Igbo nationalism
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Igbo nationalism is a range of ethnic nationalist ideologies relating to the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria.[1] While the term is defined as seeking Igbo self-determination by some, others argue that it refers to the preservation and revival of Igbo culture and, for others, the development of Igboland stemming from the philosophy, Aku luo uno, which means "wealth builds the home".[2]
Self-determination
Colonial
The Igbo people were united into the framework of what is currently known as Nigeria in 1914.[3] Through the process of integration, Igbo sovereignty was limited and often frustrated by the sovereignty of the British colonial power.[3] However, as the practice of colonialism faded in popularity, Igbo intellectuals led the charge in the formation of political parties.[3] The first national party, which was the National Council of Nigerians and Cameroon (NCNC),[4] was founded in 1944 and led by journalist and future president Nnamdi Azikiwe.[3] A man of Igbo descent, Azikiwe was received as a distinctly Igbo figure as opposed to a pan-Africanist or a Nigerian nationalist.[3] Thus, the activities of the NCNC represented the emergence of organized Igbo nationalism a means through which Igbo political interests could be achieved.[3]
Accordingly, the Igbo Federal Union (IFU), which was established in 1936,
Post-colonial
Following the success of the
Contemporary
Igbo people in the present day have noted and lamented the exclusion and marginalization of Igbo politicians from high political office following the aftermath of the civil war.[3] In fact, the last Igbo head of state was Major General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi Ironsi, the military head of state appointed following the 1966 coup.[3] Additionally, military and political appointments transpiring from 1979 to 2013 have largely overlooked Igbo candidates.[3]
In light of this issue and others, several contemporary Igbo nationalist groups have emerged, offering differing visions of Igbo political autonomy.[3] Groups such as the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) argue for the revitalization of the Biafra project, or a sovereign Igbo state.[3] As opposed to the largely military strategy of the previous era of Igbo nationalism, the group relies on non-violent tactics in its political strategy.[4]
Preservation and revival of Igbo culture
Colonial
Via the
Post-colonial
The
Contemporary
Due to the civil war conflict resulting in the destruction of the eastern region and the death of millions of Biafrans through military engagements, acts of ethnic cleansing, and starvation, the nationalist movement for the creation of a Biafran state did not reemerge in full-force until 1999.[3] Igbo political elite such as Chief Ralph Uwazuruike formed MASSOB to revitalize Igbo nationalist sentiments based on conceptions of continued injustices against Igbo people.[3] The contemporary reanimation of Igbo nationalism also references the killing of Igbo people by Boko Haram in northern Nigeria as a reason for the reinstitution of the social movement.[3]
MASSOB (which has headquarters across the east and embassies internationally) has been able to leverage the development of an Igbo national consciousness for the promulgation of Biafran ideals.[3] MASSOB has rallied supporters in the southeast and abroad to observe Biafran Day in commemoration of the founding of the Republic of Biafra in 1967.[11] This act, which occurred in 2004 and 2013, contributed to the closure of major shops, banks, and other businesses in eastern states.[3] They also have contributed to the hoisting of Biafra flags in Imo state, Abia state, Enugu state, Ebonyi state, and Anambra state.[3]
Development of Igboland
Colonial
As intrinsic features of the Igbo social order,
Post-colonial
The Igbo pursuit of enrichment in the post-colonial context continued in the pre-colonial and colonial tradition of the pursuit of community enrichment.
An important factor in the escalation of the Nigerian Civil War was the fact that 70 percent of the nation's oil reserves were located in the eastern region.[13] In attempts to limit support for the secessionist movement, General Gowon proclaimed that the four states that composed Nigeria would be split further into 12 states, granting ethnic minority groups their own governments.[13] One of these newly formed states was Rivers State, which held both precious oil reserves and major city Port Harcourt.[13] Though Rivers State did not join the secessionist movement, the loss of the remaining Biafran states posed similar economic risks to Nigerian economy and profits for the Biafran economy.[13]
During the civil war, the Igbo people's properties were liquidated and destroyed.[3] After Biafra's surrender, the Nigerian government delegitimized all of Biafra's currency and gave all of its former citizens 20 pounds in exchange for any sum of Biafran pounds.[14]
Contemporary
The call for the development of Igboland is especially significant considering the lasting effects of the Nigerian Civil War. As a legacy of the conflict, the Igbo people continue to possess significantly smaller amounts of national resources, particularly including oil.[3] The bulk of Nigeria's resources are owned by Yoruba and Hausa individuals.[3] Additionally, Igbo men and women continue to experience anti-Igbo discriminatory attitudes from members of other ethnic groups that affects the success of their businesses.[3] Groups such as Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) perceive the Nigerian government's post-war policies as a form of economic strangulation that has persistently limited the economic agency of the Igbo people.[15]
According to their 2002 Constitution, civil society groups such as Ohanaeze Ndigbo have formed to act as a conduit between the government and the people to negotiate for the socio-economic development of Igbo land.[3]
See also
- Biafra
- Flag of Biafra
- Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra
- Igbo Culture
- Society for Promoting Igbo Language and Culture
References
- ISSN 0001-9909.
- S2CID 145057078.
- ^ ISSN 2050-4292.
- ^ ISSN 1860-7462.
- ^ )
- . Retrieved 2021-03-25.
- ^ S2CID 236791532, retrieved 2021-03-25
- OCLC 1229133006.)
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: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link - ^ Akinbode, Ayomide. "What Really Happened in Aburi that Led to the Nigerian Civil War? – HistoryVille". Retrieved 2021-03-28.
- ^ ISSN 1527-1978.
- ^ S2CID 143775214.
- ^ ISBN 9780875867106.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-108-89595-8.
- OCLC 1112428125.
- ^ Obianyo, Nkolika E. (November 2007). Citizenship and Ethnic Militia Politics in Nigeria: Marginalization or Identity Question? The Case of MASSOB. 5th Global Conference on Pluralism, Inclusion and Citizenship, 18th-19th November 2007. Salzburg, Austria. pp. 1–11.