Manship by threatening to disclose his brother's poor mental condition, misappropriating portions of a $6,000 fund allocated for receiving other governors, forcing a state board to dismiss its secretary to open up a position for a political ally and paying the incumbent secretary $5,400 in hush money, illegally paying his cousin W. O. Long $728.25 from the governor's office expense fund, using $1,112.40 from the office expense fund to purchase personal law books, forcing the Highway Commission to accede to a contractor's demand for $4,000 in payment for their installation of defective curbs, and incompetency.[80]
- ^ Irby was the uncle of Alice Lee Grosjean, Long's young personal secretary, whom he had appointed to the position of Secretary of State. She was rumored to be his mistress.[5][34]
- ^ Long would stand directly below the Speaker's podium while strong-arming the legislators into passing his agenda.[100]
- ^ Although he claimed it was to educate poor doctors, it may have been based on a personal vendetta against Tulane University, which had declined to grant him an honorary degree.[121]
- ^ According to Brinkley, "Long's reasons for this decision were not entirely clear." Long noted that he felt a chivalric impulse to help this "brave little woman" and that Caraway was one of the few senators to vote for his wealth-limiting proposals. Long appreciated that she often voted against her senior colleague from Arkansas, Robinson. Many observers speculate that Long's true intent was to further establish a national reputation for himself. The New York Times contemporarily suggested that he was plotting to "yield him control of the [Senate] minority—or perhaps the majority". Brinkley claims that it was Long's first effort to propel himself to national leadership, which required him to appeal directly to the people rather than through political channels in Washington.[132]
- Father Coughlin.[140]
- ^ The investigation into Long's finances was initiated in 1932 by Hoover but had been temporarily halted by the incoming Roosevelt to amend relations with Long.[152]
- ^ There was contemporary speculation that a Long campaign would collaborate with Father Coughlin and his National Union for Social Justice.[185] Despite some common political goals, the two men were of vastly different backgrounds and personalities, expressed contempt for one another, and had only met once.[186]
- ^ The book was published posthumously in 1935.[189]
- ^ In 1946, Russell—yet to be a Senator—convinced Senator Overton to submit a motion titled "In Defense of My Father". Beginning with the sentence, "I venture the assertion that no man of our times has been more abused, vilified, and misrepresented by the American press to its reading public than my father, Huey P Long.", the motion was passed without objection and published in Congressional Review.[231]
Citations
- ^ a b c White (2006), p. 5.
- ^ Williams (1981) [1969], p. 10.
- ^ Brinkley (1983) [1982], p. 11.
- ^ a b Kennedy (2005) [1999], p. 235.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Hess, Stephen (August 1966). "The Long, Long Trail". American Heritage. Archived from the original on June 21, 2020. Retrieved June 30, 2020.
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External links
- "Huey Long Official Website". Long Legacy Project.
- "Huey P. Long Annotated Resource Set". The Historic New Orleans Collection.
- "Huey P. Long Photograph Album, 1928–1935". Louisiana Digital Library.
- Rich Lowry "Donald Trump is our Huey Long" Politico Aug 10, 2023