Hybrid regime
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A hybrid regime
The term hybrid regime arises from a polymorphic view of political regimes that opposes the dichotomy of
Definition
Scholars vary on the definition of hybrid regimes based on their primary academic discipline.[27] "Some scholars argue that deficient democracies and deficient autocracies can be seen as examples of hybrid regimes, whereas others argue that hybrid regimes combine characteristics of both democratic and autocratic regimes."[3] Scholars also debate if these regimes are in transition or are inherently a stable political system.[10]
In 1995 Terry Karl introduced the notion of "hybrid" regime, which was simply defined as "combining democratic and authoritarian elements".[28]
According to professor Matthijs Bogaards hybrid types are:[29]
not diminished subtypes, since they do not lack the full development of a characteristic, but rather they exhibit a mixture of characteristics of both basic types, so that they simultaneously combine autocratic and democratic dimensions or institutions
Pippa Norris defined hybrid regimes as:[30]
a system characterized by weak checks and balances on executive powers, flawed or even suspended elections, fragmented opposition forces, state restrictions on media freedoms, intellectuals, and civil society organizations, curbs on the independence of the judiciary and disregard for rule of law, the abuse of human rights by the security forces, and tolerance of authoritarian values.
Henry E. Hale defined hybrid regimes as;[31]
a political regime that combines some democratic and some autocratic elements in a significant manner. It is not, however, a mere half-way category: hybrid regimes have their own distinct dynamics that do not simply amount to half of what we would see in a democracy plus half of what we would see in an autocracy.
Leonardo Morlino defined hybrid regimes as;[32]
a set of institutions that have been persistent, be they stable or unstable, for about a decade, have been preceded by authoritarianism, a traditional regime (possibly with colonial characteristics), or even a minimal democracy and are characterized by the break-up of limited pluralism and forms of independent, autonomous participation, but the absence of at least one of the four aspects of a minimal democracy
Professor Jeffrey C. Isaac defined hybrid regimes as:[33]
Hybrid regimes have the common feature that they all have competition, although the political elite in power deliberately rearranges state regulations and the political arena as to grant itself undue advantages
History
The
Since the end of the Cold War, such regimes have become the most common among undemocratic countries.[37][38] At the end of the process of transformation of authoritarian regimes, limited elections appear in one way or another when liberalization occurs. Liberal democracy has always been assumed while in practice this process basically froze "halfway".[39]
In relation to regimes that were previously called "transitional" in the 1980s, the term hybrid regime began to be used and was strengthened according to
Hybrid regimes have evolved to lean more authoritarian while keeping some democratic traits.
These developments have caused some scholars to believe that hybrid regimes are not poorly functioning democracies, but rather new forms of
Indicators
According to
- The presence of external attributes of democracy (elections, multi-party system, legal opposition).
- A low degree of representation of the interests of citizens in the process of political decision-making (incapacity of associations of citizens, for example trade unions, or that they are in state control).
- A low level of political participation.
- The declarative nature of political rights and freedoms (formally there is in fact difficult implementation).
- A low level of trust in political institutions by the citizenry.
Transition types
Autocratization
Democratisation
Democratization, or democratisation, is the structural government transition from an authoritarian government to a more democratic political regime, including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction.[64][65]
Whether and to what extent democratization occurs can be influenced by various factors, including economic development, historical legacies, civil society, and international processes. Some accounts of democratization emphasize how elites drove democratization, whereas other accounts emphasize grassroots bottom-up processes.[66] How democratization occurs has also been used to explain other political phenomena, such as whether a country goes to a war or whether its economy grows.[67]Measurement
There are various democratic freedom indices produced by intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations that publish assessments of the worlds political systems, according to their own definitions.[68]
Democracy Index
According to the
"The EIU Democracy Index is based on ratings across 60 indicators, grouped into five categories: electoral process and pluralism, civil liberties, the functioning of government, political participation and political culture."[68] The Democracy Index defines hybrid regimes with the following characteristics:[69]
- Electoral fraud or irregularities occur regularly
- Pressure is applied to political opposition
- Corruption is widespread and rule of law tends to be weak
- Media is pressured and harassed
- There are issues in the functioning of governance
Full democracies 9.01–10 8.01–9 | Flawed democracies 7.01–8 6.01–7 | Hybrid regimes 5.01–6 4.01–5 | Authoritarian regimes 3.01–4 2.01–3 0–2.00 |
As of 2021 the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Democracy Index" are:[69]
Global State of Democracy Report
According to the "Global State of Democracy Report" by International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), there are 20 hybrid regimes.[70] "International IDEA compiles data from 12 different data sources, including expert surveys and observational data includes the extent to which voting rights are inclusive, political parties are free to form and campaign for office, elections are free, and political offices are filled through elections."[68] IDEA defined hybrid regimes as:[71]
Combination of the elements of authoritarianism with democracy ... These often adopt the formal characteristics of democracy (while allowing little real competition for power) with weak respect for basic political and civil rights
As of 2021 the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Global State of Democracy Report" are:[72]
V-Dem Democracy Indices
0.900–1.000 0.800–0.899 0.700–0.799 0.600–0.699 | 0.500–0.599 0.400–0.499 0.300–0.399 0.200–0.299 | 0.100–0.199 0.000–0.099 No data |
According to the V-Dem Democracy Indices compiled by the V-Dem Institute at the University of Gothenburg there are 65 hybrid regimes.[74] V-Dem's "Regimes of the World" indicators identify four political regimes: closed autocracies, electoral autocracies, electoral democracies, and liberal democracies.[75]
According to the V-Dem Institute:[76]
In 2021, 70% of the world population – 5.4 billion people – live in closed or electoral autocracies. A mere 13% of the world's population reside in liberal democracies, and 16% in electoral democracies.
Freedom House
Freedom House measures the level of political and economic governance in 29 countries from Central Europe to Central Asia.[78]
"Freedom House assign scores to countries and territories across the globe on 10 indicators of political rights (e.g., whether there is a realistic opportunity for opposition parties to gain power through elections) and 15 indicators of civil liberties (e.g., whether there is a free and independent media)."[68] Freedom House classifies transitional or hybrid regimes as:[78]
Countries that are typically electoral democracies where democratic institutions are fragile, and substantial challenges to the protection of political rights and civil liberties exist
In 2022, Freedom House classified 11 of 29 countries analyzed as "Transitional or Hybrid Regimes":[78]
Typology
According to
Academics generally refer to a full dictatorship as either a form of authoritarianism or totalitarianism over a "hybrid system".[82][80][83] Authoritarian governments that conduct elections are in many scholars view not hybrids, but are successful well-institutionalized stable authoritarian regimes.[b][84][85][86] Democratic elements can simultaneously serve authoritarian purposes and contribute to democratization.[87]
Electoral authoritarianism
Electoral authoritarianism means that democratic institutions are imitative and, due to numerous systematic violations of liberal democratic norms, in fact adhere to authoritarian methods.[88] Electoral authoritarianism can be competitive and hegemonic, and the latter does not necessarily mean election irregularities.[39] A. Schedler calls electoral authoritarianism a new form of authoritarian regime, not a hybrid regime or illiberal democracy.[39] Moreover, a purely authoritarian regime does not need elections as a source of legitimacy[89] while non-alternative elections, appointed at the request of the ruler, are not a sufficient condition for considering the regime conducting them to be hybrid.[88]
Electoral autocracy
Illiberal democracy
The term "illiberal democracy" describes a governing system that hides its "nondemocratic practices behind formally democratic institutions and procedures".[92] There is a lack of consensus among experts about the exact definition of illiberal democracy or whether it even exists.[93]
The rulers of an illiberal democracy may ignore or bypass
Dominant-party system
Delegative democracy
In political science,
For a representative democracy to exist, there must be an important interaction effect. The successful cases have featured a decisive coalition of broadly supported political leaders who take great care in creating and strengthening democratic political institutions.[109] By contrast, the delegative form is partially democratic, for the president has a free rein to act and justify his or her acts in the name of the people. The president can "govern as he sees fit" even if it does not resemble promises made while running for election. The president claims to represent the whole nation rather than just a political party, embodying even the legislature and the judiciary.[110]
O'Donnell's notion of delegative democracy has been criticized as being misleading, because he renders the delegative model that is core to many current democratic governments worldwide into a negative concept.[111]Dictablanda
Dictablanda is a dictatorship in which civil liberties are allegedly preserved rather than destroyed. The word dictablanda is a pun on the Spanish word dictadura ("dictatorship"), replacing dura, which by itself is a word meaning 'hard', with blanda, meaning 'soft'.
The term was first used in
Guided democracy
In a guided democracy, the government controls elections such that the people can exercise democratic rights without truly changing public policy. While they follow basic democratic principles, there can be major deviations towards authoritarianism. Under managed democracy, the state's continuous use of propaganda techniques prevents the electorate from having a significant impact on policy.[117]
AfterLiberal autocracy
Semi-democracy
Defective democracy
Embedded democracy
Competitive Authoritarian Regimes
Competitive Authoritarian Regimes (or Competitive Authoritarianism) is a subtype of Authoritarianism and of the wider Hybrid Regime regime type. This regime type was created to encapsulate states that contained formal democratic institutions that rulers viewed as the principal means of obtaining and exercising legitimate political authority with a meaningful opposition and other semblances of democratic political society. However officials violate elections frequently and interfere with opposition organisations causing the regime to miss the minimum conventional standard for democracy.[142] [143][144][145]
Three main instruments are used within Competitive Authoritarian Regimes to maintain political power: the self-serving use of state institutions (regarding abuses of electoral and judicial institutions such as voter intimidation and voter fraud); the overuse of state resources (to gain influence and/or power over proportional representation media, and use legal resources to disturb constitutional change); and the disruption of civil liberties (such as freedom of speech/press and association).[146]
Currently, within the political sphere, Competitive Authoritarianism has become a crucial regime type that has grown exponentially since the Post-Soviet era in multiple world regions without signs of slowing. On the contrary, there has been growth of Competitive Authoritarianism within previously steadfast democratic regimes, which has been attributed to the recent phenomenon of democratic backsliding.[147] [148]
Hungary Under Viktor Orban’s government (Fidesz) Hungary has become a prime example of a contemporary competitive authoritarian regime due to the disruption of legislative, democratic and electoral institutions without violating civil liberties [149] This has been achieved by the appropriation by Fidesz of the media and the electoral arena through the spread of loyalist Fidesz members within these institutions and businesses. Furthermore, the usage of Fidesz’s memberships within the European People’s Party (in the European Parliament) granted Fidesz protection from EU criticism and showed the EU’s lack of acceptance of the possibility of an EU state becoming a competitive authoritarian regime.[150] This aided Orban as to ‘democratically’ turn Hungary from a democracy to a competitive authoritarian regime strictly within Fidesz control [151] Moreover, this shift towards a competitive authoritarian regime attracted the attention of neighbours within Poland (the PSI or Law and Justice Party). The success of Fidesz’s takeover of the Hungarian government strengthened the PSI’s attempts to rollback judicial institutions and human rights for certain minorities within Poland, however, recently this has halted due to the victory of Donald Tusk's coalition government headed by the Civic Platform [152]
Turky Under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey has experienced a significant dedemocratization over the past decade. The incumbents used state resources and institutions to disadvantage opposition parties, and mandatory civil rights like freedom of press and thought were cut over the years. This led to journalists being threatened with persecution, and the role of opposition politicians became more dangerous [153] The connection between religion and the state became more important, and being part of the right religious group became a key part of a peaceful and successful life. Turkey has also changed its form of government from a parliamentary to a presidential democracy, with civil liberties becoming less important and protected by incumbents. This shows that Turkey is no longer a full-scale democracy, with a lack of democratic freedoms and attempts to combine power on one single person, such as Recep Tayyip Erdogan [154]Despite the lack of democratic freedoms and attempts to combine power on one person, Turkey still has a democratic constitution that significantly defines its state structure. Elections, despite being not fair, are held regularly and have a massive impact on the state [155]
See also
- Authoritarian democracy
- Embedded democracy
- Delegative democracy
- Types of democracy
- Democracy-Dictatorship Index
- Hybrid institutions and governance
Notes
- ^
- ^ a b c d e f "Some scholars argue that deficient democracies and deficient autocracies can be seen as examples of hybrid regimes, whereas others argue that hybrid regimes combine characteristics of both democratic and autocratic regimes."[3] Scholars also debate if these regimes are in transition or are inherently a stable political system.[10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17]
- ^ Other names include autocratization, democratic decline,[51] de-democratization,[52] democratic erosion,[53] democratic decay,[54] democratic recession,[55] democratic regression,[51] and democratic deconsolidation.[56]
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Further reading
Contemporary analysts
- Herre, Bastian; Roser, Max (2013-03-15). "Democracy". Our World in Data. Archived from the original on 2022-11-18. Retrieved 2022-11-18.
- Balderacchi, Claudio (2022-04-14). "Overlooked forms of non-democracy? Insights from hybrid regimes". Third World Quarterly. 43 (6): 1441–1459. S2CID 248208017.
- Ekman, Joakim (2009). "Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes". International Political Science Review. 30 (1). Sage Publications, Ltd.: 7–31. S2CID 145077481.
- Lührmann, Anna; Tannenberg, Marcus; Lindberg, Staffan I. (2018-03-19). "Regimes of the World (RoW): Opening New Avenues for the Comparative Study of Political Regimes". Politics and Governance. 6 (1): 60–77. from the original on 2022-11-18. Retrieved 2022-11-18.
- Sajó, András (2021). Ruling by Cheating: Governance in Illiberal Democracy. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-84463-5.
- Skaaning, Svend-Erik (2021), Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy (LIED) dataset v6.0, Harvard Dataverse,
- Schedler, A. (2013). The Politics of Uncertainty: Sustaining and Subverting Electoral Authoritarianism. Oxford Studies in Democratization. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-166983-5. Archivedfrom the original on 2023-04-04. Retrieved 2022-11-19.
- "BTI 2022 Benin Country Report". BTI 2022. 2021-02-19. Archived from the original on 2022-11-18. Retrieved 2022-11-18.
- Beatriz Magaloni. 2010. "The Game of Electoral Fraud and the Ousting of Authoritarian Rule." Archived 2019-07-29 at the Wayback Machine American Journal of Political Science, 54 (3): 751-65.
- Weyland, Kurt. 2024. "Hybrid Regimes in Historical Perspective." in The Oxford Handbook of Authoritarian Politics. Oxford University Press.
Research history
The researchers conducted a comparative analysis of political regimes around the world (
"Hybrid regimes" (Diamond 2002), "competitive authoritarianism" (Levitsky and Way 2002 Archived 2019-08-08 at the Wayback Machine) and "electoral authoritarianism" (Schedler, 2006) as well as how officials who came to power in an undemocratic way form election rules (Lust-Okar and Jamal, 2002 Archived 2019-07-30 at the Wayback Machine), institutionalize electoral frauds (Lehoucq 2003 Archived 2022-03-13 at the Wayback Machine, Schedler 2002 Archived 2019-08-26 at the Wayback Machine) and manipulate the economy (L. Blaydes Archived 2023-04-04 at the Wayback Machine 2006, Magaloni 2006) in order to win the election and stay in power.