Illyrian religion

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Illyrian mythology
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Illyrian religion refers to the religious beliefs and practices of the

Balkan Peninsula from at least the 8th century BC until the 7th century AD.[1][2] The available written sources are very tenuous. They consist largely of personal and place names, and a few glosses from Classical sources.[3]

Still insufficiently studied, the most numerous traces of

Illyrian tribes, and a number of deities evidently appear only in specific regions.[7]

As

spells and the evil eye, in the magic power of protective and beneficial amulets which could avert the evil eye or the bad intentions of enemies.[14][7] The rich spectrum in religious beliefs and burial rituals that emerged in Illyria, especially during the Roman period, may reflect the variation in cultural identities in this region.[15]

Certain aspects of the deities and beliefs of the Illyrians stem ultimately from

Dacian beliefs, it constitutes part of Paleo-Balkan mythologies.[16] Albanians preserved traces of Illyrian religious symbolism,[17][18] and ancient Illyrian religion is probably one of the underlying sources from which Albanian folk beliefs have drawn nourishment.[19][20] One can also find several traces of Illyrian cults in the religious and superstitious beliefs among south Slavic peoples today.[21]

Cults

Cults from the

warriors.[25] The absence of figured ornament may reflect an apparent lack of anthropomorphic cults during the early Iron Age.[26] The geometric art of the period, which reached its climax in the 8th century BC, seems to be the only common feature between the different Illyrian areas,[27] as artistic ornaments found after the 6th century BC rather show an outside influence, mainly from archaic Greece and Etruscan Italy.[28]

Archaeological evidence demonstrate the existence of two main

waterfowl and solar symbols predominated in the north.[29] The serpent as the symbol of fertility, protector of the hearth and a chthonic animal, could also be connected with the cult of the sun.[14]

Sun

A swastika in clockwise motion on a detail of the reproduction of a 5th century BC bronze belt plaque from Vače, Slovenia.[30]

Many of the symbols found throughout Illyria were associated with the

horses, or represented geometrically as a spiral, a concentric circle or a swastika. The latter, moving clockwise (卍), portrayed the solar movement.[31]

Several bronze pendants widespread in the region have the shape of solar symbols such as a simple disk without rays, with four rays which form a cross, and with more rays. There are pendants that have more circles placed concentrically from the center to the periphery.[32] Maximus of Tyre (2nd century AD) reported that the Paeonians worshipped the sun in the form of a small round disk fixed on the top of a pole.[33] The sun-disk fixed on the top of a pole is also depicted in the coins of the Illyrian city of Damastion.[34] Among the Liburnians and the Veneti, the sun-disk is depicted as a sun-boat borne across the firmament.[11]

Glasinac bronze chariot; height 16.8 cm, length 20.4 cm.[30]

temples built in high places.[35] Among Illyrians, the deer was an important sun symbol as it was considered a main sacrificial animal offered to the Sun.[14]

Some of the geometric Illyrian cult symbols depicted on metal and ceramic ware.[36]

Remnants of the cult of the sun have been preserved among the

Catholics in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[38]

Serpent

Labeatan coins of the 2nd century BC; a serpent depicted on the reverse of an Amantian coin (c. 200 BC).[13]

The serpent cult was widespread among Illyrians,

Illyrios, the eponymous hero of the Illyrian lineage, also had the form of a serpent, and as such he can be considered as the supreme totem of the Illyrians.[13][41]

The importance of the serpent in the symbolic and religious system of the Illyrians is reflected in numerous archaeological discoveries in their settlements and

Dyrrhachion, Olympe and Amantia.[13] In Dardania and Dalmatia there were dedicated altars to the serpentine pair Dracon and Dracaena/Dracontilla.[7][43] In later times, the serpent was considered an obstacle to the Christian spiritual life.[7]

The cult of the serpent has survived among

Encheleian coast, the blavor ("snake-lizard") is considered a household protector, and it is a sin to kill it. The word blavor is related to Albanian bullar and Romanian balaur, which are pre-Slavic Balkanisms that show the continuity of the cult of the serpent among the peoples of the region.[43]

Horseman

The horsemen was a common

Lake Scutari in the territory of the Labeatae, indicating a common hero-cult practice in those regions. Modern scholars suggest that the iconographic representation of the same mythological event includes the Illyrian cults of the serpent, of Cadmus, and of the horseman.[51][52]

A marble relief of a riding horseman of the Roman period, Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia.

The reliefs of the

medallion, found also at Sarajevo, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[53]

Deities by region

The study in the field of Illyrian religion is in several cases insufficient for a description even at the level of basic attributes of individual deities.

Illyrian tribes, and a number of deities evidently appear only in specific regions.[7] On the other hand, some derivatives and epithets of gods were more widespread among the different tribes: a lot of Illyrian personal names are similar to the Dardanian deity Andinus,[55] and certain Illyrian and Messapian goddesses (some of them borrowed from Greek) shared the title Ana or Anna,[56] which is plausibly interpreted as "Mother".[57]

The Illyrian names of the gods were not different in grammatical structures from the personal names reserved for humans.[56] The onomastic evidence demonstrates a general division between several cultural provinces, which can sometimes overlap: the southern region of Illyris, the middle Pannonian and Dalmatian provinces, and the northwestern regions of Liburnia and Istria.[58] Other Illyrian gods are more scarcely attested in Moesia Superior (present-day North Macedonia),[59] and the pantheon may be extended to the Iapygian deities if one follows the generally accepted Illyro-Messapic theory that postulates an Illyrian migration towards southeastern Italy (present-day Apulia) during the early first millennium BC.[3][8][60]

Illyris

The lexicographer

Jupiter.[63] Hesychius recorded that the Illyrians believed in satyr-like creatures called Deuadai, which has been interpreted as a diminutive of the inherited Indo-European word for a "god" (*deywós). Philologist Hans Krahe argued that Satyros (Σάτυρος) may be of Illyrian origin.[64]

The name Redon appears in inscriptions found in Santa Maria di Leuca (present-day Lecce), and on coins minted by the Illyrian city of Lissos, suggesting that he was worshipped as the guardian deity of the city,[65] and probably as a sea god.[66] The fact that Redon was always depicted on coins wearing a petasos demonstrates a connection with travelling and sailing, which led historians to the conclusion that Redon was the deity protector of travellers and sailors.[67] Indeed, the inscriptions of Santa Maria di Leuca were carved by the crews of two Roman merchant ships manned by Illyrians.[68] Inscriptions mentioning Redon were also found on coins from the Illyrian cities of Daorson and Scodra, and even in archaeological findings from Dyrrhachium after the establishment of a Roman colony there.[67] His name keeps on being used in the Albanian Kepi i Rodonit ("Cape of Rodon"), a headland located near Durrës which could be analysed as an Illyrian sanctuary dedicated to the god of the sailors in the past.[69]

Name of God.[78]

An Illyrian god named Medaurus is mentioned in a dedication from Lambaesis (Numidia) made by a Roman legatus native of the Illyrian city of Risinium (present-day Montenegro). The name is more scarcely attested on another inscription found in Risinium, engraved by the Peripolarchoi, the border guards of the city; and also in Santa Maria di Leuca, where Medaurus is the divine name given to a merchant ship.[79] Portrayed as riding on horseback and carrying a lance, Medaurus was the protector deity of Risinium, with a monumental equestrian statue dominating the city from the acropolis.[80] He was also possibly regarded as a war god among Illyrian soldiers fighting in the Roman legions along the limes, especially during the Marcomannic Wars (166–180 AD).[81]

Dalmatia and Pannonia

Dalmatia and Pannonia were ruled by the Roman Empire and grouped together within the province of Illyricum from the creation of the empire in 27 BC until the reign of Vespasian in 69–79 AD, during which they got separated into two different provinces.[82] From the beginning of the reign of Septimius Severus in 193, Pannonians began to adopt Roman deities or put emphasis on local gods compatible with Roman cults.[83] Sedatus, Epona, Mars Latobius, Jupiter Optimus Maximus Teutanus, and other non-Illyrian deities were thus introduced by Roman and Celtic foreigners in the region, and local religion is hardly traceable before the Severan period.[84]

Cult of Silvanus

Votive relief of Silvanus with iconography of Pan; from Split, Croatia, ca. 2nd–3rd century AD.

The cult of Silvanus, the Roman tutelary deity of the wild, woods and fields, was one of the most popular ritual traditions in Dalmatia and Pannonia during the Roman period.[85] Silvanus was so familiar in the region that his name was often abbreviated on inscriptions.[86] The way he was portrayed in Dalmatia differed from the rest of the Roman Empire, with various elements common only with Pannonia. Silvanus was depicted with attributes generally related to Pan, such as goat legs, horns, syrinx, pedum, grapes or other fruits, and he was escorted by a goat and female companions (Diana and the Nymphs).[87] Several cognomina were attributed to Silvanus in particular, such as Domesticus when he was portrayed as a bearded countryman with his watch-dog, holding the knife of a wine-grower or gardener. Under Silvanus Messor, he was the protector of the harvest, while the epithet Silvestris, often paired with Diana and the Nymphs, depicted the hunter and the rural woodland identity.[88]

Some scholars have interpreted those peculiarities from the point of the view that Silvanus was an indigenous deity resembling Pan, but recognized by Classical writers as 'Silvanus' through the eyes of

interpretatio romana.[89] They generally link the representations of Silvanus with an erect phallus to pre-Roman fertility cults found earlier in the region, especially local ithyphallic depictions of the Iron Age.[90] The cult of Silvanus was also more frequent in the towns of the Dalmatian heartlands such as Vrlika than in the coastal Graeco-Roman colonies like Narona.[91] An opposing view regards the cult of Silvanus in Dalmatia and Pannonia as a tradition of Italian origin eventually adopted by Balkanic populations living in romanized areas during the second century AD.[92] The association of Silvanus with the Phrygian deity Attis also appears in Dalmatia and further north in Aquileia (Italia).[91]

The Silvanae, a feminine plural of

Albanian mythology,[97][98] and that she can be traced today in the image of "mother Yana" within Serbian folklore.[50]

Cult of Liber

In

Other deities

Tadenus was a Dalmatian deity bearing the identity or epithet of

Delmatae also had Armatus as a war god in Delminium.[28] Two altars were dedicated to him under the name Armatus Augustus in Dalmatia, and while he was recorded under a Latin name, the deity was likely of native origin.[105]

Aecorna (or Arquornia) was a goddess worshipped exclusively in the Emona Basin, in the cities of Nauportus and Emona (Pannonia Superior), where she was the most important divinity next to Jupiter.[106] The earlier testimony of her cult appears in inscriptions dated 50–30 BC, and she is most likely of native origin.[107][108] Aecorna has been interpreted as a lake goddess, or as a patroness of the river traffic along the Ljubjanica.[107] Laburus was also a local deity worshipped in Emona.[109] His name was found on an altar erected at Fuzine, in a dangerous site for navigation near the rapids of the Ljubjanica river. Laburus may thus have been a deity protecting the boatmen sailing through those perilous rapids.[110] Oriental Mithraic mysteries became also widespread in Pannonia during the Roman period, with an important centre of cult in Poetovio.[111]

Liburnia and Istria

Iutossica and Anzotica, the latter identified with

Japodes as the guardian deity of springs and seas. Altars were dedicated to him by tribal leaders at the Privilica spring sources near Bihać.[115] By the early 1st century AD, the Istrian goddess Heia was worshipped on the Pag island in a syncretism with the Roman goddess Bona Dea. She is also attested in the towns of Nesactium and Pula.[116]

Moesia Superior

The region of Moesia Superior showed a great variety of cultural beliefs, as it lay on the cultural frontier between the Latin West and the Greek East.[117] The debated identity of tribes such as the Dardanians, interpreted as either Illyrian or Thracian,[118] or the Paeonians, likewise dwelling between the Dardanians and Macedonians,[11] rests upon the fact that they inhabited an Illyrian-Thracian contact zone where both cultures intertwined over a long period.[119]

The Dardanian deity Andinus was worshipped in a region dominated by Thracian gods. The only trace left is a name carved on an altar dedicated by a beneficiarus ("a foreigner"). Variants like Andia or Andio were also common among the Dardanians,[117] and a lot of Illyrian personal names are found under the forms Andes, Andueia or Andena.[55] The Paeonians worshiped a god named Dualos, the equivalent of Dionysus. His name has been compared with Albanian dej ("drunk") and Gothic dwals ("a madman"), reinforcing the association of the Paeonian deity with wine and intoxication.[120]

Apulia

Illyrian languages spoken on the other side of the Adriatic Sea, as both ancient sources and modern scholars have described an Illyrian migration into Italy early in the first millennium BC.[8][121] The pre-Roman religion of Iapygians appears as a substrate of indigenous elements mixed with Greek mythology.[122] In fact, the Roman conquest probably accelerated the hellenisation of a region already influenced by contacts with Magna Grecia, a set of colonies Greeks had founded in southeastern Italy by the 8th century BC (Tarentum in particular), after first incursions centuries earlier during the Mycenaean period.[122] Aphrodite and Athena were thus worshiped in Apulia as Aprodita and Athana, respectively.[123]

Indigenous Iapygian beliefs featured the curative powers of the waters at the

Jovis (*Djous) and Illyrian Dei(-pátrous).[131] The Tarentine god Dís (Δίς) has probably been borrowed from their neighbouring Messapians.[132]

The goddess Venas (< *wenos), also an inherited deity (cognate with Latin Venus or Old Indic vánas "desire"), is often invoked along with the sky-god Zis (kla(o)hi Zis Venas, "listen, Zis (and) Venas") and with an unknown god, Taotor (Θautour), probably related to the "tribe" or the "community" as his name stems from PIE *teutéha- ('people').[132] Lahona was the name of a Messapian deity worshipped as an epithet attached to Aphrodite: ana aprodita lahona.[109] She was featured in votive inscriptions found in Ceglie Messapica, and the dedication has been translated either as "To the goddess Aphrodite Lahona",[133] or as "Mother Aphrodite Lahona".[134] The theonym Thana, attested on Messapian inscriptions, is also found on Dalmatian altars.[135]

The goddess Damatura (or Damatira) could be of Messapian origin rather than a borrowing from the Greek Demeter, with a form dā- ("earth", compare with Albanian: dhe) attached to -matura ("mother") and akin to the Illyrian god Dei-pátrous (dei-, "sky", attached to -pátrous, "father").[136][137][138] This theory was supported by Pisani (1935) and Georgiev (1937), rejected by Kretschmer (1939),[137] and more recently supported by Çabej, Demiraj (1997),[139] and West (2007),[136] although Beekes (2009) and De Simone (2017) rather see a borrowing from Greek.[132][137] West further notes that "the formal parallelism between [Damatura and Deipaturos] may favour their having been a pair, but evidence of the liaison is lacking."[140]

Mythology

Cosmology

The opinion[11] according to which the Illyrians apparently did not develop a uniform cosmology on which to center their religious practices is incompatible with the discovery of a monument representing a round labyrinth that was dedicated to the "Dardanian Goddess" from Smira. This monument provides evidence for cosmogonic and cosmologic knowledges among the Dardani.[141] The labyrinth was realized based on the concept of the trinity. There is used a numerological and geometric approach through a multidimensional holographic field, which illustrates the Dardanian perception of the cosmic order and the interconnection between the material world and the higher realm.[142]

Legends

The absence of figured ornament during the early

Enchelei and the territory they inhabited: Boeotia and Illyria.[144]

Coin from Apollonia bearing the inscription ΒΑΤΩΝ. The name Bato/Baton was very common among Illyrians, often related to legends, religion, and cults.

In Roman times Bato was one of the most notable Illyrian names, which perhaps was originally a

Argos, as recorded by Pausanias. In every region it is related to legends and religion, suggesting also an ancient cult.[145] According to a legendary account reported by Polybius, cited by Stephanus of Byzantium, after Amphiaraus disappearance his carioteer Baton settled in Illyria, near the country of the Enchelei.[146]

The meanings of compound personal names like Veskleves (lit. "good-fame", i.e. "possessing good fame") have been interpreted as an indicator of an oral epic tradition among the Illyrians.[147][148]

According to a tradition reported by Appian, the Illyrian king Epidamnos was the eponymous founder of the homonym city. His grandson Dyrrhachos, son of Epidamnos' daughter Melissa and Poseidon, founded a harbor that was called Dyrrhachion. According to this legend, when Dyrrhachus was attacked by his own brothers, the hero Heracles, who was promised part of the Illyrian land, came to his aid, but in the fight the hero killed by mistake Ionius, the son of his ally Dyrrhachos. During the funeral Heracles cast the body into the sea, thereafter named Ionian Sea.[149][150] The genealogy of the foundation of Dyrrhachium includes among the founders Illyrian men (the Illyrian king Epidamnos and his grandson Dyrrachos), Greek men (the Corinthian Falio, descendant of Heracles), heroes (Heracles who was given part of the lands) and gods (Poseidon, as father of Dyrrachos). The emergence of a mixed tradition with apparently divergent aspects (Heracles as a "god" and a Greek king on the one hand, Epidamnos and his grandson Dyrrachos as Illyrians on the other hand) was probably determined by the perception of a profane action carried out by the colonists, which only a new heroic and divine tradition could have justified. Considering the Hellenization process to which the Illyrian local aristocracies adhered early, this tradition can be conceivably considered as constructed both by the colonists and by the Hellenized Taulantian population.[150]

It has been argued that the legend of Aeneas was transmitted in Italy and Rome through Illyrian intermediacy. Similarly it can also be explained the unclear Latin form Ulixes of the name Odysseus.[151]

Totemism

Illyrian

Roman period.[12]

Magic and superstition

As recorded by ancient Roman writers, Illyrians believed in the force of

teeth are indicators of a belief in the protective and beneficial force of amulets.[156]

Burial and afterlife

During the

Adriatic shore at the beginning of the first millennium BC.[157] Cremation, on the other hand, was very rare, however it was not discontinuous by the Middle Bronze Age.[22]

In the Iron Age, during the late 6th and early 5th century BC, the increase in cremation graves in the

inhumation to cremation is thought to be an evidence of the arrival of new people from the north.[159] In fact, cremation became a more common rite among northern Illyrians, while inhumation persisted as the dominant rite in the south.[160] The gradual transition from the rite of cremation to that of inhumation during the Roman period can be interpreted as a sign of greater concern for the afterlife.[160] The rich spectrum in religious beliefs and burial rituals that emerged in Illyria, especially during the Roman period, is an indicator of the variation in cultural identities in this region.[15]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ "In the ethnological tradition the totem of the Albanians and especially northern Albanians is the snake.".[47]
  2. Dyēus.[73]
  3. PIE *mend-/mond- (perhaps *mn̥d-), "to suckle, feed, breast".[126]

References

  1. ^ Stipčević 2002, pp. 46–47.
  2. ^ a b Mallory & Adams 1997, pp. 288–89.
  3. ^ a b c d e West 2007, p. 15: "For the ancient Thracian and Illyrian peoples the source material is extremely scanty. It consists largely of personal and place names, a few glosses from Classical sources, and one or two inscriptions. To these can be added a larger body of inscriptions from south-east Italy in the Messapic language, which is generally considered to be Illyrian..."
  4. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 182: "The most numerous traces of religious practices from the pre-Roman period are those which relate to religious symbolism. The finds of an extraordinarily large number of pendants having a symbolic meaning offer rich, until now insufficiently utilized, material for research into the little-known spiritual world of the prehistoric IIlyrians, also research for the purpose of identifying the spiritual currents which flowed from various sides and at different periods into the western Balkans. It is these tiny pendants and graphically presented symbols on clay or metal objects which reveal to us the chief object of the cult of the prehistoric Illyrians — the Sun."
  5. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 244: "Symbolic forms appear in every variety of ornament. Most common of all is that of the sun, to which were related birds, serpents, horses and the swastika, which is seen to represent the solar movement."
  6. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 182: "...all were connected with sun-worship, proving how very widespread it was. Such symbolic designs as swastikas, spirals or even horse-shaped pendants, images of birds, serpents, etc., reveal details of the very complex Illyrian Sun cult."
  7. ^ a b c d e f g Wilkes 1992, p. 245.
  8. ^ a b c Wilkes 1992, p. 68: "...the Messapian language recorded on more than 300 inscriptions is in some respects similar to Balkan Illyrian. This link is also reflected in the material culture of both shores of the southern Adriatic. Archaeologists have concluded that there was a phase of Illyrian migration into Italy early in the first millennium BC."
  9. ^ a b Small 2014, p. 18.
  10. ^ De Simone 2017, p. 1842–1843.
  11. ^ a b c d e Wilkes 1992, p. 244.
  12. ^ a b Stipčević 1974, p. 197.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g h i Stipčević 1976, p. 235.
  14. ^ a b c Stipčević 1974, p. 182.
  15. ^ a b Brandt, Ingvaldsen & Prusac 2014, p. 249.
  16. ^ Leeming 2005, p. xvii.
  17. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 74: "Ethnologists, too, studying the very rich and as yet insufficiently known Albanian ethnographical material, have found in it a series of elements which have descended directly from prehistoric Illyrian heritage. Particularly numerous are traces of Illyrian costume in present-day Albanian national costume, just as there are Illyrian traces in Albanian ornaments and in religious symbolism, folk dances, music anthroponymy, toponymy, etc."
  18. ^ Stipčević 1976, pp. 234–235: "Il fatto che questo simbolo lo troviamo connesso con l'altro simbolo solare — il cerchio, nelle necropoli medioevali in Albania può avere un significato solo, quello cioè del contenuto simbolico identico tra questi oggetti, un fatto che può servire da argomento in favore della tesi per la continuità spirituale tra gli Illiri preistorici e le genti albanesi dell'alto Medioevo. Altri simboli religiosi illirici e albanesi, studiati dal punto di vista che ci interessa in questa sede, non potranno non apportare nuove prove per la continuità spirituale illiro-albanese. Tra questi ricorderemo quello che possiamo senz'altro considerare il più importante di tutti — il serpente."
  19. ^ West 2007, p. 288: "Ancient Illyrian religion is perhaps one of the underlying sources from which Albanian legend and folklore have drawn nourishment."
  20. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 280: "...the Albanian culture, as fascinating and varied as any in that quarter of Europe, is an inheritance from the several languages, religions and ethnic groups known to have inhabited the region since prehistoric times, among whom were the Illyrians."
  21. ^ Stipčević 2002, p. 75.
  22. ^ a b c Boardman & Sollberger 1982, pp. 234–235.
  23. ^ a b Šašel Kos 1993, p. 125: "Serpent symbols appeared as ornamentation as early as the Stone Age, along with statuettes of snakes and serpent goddesses, and it is apparent that the snake, wherever it appeared, influenced the conceptions of primitive man who, as is indicated by finds, saw in it on the one hand the protector of the domestic hearths, and on the other a chthonic diety [sic] conferring fertility."
  24. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 197; Wilkes 1992, p. 247
  25. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 197: "Theirs is a severe kind of art, intended for cattle breeders and tillers of soil or warriors. It is an art devoid of phantasy, just as unchangeable throughout the centuries as the lives of those who created it and for whom it was created. Some isolated attempts at artistic deviation did not break the barriers of the dominating geometrical formulae."
  26. ^ a b Wilkes 1992, p. 247: "llyrian taste in artistic ornament was non-representational and geometric, with combinations of triangles, diamonds and diagonal lines incised on metal objects and pottery. The absence of figured ornament may reflect the apparent lack of mythology or anthropomorphic cults."
  27. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 197: "The geometric art of the early Iron Age did not possess marked differences between one Illyrian area and another, as happened in the subsequent centuries."
  28. ^ a b c d e Wilkes 1992, p. 247.
  29. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 186: "The fact that the cult of the serpent seems to have existed exclusively in southern Illyria (one very rarely finds the serpent image in the northern regions) has enabled us to delineate with considerable clarity — however vaguely divided — two separate religious entities. In the southern one the cult of the serpent, in all its varied and rich manifestations, had a dominant role, and in the northern, the waterfowl and other symbols of the sun predominated."
  30. ^ a b Stipčević 1974, p. 191.
  31. ^ Stipčević 1974, pp. 182, 186; Wilkes 1992, p. 244
  32. ^ Stipčević 1976, p. 233.
  33. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 244; Tirta 2004, pp. 77–79
  34. ^ a b Stipčević 1976, p. 234.
  35. ^ a b c d Tirta 2004, pp. 77–79.
  36. ^ Stipčević 1981, pp. 205–259.
  37. ^ a b c Tirta 2004, pp. 68–70.
  38. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 68–70; Durham 2004, p. 94
  39. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 186.
  40. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 245; Tirta 2004, pp. 166–170
  41. ^ Šašel Kos 1993, p. 113.
  42. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 166–167.
  43. ^ a b Šašel Kos 1993, p. 125.
  44. ^ Stipčević 1976, pp. 234–236.
  45. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 146–147.
  46. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 149–156.
  47. ^ Sinani, Shaban. "Rikodifikimi i shenjës në romanin "Dranja". Një vështrim Antropologjik". In: Wir sind die Deinen: Studien zur albanischen Sprache, Literatur und Kulturgeschichte, dem Gedenken an Martin Camaj (1925–1992) gewidmet. Herausgegeben von Bardhyl Demiraj. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2010. p. 111.
    ISSN 0568-8957
    .
  48. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 157–163.
  49. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 162–163.
  50. ^ a b Stipčević 1974, p. 75.
  51. ^ a b Garašanin 1976, pp. 278–279.
  52. ^ Castiglioni 2010, pp. 93–95.
  53. ^ Hampartumian 1979, p. 10.
  54. ^ a b Stipčević 1974, p. 193.
  55. ^ a b Krahe 1946, p. 199; Wilkes 1992, p. 86
  56. ^ a b Krahe 1946, p. 199.
  57. ^ Benveniste 1969, p. 168; West 2007, p. 140
  58. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 70.
  59. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 254; Stipčević 1974, p. 84
  60. ^ Mallory & Adams 1997, pp. 288–89; Small 2014, p. 18
  61. ^ Mallory & Adams 2006, pp. 408–409; West 2007, p. 167
  62. ^ Benveniste 1969, p. 166: "In this region occupied by an ancient Illyrian population some part of the Illyrian heritage has survived in the Dorian dialect: the form Deipaturos may be a vocative of Illyrian origin."
  63. ^ Krahe 1946, p. 203; Ceka 2013, p. 348
  64. ^ West 2007, pp. 293–294.
  65. ^ Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83.
  66. ^ Ceka 2013, p. 348.
  67. ^ a b Ceka 2013, pp. 230, 348.
  68. ^ Ceka 2013, pp. 230, 348; Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83
  69. ^ Ceka 2013, p. 230.
  70. ^ Lurker 2005, pp. 150, 155.
  71. ^ West 2007, p. 243: "The Albanian Perëndi 'Heaven', 'God', has been analysed as a compound of which the first element is related to perunŭ and the second to *dyeus."
  72. ^ Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 582: "It is argued that the underlying meaning here is not oak but rather that the Norse and Baltic forms are from *per-kw-, an extension on the root *per- 'strike' [...] These would then be related to *peruhxnos 'the one with the thunder stone' [...], and possibly Albanian peren-di..."
  73. ^ Mallory & Adams 1997, pp. 408–409; West 2007, p. 167
  74. ^ Tagliavini 1963, p. 103.
  75. ^ Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 203; West 2007, p. 266
  76. ^ Tagliavini 1963, p. 103; Lurker 2005, p. 57
  77. ^ Elsie 2001, p. 257.
  78. ^ Lurker 2005, p. 150.
  79. ^ Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–245; Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83
  80. ^ Dyczek et al. 2014, p. 81.
  81. ^ Ceka 2013, p. 414; Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83
  82. ^ Šašel Kos 2019, p. 26.
  83. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 249.
  84. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 253.
  85. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 251; Dzino 2017, pp. 108
  86. ^ Dorcey 1992, p. 68.
  87. ^ Dzino 2017, pp. 108, 111; Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 87
  88. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 252; Wilkes 1992, p. 259
  89. ^ Dzino 2017, pp. 109.
  90. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 250; Wilkes 1992, p. 259
  91. ^ a b Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 87.
  92. ^ Mócsy 1974, pp. 251–252; Dorcey 1992, p. 68
  93. ^ West 2007, p. 288: "Another name is Silvanae, the feminine plural corresponding to Silvanus, god of the forest. Most of the dedications to them, however, come not from Italy but from Pannonia, and they may represent Illyrian rather than Italian nymphs."
  94. ^ a b Stipčević 1974, p. 194.
  95. ^ Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–45.
  96. ^ West 2007, p. 281.
  97. ^ Kuka, Benjamin (1984). Questions of the Albanian Folklore. 8 Nëntori.
  98. ^ Burton, Philip (1996). The Journal of Indo-European Studies. Journal of Indo-European Studies. p. 346.
  99. ^ Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 68.
  100. ^ a b Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 71.
  101. ^ a b Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 69.
  102. ^ Krahe 1946, p. 203; Wilkes 1992, p. 247
  103. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 158; Ceka 2013, p. 414
  104. ^ Cambi, Čače & Kirigin 2002, p. 114 (note 45).
  105. ^ Zaninović 2007, p. 219.
  106. ^ Krahe 1946, p. 199; Šašel Kos 2019, pp. 36, 38
  107. ^ a b Šašel Kos 2019, p. 37–38.
  108. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 74.
  109. ^ a b Krahe 1946, p. 201.
  110. ^ Šašel Kos 2019, p. 32.
  111. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 257.
  112. ^ Krahe 1946, p. 199; Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–245
  113. ^ Krahe 1946, pp. 200, 202; Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–245
  114. ^ Matijašić, Robert. "Goddess Ika / Ica of Plomin." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 3, br. - (2016): 99-110. https://doi.org/10.15291/misc.1352
  115. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 246.
  116. ^ Delplace 2019, p. 111.
  117. ^ a b Mócsy 1974, p. 254.
  118. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 5.
  119. ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 254; Wilkes 1992, p. 85
  120. ^ Krahe 1946, p. 200; Stipčević 1974, p. 84
  121. ^ Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 278.
  122. ^ a b c Pallottino 1992, p. 50.
  123. ^ Krahe 1946, p. 199–200.
  124. ^ Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 274.
  125. ^ Lamboley 2019, p. 138 (note 34): Festus, De verborum significatu (frg. p. 190 ed. Lindsay) : Et Sallentini, apud quos Menzanae Iovi dicatus uiuos conicitur in ignem [En témoignent aussi les Sallentins qui jettent vivant dans les flammes un cheval consacré à Jupiter Menzanas].
  126. ^ Pokorny 1959, p. 729; Orel 1998, pp. 260, 265
  127. ^ West 2007, pp. 137, 146.
  128. ^ Lamboley 2019, p. 130: "Le culte de Juppiter Menzanas mentionné par Festus renvoie assez clairement à un culte indigène antérieur connu au moins de Verrius Flaccus."
  129. ^ Gruen 2005, p. 279.
  130. ^ Marchesini 2009, p. 139.
  131. ^ Krahe 1946, p. 204; Gruen 2005, p. 279; West 2007, pp. 166–167; De Simone 2017, p. 1843; Søborg 2020, p. 74.
  132. ^ a b c De Simone 2017, p. 1843.
  133. ^ De Simone 1989, p. 647.
  134. ^ West 2007, p. 140.
  135. ^ Pisani 1987, p. 506.
  136. ^ a b West 2007, p. 176: "The ∆α-, however, cannot be explained from Greek. But there is a Messapic Damatura or Damatira, and she need not be dismissed as a borrowing from Greek; she matches the Illyrian Deipaturos both in the agglutination and in the transfer to the thematic declension (-os, -a). (It is noteworthy that sporadic examples of a thematically declined ∆ημήτρα are found in inscriptions.) Damater/ Demeter could therefore be a borrowing from Illyrian. An Illyrian Dā- may possibly be derived from *Dhǵh(e)m-."
  137. ^ a b c Beekes 2009, p. 324.
  138. ^ Pisani 1987, pp. 501, 506.
  139. ^ Orel 1998, p. 80.
  140. ^ West 2007, p. 182.
  141. ^ Shukriu 2008, pp. 22–23.
  142. ^ Shukriu 2008, p. 23.
  143. ^ Šašel Kos 1993, p. 113: "Of all the known legends connected to the northwestern Balkans, the one which was most deeply rooted among the population is the legend of the Theban heroic pair, Cadmus and Harmonia... In her opinion the legends of Cadmus, of Bato, and of the Cadmeians among the Enchelei..." p. 123: The popularity of the legend of Cadmus and Harmonia in Illyria was also manifested in other ways, in particular in the sphere of artistic creation." p. 124: "Bato, one of the most significant Illyrian names in the period of the Roman Empire, was originally, as is shown by Katičić, probably nomen sacrum...The name is unusually distributed, concentrated in Illyria, Thebes (or rather Argos), and Troas, everywhere connected to legends and religion which indicates ancient cult and religious relations..."
  144. ^ Katičić 1977, p. 5: "Die Encheleer erscheinen in der ältesten Landeskunde des östlichen Ufers der Adria, an sie knüpft sich der Mythos vom Ende des Kadmos und d er Harmonia. Bald ist es, als verträten sie in ältester Zeit für die Griechen das illyrische Volkstum schlechthin, manchmal erscheinen sie als eigene Volksgruppe n eben den Illyriern , meistens aber werden sie als einer unter den illyrischen Stämmen erwähnt. Das griechische Schrifttum kennt sie aber nicht nur als Bewohner der fernen adriatischen Gestade und der Täler im balkanischen F estland, es kennt sie auch im vertrauten Böotien, als Nachbarn Thebens, die eine Rolle in seiner Frühgeschichte gespielt haben. Encheleer werden demnachin allen Gegenden erwähnt, wo Kadmos und Harmonia verweilt haben: sowohl in Böotien, als auch im illyrischen. Lande. Die Verbindung des Heroenpaares mit diesem Volke erweist sich, dadurch als noch enger. Das Volk der Encheler hat somit zweifellos eine zen tra le Stellung in der ältesten illyrischen Geschichte."
  145. ^ Šašel Kos 1993, p. 124: "Bato, one of the most significant Illyrian names in the period of the Roman Empire, was originally, as is shown by Katičić, probably nomen sacrum; Pausanias mentions that he had a temple in Argos (II 23, 2), and it is very probable that he was also honoured as a hero in Harpya. The name is unusually distributed, concentrated in Illyria, Thebes (or rather Argos), and Troas, everywhere connected to legends and religion which indicates ancient cult and religious relations, which in Katičić's opinion extended far beyond linguistic and ethnic boundaris."
  146. ^ Cabanes 2008, pp. 157–158.
  147. ^ Šašel Kos 1993, p. 124: "The name would also correspond to compound names of the type of Veskleves, which R. Katičić defined as names whose meanings indicate an oral epic tradition among the Illyrians."
  148. ^ West 2007, p. 400: "There is a striking abundance of names containing the element *klewes- 'fame' or *kluto- 'famous', sometimes identical with poetic epithets or corresponding to poetic phrases. In the Rigveda we find, among others: Suśrávas- 'of good fame' (1. 53. 9 f., also as an epithet); compare Avestan Haosravah- (Yt. 5. 49, al.), which later became Xusrav (Chosroes); Greek Εὐκλεής; Illyrian Vescleves-."
  149. ^ Cabanes 2008, p. 157.
  150. ^ a b Sassi 2018, pp. 951–952.
  151. ^ Palmer 1988, pp. 40–41.
  152. ^ a b Stipčević 1974, p. 196.
  153. ^ a b Šašel Kos 1993, p. 119.
  154. ^ Stipčević 1974, pp. 196–197.
  155. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 243: "At the more spiritual level Illyrians were certainly much taken with the force of spells or the evil eye. Pliny's story that there were among Illyrians those 'who could gaze with the evil eye, cast a spell and even kill someone' (N//7.16) is repeated in the following century by Aulus Gellius (9.4, 8) in his compendium of table-talk among Roman intellectuals."
  156. ^ Stipčević 1974, p. 182; Wilkes 1992, p. 245
  157. ^ Boardman & Sollberger 1982, p. 235.
  158. ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 44.
  159. ^ Wilkes 1992, pp. 54.
  160. ^ a b Wilkes 1992, p. 242.

Bibliography

Further reading