Hunter-gatherer
A hunter-gatherer or forager is a
Hunting and gathering was humanity's original and most enduring successful competitive adaptation in the natural world, occupying at least 90 percent of human history.[3] Following the invention of agriculture, hunter-gatherers who did not change were displaced or conquered by farming or pastoralist groups in most parts of the world.[4]
In addition to men, women engage in hunting in 79% of modern hunter-gatherer societies.
Archaeological evidence
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Hunting and gathering was presumably the
The Late Pleistocene witnessed the
During the 1970s,
According to the endurance running hypothesis, long-distance running as in persistence hunting, a method still practiced by some hunter-gatherer groups in modern times, was likely the driving evolutionary force leading to the evolution of certain human characteristics. This hypothesis does not necessarily contradict the scavenging hypothesis: both subsistence strategies may have been in use sequentially, alternately or even simultaneously.
Starting at the transition between the Middle to Upper Paleolithic period, some 80,000 to 70,000 years ago, some hunter-gatherer bands began to specialize, concentrating on hunting a smaller selection of (often larger) game and gathering a smaller selection of food. This specialization of work also involved creating specialized tools such as fishing nets, hooks, and bone harpoons.[17] The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture originated as early as 12,000 years ago in the Middle East, and also independently originated in many other areas including Southeast Asia, parts of Africa, Mesoamerica, and the Andes.
Forest gardening was also being used as a food production system in various parts of the world over this period.[citation needed]
Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have continually declined, partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Many of them reside in the developing world, either in arid regions or tropical forests. Areas that were formerly available to hunter-gatherers were—and continue to be—encroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In addition,
As the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. This process of agriculture-driven expansion led to the development of the first
As a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, the few contemporary hunter-gatherer cultures usually live in areas unsuitable for agricultural use.
Archaeologists can use evidence such as stone tool use to track hunter-gatherer activities, including mobility.[19][20]
Ethnobotany is the field of study whereby food plants of various peoples and tribes worldwide are documented.
Common characteristics
Habitat and population
Most hunter-gatherers are nomadic or semi-nomadic and live in temporary settlements. Mobile communities typically construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available.
Some hunter-gatherer cultures, such as the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast and the Yokuts, lived in particularly rich environments that allowed them to be sedentary or semi-sedentary. Amongst the earliest example of permanent settlements is the Osipovka culture (14–10.3 thousand years ago),[21] which lived in a fish-rich environment that allowed them to be able to stay at the same place all year.[22] One group, the Chumash, had the highest recorded population density of any known hunter and gatherer society with an estimated 21.6 persons per square mile.[23]
Social and economic structure
Hunter-gatherers tend to have an
The egalitarianism typical of human hunters and gatherers is never total but is striking when viewed in an evolutionary context. One of humanity's two closest primate relatives,
Most anthropologists believe that hunter-gatherers do not have permanent leaders; instead, the person taking the initiative at any one time depends on the task being performed.[35][page needed][36][37]
Within a particular tribe or people, hunter-gatherers are connected by both kinship and band (residence/domestic group) membership.[38] Postmarital residence among hunter-gatherers tends to be matrilocal, at least initially.[39] Young mothers can enjoy childcare support from their own mothers, who continue living nearby in the same camp.[40] The systems of kinship and descent among human hunter-gatherers were relatively flexible, although there is evidence that early human kinship in general tended to be matrilineal.[41]
The conventional assumption has been that women did most of the gathering, while men concentrated on big game hunting.[42][43] An illustrative account is Megan Biesele's study of the southern African Ju/'hoan, 'Women Like Meat'.[44] A recent study suggests that the sexual division of labor was the fundamental organizational innovation that gave Homo sapiens the edge over the Neanderthals, allowing our ancestors to migrate from Africa and spread across the globe.[45]
A 1986 study found most hunter-gatherers have a symbolically structured sexual division of labor.
In 2018, 9000-year-old remains of a female hunter along with a toolkit of
A 2023 study that looked at studies of contemporary hunter gatherer societies from the 1800s to the present day found that women hunted in 79 percent of hunter gatherer societies. In the vast majority of cases, "the hunting was purposeful. Women had their own toolkit. They had favourite weapons. Grandmas were the best hunters of the village."[43]
At the 1966 "Man the Hunter" conference, anthropologists Richard Borshay Lee and Irven DeVore suggested that egalitarianism was one of several central characteristics of nomadic hunting and gathering societies because mobility requires minimization of material possessions throughout a population. Therefore, no surplus of resources can be accumulated by any single member. Other characteristics Lee and DeVore proposed were flux in territorial boundaries as well as in demographic composition.
At the same conference, Marshall Sahlins presented a paper entitled, "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", in which he challenged the popular view of hunter-gatherers lives as "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short", as Thomas Hobbes had put it in 1651. According to Sahlins, ethnographic data indicated that hunter-gatherers worked far fewer hours and enjoyed more leisure than typical members of industrial society, and they still ate well. Their "affluence" came from the idea that they were satisfied with very little in the material sense.[49] Later, in 1996, Ross Sackett performed two distinct meta-analyses to empirically test Sahlin's view. The first of these studies looked at 102 time-allocation studies, and the second one analyzed 207 energy-expenditure studies. Sackett found that adults in foraging and horticultural societies work on average, about 6.5 hours a day, whereas people in agricultural and industrial societies work on average 8.8 hours a day.[50] Sahlins' theory has been criticized for only including time spent hunting and gathering while omitting time spent on collecting firewood, food preparation, etc. Other scholars also assert that hunter-gatherer societies were not "affluent" but suffered from extremely high infant mortality, frequent disease, and perennial warfare.[51][52]
Researchers Gurven and Kaplan have estimated that around 57% of hunter-gatherers reach the age of 15. Of those that reach 15 years of age, 64% continue to live to or past the age of 45. This places the life expectancy between 21 and 37 years.[53] They further estimate that 70% of deaths are due to diseases of some kind, 20% of deaths come from violence or accidents and 10% are due to degenerative diseases.
Mutual exchange and sharing of resources (i.e., meat gained from hunting) are important in the economic systems of hunter-gatherer societies.[38] Therefore, these societies can be described as based on a "gift economy".
A 2010 paper argued that while hunter-gatherers may have lower levels of inequality than modern, industrialised societies, that does not mean inequality does not exist. The researchers estimated that the average Gini coefficient amongst hunter-gatherers was 0.25, equivalent to the country of Denmark in 2007. In addition, wealth transmission across generations was also a feature of hunter-gatherers, meaning that "wealthy" hunter-gatherers, within the context of their communities, were more likely to have children as wealthy as them than poorer members of their community and indeed hunter-gatherer societies demonstrate an understanding of social stratification. Thus while the researchers agreed that hunter-gatherers were more egalitarian than modern societies, prior characterisations of them living in a state of egalitarian primitive communism were inaccurate and misleading.[54]
This study, however, exclusively examined modern hunter-gatherer communities, offering limited insight into the exact nature of social structures that existed prior to the Neolithic Revolution. Alain Testart and others have said that anthropologists should be careful when using research on current hunter-gatherer societies to determine the structure of societies in the paleolithic era, emphasising cross-cultural influences, progress and development that such societies have undergone in the past 10,000 years.[55] As such, the combined anthropological and archaeological evidence to date continues to favour previous understandings of early hunter-gatherers as largely egalitarian.
Diet
As one moves away from the equator, the importance of plant food decreases and the importance of aquatic food increases. In cold and heavily forested environments, edible plant foods and large game are less abundant and hunter-gatherers may turn to aquatic resources to compensate. Hunter-gatherers in cold climates also rely more on stored food than those in warm climates. However, aquatic resources tend to be costly, requiring boats and fishing technology, and this may have impeded their intensive use in prehistory. Marine food probably did not start becoming prominent in the diet until relatively recently, during the Late Stone Age in southern Africa and the Upper Paleolithic in Europe.[56]
In areas where plant and fish resources are scarce, hunter-gatherers may trade meat with horticulturalists for carbohydrates. For example, tropical hunter-gatherers may have an excess of protein but be deficient in carbohydrates, and conversely tropical horticulturalists may have a surplus of carbohydrates but inadequate protein. Trading may thus be the most cost-effective means of acquiring carbohydrate resources.[58]
Variability
Hunter-gatherer societies manifest significant variability, depending on
One way to divide hunter-gatherer groups is by their return systems. James Woodburn uses the categories "immediate return" hunter-gatherers for egalitarianism and "delayed return" for nonegalitarian. Immediate return foragers consume their food within a day or two after they procure it. Delayed return foragers store the surplus food.[61]
Hunting-gathering was the common human mode of subsistence throughout the Paleolithic, but the observation of current-day hunters and gatherers does not necessarily reflect Paleolithic societies; the hunter-gatherer cultures examined today have had much contact with modern civilization and do not represent "pristine" conditions found in uncontacted peoples.[62]
The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture is not necessarily a one-way process. It has been argued that hunting and gathering represents an adaptive strategy, which may still be exploited, if necessary, when environmental change causes extreme food stress for agriculturalists.[63] In fact, it is sometimes difficult to draw a clear line between agricultural and hunter-gatherer societies, especially since the widespread adoption of agriculture and resulting cultural diffusion that has occurred in the last 10,000 years.[64]
Nowadays, some scholars speak about the existence within cultural evolution of the so-called mixed-economies or dual economies which imply a combination of food procurement (gathering and hunting) and food production or when foragers have trade relations with farmers.[65]
Modern and revisionist perspectives
This section needs additional citations for verification. (June 2022) |
This section's factual accuracy is disputed. (June 2022) |
Some of the theorists who advocate this "revisionist" critique[clarification needed] imply that, because the "pure hunter-gatherer" disappeared not long after colonial (or even agricultural) contact began, nothing meaningful can be learned about prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of modern ones (Kelly,[66] 24–29; see Wilmsen[67])
Lee and Guenther have rejected most of the arguments put forward by Wilmsen.[68][69][70][clarification needed] Doron Shultziner and others have argued that we can learn a lot about the life-styles of prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of contemporary hunter-gatherers—especially their impressive levels of egalitarianism.[71]
There are nevertheless a number of contemporary hunter-gatherer peoples who, after contact with other societies, continue their ways of life with very little external influence or with modifications that perpetuate the viability of hunting and gathering in the 21st century.
Americas
Evidence suggests big-game hunter-gatherers crossed the
Hunter-gatherers would eventually flourish all over the Americas, primarily based in the Great Plains of the United States and Canada, with offshoots as far east as the Gaspé Peninsula on the Atlantic coast, and as far south as Chile, Monte Verde.[citation needed] American hunter-gatherers were spread over a wide geographical area, thus there were regional variations in lifestyles. However, all the individual groups shared a common style of stone tool production, making knapping styles and progress identifiable. This early Paleo-Indian period lithic reduction tool adaptations have been found across the Americas, utilized by highly mobile bands consisting of approximately 25 to 50 members of an extended family.[80]
The
Scholars like Kat Anderson have suggested that the term Hunter-gatherer is reductive because it implies that Native Americans never stayed in one place long enough to affect the environment around them. However, many of the landscapes in the Americas today are due to the way the Natives of that area originally tended the land. Anderson specifically looks at California Natives and the practices they utilized to tame their land. Some of these practices included pruning, weeding, sowing, burning, and selective harvesting. These practices allowed them to take from the environment in a sustainable manner for centuries.[84]
California Indians view the idea of wilderness in a negative light. They believe that wilderness is the result of humans losing their knowledge of the natural world and how to care for it. When the earth turns back to wilderness after the connection with humans is lost then the plants and animals will retreat and hide from the humans.[84]
See also
- Beachcombing
- Nomads
- Cro-Magnon
- Homo floresiensis
- Human migration
- Human history
- Indigenous peoples
- Neanderthals
- Neolithic Revolution
- Origins of society
- Paleolithic
- Prehistoric music
- Primitive skills
- Stateless society
- Tribe
- Clan
- Caucasian Hunter-Gatherer
- Comb Ceramic culture
- Pitted Ware culture
- Uncontacted peoples
Modern hunter-gatherer groups
- Aka people
- Andamanese people
- Angu people
- Awá-Guajá people
- Batek people
- Efé people
- Fuegians
- Hadza people
- Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast
- Inuit
- Iñupiat
- Jarawa people (Andaman Islands)
- Kawahiva people
- Ket people
- Maniq people
- Mbuti people
- Mlabri people
- Moriori people
- Nukak people
- Onge people
- Penan people
- Pirahã people
- Raute people
- San people
- Semang people
- Sentinelese people
- Tjimba people
- Yaruro (Pumé) people
- Ye'kuana people
- Yupik people
Social movements
- Anarcho-primitivism, which strives for the abolishment of civilization and the return to a life in the wild.
- Freeganism involves gathering of food (and sometimes other materials) in the context of an urban or suburban environment.
- Gleaning involves the gathering of food that traditional farmers have left behind in their fields.
- Paleolithic diet, which strives to achieve a diet similar to that of ancient hunter-gatherer groups.
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The Upper Paleolithic inhabitants of the European region spanned by France, Czechoslovakia, and the Ukraine led a hunting life resembling that of the people of Mal'ta and Buret' and built similar dwellings of matching construction from the bones of extinct large mammals
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Further reading
- Books
- Barnard, A. J., ed. (2004). Hunter-gatherers in history, archaeology and anthropology. Berg. ISBN 1859738257.
- Bettinger, R. L. (1991). Hunter-gatherers: archaeological and evolutionary theory. Plenum Press. ISBN 0306436507.
- Bowles, Samuel; Gintis, Herbert (2011). A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and Its Evolution. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691151250. (Reviewed in The Montreal Review)
- Brody, Hugh (2001). The Other Side Of Eden: hunter-gatherers, farmers and the shaping of the world. North Point Press. ISBN 057120502X.
- Codding, Brian F.; Kramer, Karen L., eds. (2016). Why forage?: hunters and gatherers in the twenty-first century. Santa Fe, Albuquerque: School for Advanced Research Press, University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 978-0826356963.
- Lee, Richard B.; DeVore, Irven, eds. (1968). Man the hunter. Aldine de Gruyter. ISBN 020233032X.
- Meltzer, David J. (2009). First peoples in a new world: colonizing ice age America. Berkeley: University of California. ISBN 978-0520250529.
- Morrison, K. D.; L. L. Junker, eds. (2002). Forager-traders in South and Southeast Asia: long term histories. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521016363.
- ISBN 0521776724.
- Turnbull, Colin (1987). The Forest People. Touchstone. ISBN 978-0671640996.
- Articles
- Mudar, Karen; Anderson, Douglas D. (Fall 2007). "New evidence for Southeast Asian Pleistocene foraging economies: faunal remains from the early levels of Lang Rongrien rockshelter, Krabi, Thailand" (PDF). Asian Perspectives. 46 (2): 298–334. S2CID 56067301.(subscription required)
- Nakao, Hisashi; Tamura, Kohei; Arimatsu, Yui; Nakagawa, Tomomi; Matsumoto, Naoko; Matsugi, Takehiko (30 March 2016). "Violence in the prehistoric period of Japan: the spatio-temporal pattern of skeletal evidence for violence in the Jomon period". PMID 27029838.
Our results suggest that the mortality due to violence was low and spatio-temporally highly restricted in the Jomon period, which implies that violence including warfare in prehistoric Japan was not common.
- Ember, Carol R. "Hunter Gatherers (Foragers)". Explaining Human Culture. Human Relations Area Files. Retrieved 22 February 2018.
Most cross-cultural research aims to understand shared traits among hunter-gatherers and how and why they vary. Here we look at the conclusions of cross-cultural studies that ask: What are recent hunter-gatherers generally like? How do they differ from food producers? How and why do hunter-gatherers vary?
External links
- Media related to Hunter-gatherers at Wikimedia Commons
- International Society for Hunter Gatherer Research (ISHGR)
- History of the Conference on Hunting and Gathering Societies (CHAGS)
- The Association of Foragers: An international association for teachers of hunter-gatherer skills.
- A wiki dedicated to the scientific study of the diversity of foraging societies without recreating myths
- Balmer, Yves (2013). "Ethnological videos clips. Living or recently extinct traditional tribal groups and their origins". Andaman Association. Archived from the original on January 11, 2014.