Indigenous archaeology
This article is written like a personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay that states a Wikipedia editor's personal feelings or presents an original argument about a topic. (September 2013) |
Indigenous archaeology is a sub-discipline of Western archaeological theory that seeks to engage and empower
As a relatively recently formed variety of archaeology, the "tenets and practices of Indigenous archaeology are currently being defined",[3] and, as a sub-discipline, it is "unavoidably pluralistic, contingent, and emergent".[4] Changes in practices under what is called indigenous archaeology may range from Indigenous peoples being consulted about archaeological research and the terms of non-Native researchers, to instances of Native-designed and directed exploration of their "own" heritage.[5]
The explosion of development-related
Potential biases in Western archaeology
The modern science of archaeology involves the collection and study of material objects like human remains and culturally or historically significant items.[8] This practice has its origins in European colonial policies. Many historical items obtained throughout the 18th and 19th centuries were acquired from colonized third world nations by European or American scientists and explorers. Some items were paid for, but many were excavated from indigenous lands without the consultation or permission of the people to whom the items were culturally significant.[8] In the case of human remains, there are many documented instances of indigenous bodies being removed from battlefields or from burial sites by researchers during this time period.[1] Many of these bodies were used to assemble collections for the purpose of biological and cultural studies. At the time, many bodies were also used by European and American scientists as evidence in the creation of racial classification systems.[1]
Modern archaeological practices ensure the items obtained from excavations are through legal means.[9] The knowledge obtained from the study of these artifacts can offer many historical insights in a wide variety of fields. For instance, human remains can give information on topics from the migration patterns of ancient humans to the evolution and spread of modern diseases.[9] Acquiring this information requires historical artifacts or remains to study. Indigenous communities are often not included or consulted in this process, and the desires of local communities can be marginalized. Findings are often not shared with the communities artifacts are obtained from, and many old artifacts are stored in museum collections for extended periods of time without being used.[1]
Development
Much of the tension between archeologists and
As a result of discarded indigenous narratives, colonialist perspectives dominated the academic discourse and evaluated the indigenous history as a separate and less significant extension of the contemporary culture. The viewpoints of colonialist empires impressed predispositions and assumptions regarding indigenous culture and history, whether by destroying indigenous property, seizing land, or using state-sponsored propaganda and education to reinterpret the legacy of indigenous groups. Furthermore, access to archaeological findings and the means to correct biased or misleading portrayals of indigenous culture were limited by the relative lack of indigenous scholars participating directly in archaeology. The means of correcting and recovering the indigenous narrative are thus further damaged, and the imperialist-aligned interpretation of history is codified in the academics and archaeological practice. Colonialist views on indigenous culture are subsequently ingrained in the education system and the populace itself (Sonya 2006).
The legacy of anthropologists and archaeologists "behaving badly" with respect to native people has affected 21st century relations. For instance, indigenous peoples pushed for passage by the US Congress of the
Debate about indigenous concerns about archaeology have been related to criticism of 20th-century post-
Such scholars increasingly find fault with science's "universalizing myth" and its allegedly objective "
Since the activism associated with the late twentieth century, Indigenous peoples have worked to develop strategies to use, protect, research and manage their cultural heritage. Indigenous archaeology is just one among the tools they are using to reclaim their heritage.[citation needed]
Internalist archaeology
Internalism encourages reclaiming by indigenous peoples of the archaeological record, and thus their connections to land, spirit and power. It treats oral narrative as a kind of middle-range theory (Yellowhorn 2006: 205), drawing on
Archaeology and national politics
The importance of archaeological sites and materials to Indigenous peoples’ case for their uninterrupted occupation of colonized lands cannot be overestimated: "control of cultural property is central to the struggle of decolonization, aboriginal self-government, and in some areas, First Nations cultural survival" (Walker and Ostrove 1995: 14). As archaeology provides incontrovertible material related to past events, First Nations peoples are beginning to consider archaeology as a practice they can use, rather than as a colonialist project or bureaucratic obstacle course. Archaeological sites and objects may serve the philosophy and process of decolonization; for instance, being used to negotiate
Scholars generally support the rights of Indigenous peoples to the sites and materials created and used by their ancestors. Canadian First Nations, and others in like circumstances, "hold better jurisdictional title", thus legislative authority, to heritage resources than either Canada or the provinces (Asch 1997: 66). Yet the disposition of these areas continues to challenge governments: “given the intellectual and political traditions of historically and colonially established behaviour still influential in nominally post-colonial societies, any change becomes an issue of national and inherently contested politics” (Boyd et al. 2005: 92). So while the care and management of heritage materials and sites is often among those areas first offered up by colonial governments at modern negotiating tables, few accommodations are made for the attendant financial demands and regulative license required for these transfers of responsibility (Mohs 1994).
Self-determination
In once-colonial nations, the efforts of current governments to reconcile with First Nations people is having direct effects on the practical and legal aspects of stewardship of archaeological resources. Waves of globally and federally endorsed recognition of
The contributions of the indigenous viewpoint to archaeology also aid in addressing the problems of race that are integrated into the practice. The archaeological discourse can take a patronizing and judgmental interpretation of indigenous practices and artifacts without proper context, often portraying indigenous culture as comparatively flawed or inferior in technique and technology. These construe the notion of indigenous culture as particularly alien and foreign, building a racist image to the non-indigenous viewpoint. The incorporation of the indigenous viewpoint in the academics can normalize their culture in the overall historical narrative, and shift away from portraying indigenous peoples as "savage", and instead evaluate them equally with other world cultures (Echo-Hawk 2006).
The indigenous narrative is significantly influenced by the colonialist tendency to homogenize indigenous culture into one single entity. The contemporary historical sequence focuses on the fall of indigenous cultures as a result of the advent of empires, and portrays the end segment of their history as the only significant contribution. For example, the colonization of the Americas in Central and South America neglect the long history of the Aztec and Incan empires, and only associates those cultures with defeat in the context of colonization. The complex political and economic infrastructure and achievements of those indigenous societies, and their legacy leading up to that point, is discarded in the narrow scope of the colonial achievement. Additionally, characterizing the indigenous history as an era of collective defeat fails to distinguish between individual indigenous cultures, cutting off their own histories and obscuring the features unique to each society (Oland 2012).
Indigenous and mainstream archaeologies
Applications
As Indigenous archaeology unfolds, two things are becoming clear that serve to highlight some of the principle similarities and differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous perspectives. First, most Indigenous archaeologies hold the view that archaeology makes up only one part of the cultural resources spectrum (Anyon 1991). The inclusion of spiritual, traditional use, linguistic and historical studies are influencing the direction of heritage research and management, just as anthropology's standard four-field approach has done for archaeology. In both traditions, "intellectual and material aspects of these cultural practices are nearly impossible to separate and an attempt to do so threatens or undermines the practices themselves" (Smith and Jackson 2006: 312). Second, where archaeology and Indigenous archaeology diverge, is on the issue of human remains. These, according to most Indigenous practitioners and publics, are not the same as other kinds of cultural resources, their use and disposition should not be subject to the regulations or negotiations. However, archaeologists need them for their research and to advance society's knowledge. This divide stems from how many people in both groups see the world. Scientists are trained in western schools of thought, which portrays time as linear. People beyond a couple generations into the past are seen as long gone, and it is less taboo to study their remains. In contrast, many indigenous cultures see time as circular and deceased ancestors as a current members of their society.[9] In recent years the political climate has favored indigenous people. Many major European and American universities and museums have returned stored remains to indigenous communities around the world.[9]
Despite, or perhaps because of, these differences, Indigenous archaeology should not be seen as exclusive to Indigenous peoples. It has wide relevance outside Indigenous communities (Atalay 2006), where post-colonial methodology is wanting in quantity and quality. The practice of Indigenous archaeology provides non-Native people with a tool by which they may aid in the larger project of decolonization and reclamation of minority rights and identities. It actively recognizes the special rights, interests and responsibilities that Native people have in the realm of cultural heritage (e.g., Anyon 1991, L.T. Smith 2005, Wilson 2007; Yellowhorn 1996). Indigenous archaeology has become part of the greater transformative project of Indigenous research "that is active in pursuit of social and institutional change, that makes space for Indigenous knowledge, and that has a critical view of power relations and inequality" (L.T. Smith 2005: 89).
Managing differences
Negotiating the difference in Indigenous and non-Indigenous perspective, of course, entails an "increasingly holistic engagement...with modern native peoples who are direct heirs to the traditions they are studying" (Trigger 1990: 781–782), which is changing the whole thrust of archaeological practice and stewardship. Conservative factions in archaeology (e.g. McGhee 2008) are finding the risk of infidelity to the archaeological record too great to sanction an Indigenous archaeology, believing the endeavour to be too subjective to be considered archaeology. Abdicating the use of archaeology's unique set of methods for interpreting the past in favour of alternative lines of evidence (e.g. oral history, genealogical studies) is, critics argue, setting up competing, even incompatible, versions of history.
The disparity between the indigenous and non-indigenous interpretations of archaeological conduct may be addressed by the integration of indigenous perspective in explaining artifacts and observations initially made by non-indigenous archaeologists. The intent and historical background of particular historical remnants offered by the indigenous perspective can assist in the contemporary archaeological approach. For example, the rationale behind choice of material and method used in constructing historical artifacts would allow a fairer evaluation of indigenous technology to be seen in the historical narrative. In the same way, an archaeological approach headed by indigenous researchers could benefit from the input of non-indigenous research. A responsible and equitable account of indigenous history requires that the narratives of different cultures is taken into consideration by the parties involved (Croes 2010).
The late, eminent Canadian theoretician Bruce Trigger suggested archaeologists continue to rigorously evaluate each history based on "evidence of greater or lesser completeness and accuracy and on more or less sound reasoning" (1997: ix). Advocating a continued use of careful, objective assessment of such qualities can help integrate different aspects of the past into a more complete, holistic picture of history (ibid). The anthropological-Indigenous collaborative model inevitably raises hackles because at some point, somebody's truth is going to have to be truer than someone else's to move forward (or it will be presented as such; Cooper 2006). Where archaeologists' version of events contradicts First Nations' beliefs about their history, is each obliged to challenge others' myth-building? "If archaeologists knowingly treat the beliefs of Indian differently from those of Euro-Canadians," writes Trigger, "there is a danger that the discipline will descend into mythography, political opportunism, and bad science" (x). While he asserts that "the only morally defensible option" (x) in such cases is to report the truth (as far as it can be known), the real, social implications this could have on relationships predicated on goodwill and respect may be severe. Trigger acknowledges the influence that both cultural relativism and the great white guilt have on archaeologists looking to do the right thing, but maintains that above all, archaeology must retain the scientific method if it can hope to "refute claims being made by fascists, sexists, racists, and Indian-haters" (x). He insists that archaeologists have a responsibility not only to educate people, but to do so "honestly and frankly" (x) and to credit individuals with the ability to form their own opinions.
Indigenous archaeology in practice
As the values and goals of descendent communities are incorporated into the structure of heritage management, a different picture of heritage stewardship should emerge. Where the Western mode is predicated on ideas of the public trust, the Indigenous stewardship paradigm is more often concerned with the care of living history (Smith and Burke 2003: 183–185; also Lawson 1997, Watkins 2003). Assigning custody of heritage on the basis of cultural patrimony respects the "traditionally, or historically, legitimate cultural or spiritual responsibility for the cultural property at hand" (Meskell 2002: 291), and infuses stewardship with a duty of familial care. The differences between the "public trust" school of archaeological thought, and the "cultural legacy" perspective of Indigenous thought have cognitive implications: the former isolates history, failing to link it with other people, places or times, while the latter binds the studied past with the present and future. The distinction can be as simple a matter as considering an archaeological skeletal specimen as object or ancestor (Smith and Burke 2003: 184–185). Or, it can be as complex as demonstrating continuity by drawing one's past on the landscape for a world that relies on discontinuities to order time and space.
Controlling and preserving culturally significant archaeological materials and shaping the discourse around their history are the other primary issues of indigenous archaeology. The fact based nature of archaeology as a science leads it to value sources that do not have hard evidence, like material information or data, less than those that do.
Legislation around the stewardship and preservation of archaeological and cultural sites is perceived to be similarly biased as well.
Global impact
Watkins (2005) presents an overview of the gradual progress of the Indigenizing of archaeology worldwide, lauding the few accomplishments and trying to "interpret the relative quiet of the Indigenous voice" (40). In Australia and New Zealand, Aboriginal peoples are using archaeology as part of their reclamation of heritage and assertion of indigenous rights, where it is increasingly used in support of land claims and repatriation issues (39). The Canadian experience follows a similar trajectory, albeit at a slower pace. Specific examples of unambiguously successful Canadian collaborative projects include the partnership in
(Watkins 2005: 35).The value of indigenous communities is taking becoming greater in archaeological projects that work with sensitive artifacts and cultural remnants, though conflict between contemporary and indigenous approaches still exist. For example, the integration of indigenous permissions in studying sites, such as Massachusetts's 1983 Unmarked Burial Law, assists in providing indigenous communities a measure of control over archaeological studies. However, indigenous communities dispute on whether or not their cultural practices should be subject to academic and legalistic judgement by external scholars. The demands on indigenous peoples concerning archaeological collaboration involve more burdens on the indigenous community to answer to archaeological probing, while traditional archaeological approaches do not change and fail to accommodate to indigenous needs (Matthews 2009).
The regions of Mesoamerica and South America are beginning the dialogue of indigenous interests in archaeology, which there as elsewhere takes a backseat to more pressing efforts to secure basic rights for First Peoples. The nations of
See also
- Archaeology
- Cultural Heritage
- Intellectual property issues in cultural heritage (IPinCH)
References
Footnotes
- ^ a b c d e Pearsall, Deborah M. (2008). Encyclopedia of Archaeology (1 ed.). Elsevier Inc.
- ^ .
- ^ Atalay 2006: 292
- ^ Lyons 2007: 7
- ^ e.g. Million 2005
- ^ Nicholas 2008, Nicholas and Andrews 1997
- ^ Trigger 2007: 22
- ^ S2CID 143415130.
- ^ S2CID 143934055.
- ^ Mohs 1994. p. 202.
- ^ Watkins 2005 p. 32.
- ^ Lippert 1997.
- ^ Lippert 1997. p. 121.
- ^ "Lyackson First Nation and Heritage Preservation", Turtle Island News Network, June 2000, accessed 16 September 2013
- ^ Rossiter and Wood 2005.
- ^ Windschuttle 1997
- ^ Such as Cooper 2006, Yellowhorn 1996 and Wylie 2002
- ^ Nagel 1986
- ^ Wylie 2005. p. 63.
- ^ Braun, M.J. (2012). Bridging the gap: A critical analysis of implementing an indigenous archaeology approach in the management of cultural resources.
- ^ CATHY BROWN, Associated Press, "Giving blood in a search for history" Archived 2014-05-29 at the Wayback Machine, 13 June 2001, at Sealaska Heritage Institute, accessed 16 September 2013
Bibliography
- Books
- Oland, Maxine; Siobhan, M.; Frink, Liam (2012). Decolonizing Indigenous Histories : Exploring Prehistoric/Colonial Transitions in Archaeology. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. ISBN 978-0816504084.
- Smith, Claire; Heather Burke (2007). Digging It Up Down Under: A Practical Guide to Doing Archaeology in Australia. New York: Springer. ISBN 978-0-387-35263-3.
- Windschuttle, Keith (1997). The Killing of History: How Literary Critics and Social Theorists Are Murdering Our Past. New York: The Free Press. ISBN 978-0-646-26506-3.
- ISBN 978-0-520-93540-2.
- Academic Anthology Articles
- Anyon, Roger (1991). G. S. Smith; J. E. Ehrenhard (eds.). "Protecting the Past, Protecting the Present: Cultural Resources and American Indians". Protecting the Past. Boca Raton, Florida: CRC: 215–222.
- Asch, Michael (1997). George Nicholas; Thomas Andrews (eds.). "Cultural Property and the Question of Underlying Title". At a Crossroads: Archaeology and First Peoples in Canada. Burnaby: SFU Archaeology Press: 266–271.
- Boyd, W. E.; Cotter, Maria M.; Gardiner, Jane; Taylor, Gail (2005). Mathers, Clay; Darvill, Timothy; Little, Barbara J. (eds.). "Rigidity and a changing order... disorder, degeneracy and daemonic repetition: Fluidity of Cultural Values and Cultural Heritage Management". Heritage of Value, Archaeology of Renown. Gainsesville: University Press of Florida: 89–113.
- Cooper, David E. (2006). Chris Scarre; Geoffrey Scarre (eds.). "Truthfulness and 'Inclusion' in Archaeology". The Ethics of Archaeology. New York: Cambridge University Press: 131–145. ISBN 9780511817656.
- Forsman, Leonard A. (1997). Nina Swidler; Kurt Dongoske; Roger Anyon; Alan Downer (eds.). "Straddling the Current: A View From the Bridge Over Clear Salt Water". Native Americans and Archaeologists: Stepping Stones to Common Ground. Walnut Cree: AltaMira Press: 105–111.
- Kohl, Philip L.; Clare Fawcett (1995). Kohl, Philip L.; Clare Fawcett (eds.). "Archaeology in the Service of the State". Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology. New York: Cambridge University Press.
- Lawson, Kimberley (1997). George Nicholas; Thomas Andrews (eds.). "Cultural Interpretation in Times of Change". At a Crossroads: Archaeology and First Peoples in Canada. Burnaby: SFU Archaeology Press: 33–52.
- Lippert, Dorothy (1997). Nina Swidler; Kurt Dongoske; Roger Anyon; Alan Downer (eds.). "In Front of the Mirror: Native Americans and Academic Archaeology". Native Americans and Archaeologists: Stepping Stones to Common Ground. Walnut Cree: AltaMira Press: 120–127.
- Matthews, Christopher (2009). "Is Archaeology Political? Transformative Praxis within and against the Boundaries of Archaeology". The Public Historian. Berkeley: The Regents of the University of California: 79–90.
- Million, Tara (2005). "Developing an Aboriginal archaeology: receiving gifts from the White Buffalo Calf Woman". In Claire Smith; Martin Wobst (eds.). Indigenous Archaeologies: Decolonising Theory and Practice. New York: Routledge.
- Mohs, Gordon (1994). David L. Carmichael; Jane Hubert; Brian Reeves; Audhild Schanche (eds.). "Sto:lo Sacred Ground". Sacred Sites, Sacred Places. New York: Routledge: 184–208.
- Nicholas, George (2008). "Native Peoples and Archaeology (Indigenous Archaeology)". In D. Pearsall (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Archaeology. Vol. 3. Oxford: Elsevier. pp. 1660–1669.
- Nicholas, George; Thomas Andrews (1997). "Indigenous Archaeology in a Post-Modern World". At a Crossroads: Archaeology and First Peoples in Canada. Burnaby: SFU Archaeology Press: 1–18.
- Ritchie, David (1994). David L. Carmichael; Jane Hubert; Brian Reeves; Audhild Schanche (eds.). "Principles and Practice of Site Protection Laws in Australia". Sacred Sites, Sacred Places: 227–244.
- Smith, Linda Tuhiwai (2005). Norman K. Denzin; Yvonna S. Lincoln (eds.). "On Tricky Ground: Researching the Native in the Age of Uncertainty". The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, California: Sage: 85–108.
- Larry J. Zimmerman; Karen D. Vitelli; Julie Hollowell-Zimmer, eds. (2003). "In the Spirit of the Code". Ethical Issues in Archaeology. Walnut Creek, California: AltaMira Press: 177–197.
- Society for American Archaeology (1995). Mark. J. Lynott; Alison Wylie (eds.). "Principles of Archaeological Ethics". Ethics and Archaeology: Challenges for the 1990s. Society for American Archaeology: 23–24.
- Trigger, Bruce (1997). George Nicholas; Thomas Andrews (eds.). "Foreword". At a Crossroads: Archaeology and First Peoples in Canada. Burnaby: SFU Archaeology Press: vii–xiii.
- Larry J. Zimmerman; Karen D. Vitelli; Julie Hollowell-Zimmer, eds. (2003). "Archaeological Ethics and American Indians". Ethical Issues in Archaeology. Walnut Creek, California: AltaMira Press: 129–141.
- White Deer, Gary (1997). Nina Swidler; Kurt Dongoske; Roger Anyon; Alan Downer (eds.). "Return to the Sacred". Native Americans and Archaeologists: Stepping Stones to Common Ground. Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press: 37–43.
- Whitelaw, Gavin (2005). Clay Mathers; Timothy Darvill; Barbara J. Little (eds.). "Plastic value: Archaeological Significance in South Africa". Heritage of Value, Archaeology of Renown. Gainsesville: University Press of Florida: 137–156.
- Academic Journal Articles
- Atalay, Sonya (2006a). "Guest Editor's Remarks: Decolonizing Archaeology". American Indian Quarterly. 30 (3&4). University of Nebraska: 269–279. S2CID 162341068.
- Atalay, Sonya (2006b). "Indigenous Archaeology as Decolonizing Practice". American Indian Quarterly. 30 (3&4). University of Nebraska: 280–310. S2CID 144342402.
- Croes, Dale (2010). "Courage and Thoughtful Scholarship = Indigenous Archaeology Partnerships". American Antiquity. 75 (2). Cambridge University Press: 211–216. S2CID 163967816.
- Canadian Archaeological Association (1997). "Statement of Principles for Ethical Conduct Pertaining to Aboriginal Peoples". Canadian Journal of Archaeology. 27: 280–310.
- Echo-Hawk, Roger; Zimmermann, Larry (2006). "Beyond Racism: Some Opinions about Racialism and American Archaeology". American Indian Quarterly. 30 (3&4). University of Nebraska Press: 461–485. S2CID 143756800.
- Ferguson, T.J. (1996). "Native Americans and the Practice of Archaeology". Annual Review of Anthropology. 25: 63–79. JSTOR 2155818.
- Ferris, Neal (2003). "Between Colonial and Indigenous Archaeologies: Legal and Extra-legal Ownership of the Archaeological Past in North America". Canadian Journal of Archaeology. 27 (2): 154–190.
- McGhee, Robert (2008). "Aboriginalism and the Problems of Indigenous Archaeology". American Antiquity. 73 (4): 579–597. S2CID 6837871.
- Meskell, Lynn (2002). "The Intersections of Identity and Politics in Archaeology". Annual Review of Anthropology. 31: 279–301. JSTOR 4132881.
- Rossiter, David; Patricia K. Wood (2005). "Fantastic Topographies: Neo-liberal Responses to Aboriginal Land Claims in British Columbia". Canadian Geographer. 49 (4): 352–366. .
- Smith, Claire; Gary Jackson (2006). "Decolonizing Indigenous Archaeology: Developments from Down Under". American Indian Quarterly. 30 (3): 311–349. S2CID 144198921.
- Trigger, Bruce (1990). "The 1990s: North American Archaeology with a Human Face?". Antiquity. Vol. 64, no. 245. pp. 778–787.
- Walker, Patrick; Clarine Ostrove (1995). "The Aboriginal Right to Cultural Property". UBC Law Review. Vol. 13. pp. 13–28.
- Watkins, Joe (2005). "Artefacts, Archaeologists, and American Indians". Public Archaeology. Vol. 4, no. 2&3. pp. 187–192.
- Wylie, Alison (1999). "Science, Conservation and Stewardship: Evolving Codes of Conduct in Archaeology". Science and Engineering Ethics. Vol. 5, no. 3. pp. 319–336.
- Yellowhorn, Eldon (1996). "Indians, Archaeology and the Changing World". Native Studies Review. Vol. 11, no. 2. pp. 23–50.
- Yellowhorn, Eldon (2006). "Understanding Antiquity". Journal of Social Archaeology. 6 (3): 307–327. S2CID 162191561.
- Governmental and organisational publications
- British Columbia (2005). New Relationship with Aboriginal Peoples. Ministry of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation.
- Canada (1996). Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada.
- United Nations (2007). United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. United Nations, New York: United Nations Economic and Social Council.
- Other
- Lyons, Natasha (2007). Quliaq tohongniaq tuunga (making histories): towards a critical inuvialuit archaeology in the Canadian western arctic (Thesis). University of Calgary. hdl:1880/102327.
- "World Archaeological Congress Codes Of Ethics". World Archaeological Congress. 1990. Archived from the original on 2009-02-06.
External links
- Archaeology Without Reserve: Indigenous Heritage Stewardship Project homepage[permanent dead link]
- Indigenous involvement in environmental and heritage management (Australia)
- Intellectual property issues in cultural heritage (IPinCH)
- Protocols for Native American Archival Materials
- World Archaeological Congress