Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising

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Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising
Part of the Macedonian Struggle

Map of the uprising in the regions of Macedonia and Thrace,
with contemporary Ottoman frontiers and present-day borders
Date2 August 1903 – November 1903
Location
Ottoman Empire
  • Monastir Vilayet
  • Salonika Vilayet
  • Kosovo Vilayet
  • Adrianople Vilayet
Result

Suppression of the uprising

  • Direct involvement of Russian and the Austro-Hungarian Empires to resolve the Macedonian issue and implementation of the Mürzsteg reforms
  • Ottoman reprisals against Christian civilians
  • 30,000 refugees flee to Tsardom of Bulgaria.[1]
Belligerents
IMARO
SMAC
Kruševo Republic
Strandzha Commune
 Ottoman Empire
Commanders and leaders
Strength
26,408 (IMARO figures)[1] 350,931[1]
Casualties and losses
IMARO figures:[1]
  • 994 insurgents killed / wounded
  • 4,694 civilians killed
  • 3,122 girls and women raped
  • 176 girls and women abducted
  • 12,440 houses burned
  • 70,835 people left homeless
5,328 killed / wounded[1]

The Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising, or simply the Ilinden Uprising of August–October 1903 (

Holy Cross Day Uprising), because on September 14 the revolutionaries there also rebelled.[7] The revolt lasted from the beginning of August to the end of October and covered a vast territory from the western Black Sea coast in the east to the shores of Lake Ohrid in the west.[note 1]

The rebellion in the region of

Strandzha Republic. This lasted about twenty days before being put down by the Turks.[14] The insurrection also affected the vilayets of Kosovo and Salonika.[16]

By the time the rebellion had started, many of its most promising potential leaders, including Ivan Garvanov and Gotse Delchev, had already been arrested or killed by the Ottomans. The rebellion was supported by armed detachments which had infiltrated its area from the territory of the Principality of Bulgaria. When the rising began there were attempts to force the Bulgarian government to send the army against the Ottomans. The rebels appealed to Sofia for help too, but the government was pressured by the Great Powers to refrain from military intervention.[17] The revolutionaries managed to maintain a guerrilla campaign against the Turks for the next few months, but the rising was crushed. This was followed by a mass wave of refugees from the areas of Macedonia and Southern Thrace, mostly to Bulgaria, but also to the US and Canada. Its greater effect was that it persuaded the European powers to attempt to convince the Ottoman sultan that he must take a more conciliatory attitude toward his Christian subjects in Europe.[18] Through bilateral agreement, signed in 1904, Bulgaria committed not to support the revolutionary movement, while the Ottomans undertook to implement the Mürzsteg Reforms, however neither happened.

The uprising is celebrated today in both Bulgaria and North Macedonia as the peak of their nations’ struggle against the Ottoman rule and thus it is still a divisive issue. While in Bulgaria it is considered as a general rebellion prepared by the joint revolutionary organization of the

Greater Bulgarian agent.[25] Bulgarian military personnels' significant participation is represented there as an alien element,[26] while the fact the Uprising's leaders were Bulgarian schoolmasters,[27] is neglected. Recent calls for common celebrations, especially from Bulgarian side, did little to change this state of affairs.[28]

Prelude

At the turn of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was crumbling, and the lands they had held in Eastern Europe for over 500 years were passing to new rulers. Macedonia and Thrace were regions of indefinite boundaries, adjacent to the recently independent Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian states, but themselves still under the control of the Ottoman Turks. Each of the neighbouring states based claims to Macedonia and Thrace on various historical and demographic grounds. The population, however, was highly mixed, and the competing historical claims were based on various empires in the distant past.[29][page needed] The competition for control took place largely via of propaganda campaigns, aimed at winning over the local population, and conducted largely through churches and schools. Various groups of mercenaries were also supported by the local population and the three competing governments.[29][page needed][30][page needed]

General Tsonchev's Supreme Committee's band
General Tsonchev's Supreme Committee's band

The most effective group was the

Macedonian Supreme Committee, a group formed in 1894 in Sofia, Bulgaria. This group was called the Supremists, and advocated annexation of the region by Bulgaria.[31][page needed
]

Since the term

Balkan practice whereby the powers maintained the fiction of Ottoman control over effectively independent states under the guise of autonomous status within the Ottoman state; (Serbia, 1829–1878; Romania, 1829–1878; Bulgaria, 1878–1908). Autonomy, in other words, was as good as independence. Moreover, from the Macedonian perspective, the goal of independence by autonomy had another advantage. More important, IMARO was aware that neither Serbia nor Greece could expect to obtain the whole of Macedonia and, unlike Bulgaria, they both looked forward to and urged partition. Autonomy, then, was the best prophylactic against partition, that would preserve the Bulgarian character of Christian Macedonian Slav
population despite the separation from Bulgaria proper. The idea of Macedonian autonomy was strictly political and did not imply a secession from Bulgarian ethnicity. [32]

Odrin Vilayet
before the uprising.

The two groups had different strategies. IMARO as originally conceived sought to prepare a carefully planned uprising in the future, but the Supremacists preferred immediate raids and guerilla operations to foster disorder and a precipitate interventions.

Salonica organized a Bulgarian Secret Revolutionary Brotherhood (Balgarsko Tayno Revolyutsionno Bratstvo). The latter was incorporated in IMARO by 1902 but its members as Ivan Garvanov, were to exert a significant influence on the organization. They were to push for the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising and later became the core of IMRO right-wing faction.[35][page needed] One of the founding leaders of IMARO, Gotse Delchev, was a strong advocate for proceeding slowly, but the Supremacists pressed for a major uprising to take place in the summer of 1903. Delchev himself was killed by the Turks in May 1903.[citation needed
]

Meanwhile, in late April 1903, a group of young anarchists from the Gemidzhii Circle - graduates from the

Bulgarians in Thessaloniki, and later in Bitola.[citation needed
]

Hristo Chernopeev's band in 1903.

By these circumstances the Supremacists' plan went ahead. Under a leadership from

Adrianople Vilayet was not ready, and negotiated for a later uprising in that region.[citation needed
]

During the discussions, Racho Petrov's Bulgarian government supported IMARO's position that the rebellion was entirely internal. As well as Petrov's personal warning to Gotse Delchev in January 1903 to delay or even cancel the rebellion, the government sent out a circular note to its diplomatic representatives in Thessaloniki, Bitola and Edirne, advising the population not to succumb to pro-rebellion propaganda, as Bulgaria was not ready to support it.[36]

Old Russian Berdan and Krnka rifles as well as Mannlichers were supplied from Bulgaria to Skopje following the demand for higher rates of fire by Bulgarian army officer Boris Sarafov.[37] In his memoir, Sarafov states that the main source of funds for the purchase of the weapons from the Bulgarian army came from the kidnapping of Miss Stone as well as from contacts in Europe.[38]

Ilinden Uprising