Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization

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Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization
  • Вътрешна македонска революционна организация (Bulgarian)
  • Внатрешна македонска револуционерна организација (Macedonian)
Dissolved14 June 1934
Group(s)BPMARO, MFO, ITRO, Ilinden
BSRB, IMRO (U), MSRC, SMAC, IDRO, Boatmen of Thessaloniki
MotivesBefore WWI: Autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople regions
During WWI: Incorporation of Vardar Macedonia, Belomorie and Pomoravie within Bulgaria
After WWI: Independent Macedonia
IdeologyMacedonia for the Macedonians[1]
Major actionsMiss Stone Affair
Kokošinje murders
Štip massacre
StatusRevolutionary Organisation
Allies Kingdom of Bulgaria
Opponents Ottoman Empire
 Kingdom of Serbia
 Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Kingdom of Greece
Battles and wars
Flag
IMRO – Bulgarian National Movement (claimed)
VMRO-DPMNE
(claimed)

The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO;

Ottoman territories in Europe, that operated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[2]

Founded in 1893 in

state within a state in some regions, including their tax collectors. This effort escalated in 1903 into the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising. The fighting involved about 15,000 IMRO irregulars and 40,000 Ottoman soldiers. After the uprising failed, and the Ottomans destroyed some 100 villages, the IMRO resorted to more systematic forms of terrorism targeting civilians.[3] During the Balkan Wars and the First World War, the organization supported the Bulgarian army and joined Bulgarian war-time authorities when they temporarily took control over parts of Thrace and Macedonia. In this period, autonomism as a political tactic was abandoned, and annexationist positions were supported, aiming eventual incorporation of occupied areas into Bulgaria.[11]

After the First World War the combined

Bulgarian coup d'état of 1934, their Petrich stronghold was subjected to a military crackdown by the Bulgarian army,[14] and the IMRO was reduced to a marginal phenomenon.[18]

The organization changed its name on several occasions. After the fall of communism in the region, numerous parties claimed the IMRO name and lineage to legitimize themselves.

Republic of Macedonia a right-wing party was established under the name "VMRO-DPMNE".

Excerpt from the statute of BMARC, (1894 or 1896; in Bulgarian)

Statute of the Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committees

Chapter I. – Goal
Art. 1. The goal of BMARC is to secure full political autonomy for the Macedonia and Adrianople regions.
Art. 2. To achieve this goal they [the committees] shall raise the awareness of self-defense in the Bulgarian population in the regions mentioned in Art. 1., disseminate revolutionary ideas – printed or verbal, and prepare and carry on a general uprising.

Chapter II. – Structure and Organization

Art. 3. A member of BMARC can be any Bulgarian, independent of gender, ...
Excerpt from the statute of SMARO, (1896 or 1902; in Bulgarian) Statute of the Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization Chapter I. – Goal
Art. 1. The Secret Macedonian-Adrianople organization has the goal of uniting all the disgruntled elements in Macedonia and the Adrianople region, regardless of their nationality, to win, through a revolution, a full political autonomy for these two regions.

Art. 2. To achieve this goal, the organization fights to throw over the chauvinist propaganda and nationalist quarrels that are splintering and discouraging the Macedonian and Adrianople populations in his struggle against the common enemy; acts to bring in a revolutionary spirit and consciousness among the population, and uses all the means and efforts for the forthcoming and timely armament of the population with all that is needed for a general and universal uprising.

Chapter II. – Structure and Organization
Art. 3. The Secret Macedonon-Adrianoplitan revolutionary organization consists of local revolutionary organizations (bands) consisting of the members of local towns or villages.

Art. 4. A member of SMARO can be any Macedonian, or Adrianoplitan...
Excerpt from the statute of IMARO, 1906 (in Bulgarian) Statute of Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organisation (amended at the general congress in 1906) Chapter I. – Goal
Art. 1. – The goal of the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization is to unite any and all dissatisfied elements in Macedonia and the Adrianople Vilyaet without regard to their nationality so that political autonomy can be gained for these two regions.

Art. 2. The Organization opposes any other country's intentions to divide and conquer these two regions.

Chapter II. – Means

Art. 3. To achieve this goal, the Organization aims to abolish chauvinist propaganda and nationalistic disputes, which split and weaken...
SMAC
between 1893 and 1913.

Ottoman era

Origins and goals

The organization was founded in 1893 in Ottoman

Petar Pop-Arsov, Andon Dimitrov, Hristo Batandzhiev and Ivan Hadzhinikolov.[20] Most of them (with the exception of Ivan Hadzhinikolov) were closely connected with the Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki
.

According to Hristo Tatarchev's "Memoirs", IMRO was first called simply the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO), however neither statutes nor regulations, or other basic documents with such names have not yet been found.[38] It is believed by many historians[1][2][3][4][5][39] that in 1894 or 1896 this probably unofficial name[40] was changed to Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committees (BMARC); and the organisation existed under this name until 1897 or 1902, when it was changed to Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (SMARO). Some Macedonian historians[6][7][41] also acknowledge the existence of the name "ВMARC" in the very early period of the Organisation (1894–1896), while others dispute it. Thus, in North Macedonia it is generally assumed that in the period 1896–1902, the name of the organization was "SMARO".[42][43] It is not disputed that the organization changed its name to Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (IMARO) in 1905 and it is under this name referred to in Bulgarian historiography.[8] After disbanding itself during the first Bulgarian annexation of Macedonia (1915–1918), the organization was revived in 1919 under the name Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), under which it is generally known today.

Gotse Delchev.

Ivan Hadzhinikolov in his memoirs lists the five basic principles of the MRO's foundation:

  1. The revolutionary organization should be established within Macedonia and should act there so that the Greeks and Serbs couldn't label it as a tool of the Bulgarian government.
  2. Its founders should be locals and living in Macedonia.
  3. The political motto of the organization should be the autonomy of Macedonia.
  4. The organization should be secret and independent, without any links with the governments of the liberated neighbor states, and
  5. From the Macedonian immigrants in Bulgaria and the Bulgarian society, only moral and material help for the struggle of the Macedonian revolutionaries should be required.
    — [9]
Hristo Tatarchev.

According to Dr. Hristo Tatarchev:

We talked a long time about the goal of this organization and at last we fixed it on the autonomy of Macedonia with the priority of the Bulgarian element. We couldn't accept the position for "direct joining to Bulgaria" because we saw that it would meet big difficulties by reason of confrontation of the Great powers and the aspirations of the neighbouring small countries and Turkey. It passed through our thoughts that one autonomous Macedonia could easier unite with Bulgaria subsequently and if the worst comes to the worst, that it could play a role as a unifying link of a federation of Balkan people. The region of Adrianople, as far as I remember, didn't take part in our program, and I think the idea to add it to autonomous Macedonia came later.

— [10]

In Dame Gruev's memoirs, the MRO's goals are stated as follows:

We grouped together and jointly worked out a statute. It was based on the same principles: demand for the implementation of the Berlin Treaty. The statute was worked out after the model of the

Bulgarian revolutionary organisation before the Liberation. Our motto was "Implementation of the resolutions of the Berlin Treaty". We established a "Central Committee" with branches, membership fees, etc. Swearing in for each member was also envisaged. In the regulations, there was nothing concerning the Serbian propaganda but we intended to counteract it by enlightening the people.

— [11]
Dame Gruev

The Adrianople Region was the general name given by the Organization to those areas of

Adrianople, and gradually committees were established in a large area.[44]

The stated goal of the original Committee was to unite all elements dissatisfied with the

Adrianople Vilayet. These usually centered around the schools of the Bulgarian Exarchate and had as leaders local or Bulgarian-born teachers.[12]

Although IMRO was predominantly ethnic Bulgarian since its establishment, it favoured the idea of an autonomous Macedonia and preferred to disassociate itself from official Bulgarian policy and was not under government control. Its founding leaders believed that an autonomous movement was more likely to find favour with the Great Powers than one which was a tool of the Bulgarian government. [13] In the words of British contemporary observer

Henry Brailsford
:

When, in addition to these advantages, the Bulgarophil Macedonians started their marvellously-organised revolutionary committee in 1893, the Servian cause received its death-blow. By way of emphasising her antagonism to Bulgaria, official Servia now adopted an openly Turcophil policy, and nothing could be more fatal to the prospects of any Christian race in Turkey. The Macedonian peasantry will bestow their allegiance only on a propaganda which promises them some speedy prospect of release from the Ottoman yoke. The Servian movement is a purely official agitation, guided and financed in Belgrade; whereas, despite the sympathy of Sofia, the Bulgarian Revolutionary Committee is a genuine Macedonian organisation.

— [14]

What is more, some of its younger leaders espoused radical socialist and anarchist ideas and saw their goal as the establishment of a new form of government rather than unification with Bulgaria. Eventually, these considerations led the organisation to change its statute and accept as members not only Bulgarians but all Macedonians and Odrinians regardless of ethnicity or creed. In reality, however, besides some Aromanian members, its membership remained overwhelmingly Bulgarian Exarchist.[15]

A convoy of captured Bulgarian IMRO activists.
VMRO and later wrote the book "Fighting the Turk in the Balkans".[45]

In regard to the socialist and cosmopolitan ideas within the revolutionary movement, the American Albert Sonnichsen says:

I think that was the force of the abstract thought, that they kept in their mind, a thought which was far from chauvinism, because freedom for them stood higher than the rule of the Bulgarian, for them it was one perfect system equally applicable to Bulgarians, Greeks and Turks, a kind of heaven to which the whole world should aim.

— [16]

It is claimed by contemporary historians that the right wing supporters within the IMRO were probably much more likely to see unification with Bulgaria as a natural final outcome of Macedonian autonomy. Among other documents, they cite as an expression of this understanding the official letter that Dame Gruev and Boris Sarafov, leaders of the headquarters of the Second Macedonian-Adrianople revolutionary district during the Ilinden uprising, wrote to the Bulgarian government:

The general staff considers for its duty to pay attention of the honoured Bulgarian government to the catastrophic consequences for Bulgarian nation, in case the government doesn't fulfill its duty toward its homogeneous brothers here in an impressible and energetic way, imposed by the circumstances and the danger, which threaten Bulgarian fatherland today.

— [17]

In his

Ilinden-Preobrazhenie uprising, Krste Misirkov, a highly controversial writer who alternated between pan-Bulgarian and pan-Macedonian nationalism throughout his lifetime, described the IMARO as an organization of Bulgarian officials who work for Bulgarian interests and who are linked in name, and in church and school matters, to the people of Bulgaria, their country and their interests[18]
. Misirkov wrote:

We can call the Uprising whatever we like, but in fact, it was only a partial movement. It was, and still is, an affair of the Exarchists: that is, a Bulgarian ploy to settle the Macedonian question to its own advantage by creating a Bulgarian Macedonia... If the autonomy of Macedonia should result from the present Uprising, the Macedonian question will be settled not to the advantage of the Macedonians but of the Bulgarians, for the Committee, as we have seen earlier, is working behind a Bulgarian front... Thus the reason why the Uprising failed is perfectly clear: from the very outset it was established on the wrong basis instead of being a general Macedonian Uprising it was a partial insurrection with Bulgarian overtones. The only Macedonian Slavs who played a leading part in the Uprising were those who called themselves Bulgarians.

Communist Yugoslavia
's Parliament, expressed in his book "The struggles of Macedonian people for freedom", published in Vienna in 1925, his view, confirmed again in Vlahov's "Memoirs", published in Skopje in 1970:

Firstly the revolutionary organization began to work among the Bulgarian population, even not among the whole of it, but only among this part, which participated in the Bulgarian Exarchate. IMRO treated suspiciously to the Bulgarians, which participated in other churches, as the Greek Patriarchate, the Catholic Church and the Protestant Church. As to the revolutionary activity among the other nationalities as Turks, Albanians, Greeks and Vlahs, such question did not exist for the founders of the organization. These other nationalities were for IMRO foreign people... Later, when the leaders of IMARO saw, that the idea for liberation of Macedonia can find followers among the Bulgarians non-Exarchists, as also among the other nationalities in Macedonia, and under the pressure from IMARO-members with left, socialist or anarchist convictions, they changed the statute of IMARO in sense, that member of IMARO can be any Macedonian, regardless of ethnicity or religious denomination.

— [46][47]

Armed struggle against the Ottomans

The initial period of idealism for IMARO ended, however, with the

Greek Struggle for Macedonia
.

IMRO Revolutionaries from Florina, 1903
Hristo Chernopeev's band in 1903.

IMARO's leadership of the revolutionary movement was challenged by two other factions: the

Salonica – Bulgarian Secret Revolutionary Brotherhood (Balgarsko Tayno Revolyutsionno Bratstvo). The latter was incorporated in IMARO by 1902 but its members as Ivan Garvanov, were to exert a significant influence on the organization.[48]

Свобода или смърть
.

They were to push for the

Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising and later became the core of IMRO right-wing faction. The former organisation became known earlier than IMRO, after the 1895 raids into Turkish territory it organised from Bulgaria. Its founders were Macedonian immigrants in Bulgaria as well as Bulgarian army officers. They became known as the "supremists" or "externals" since they were based outside of Macedonia. The supremists resorted to terrorism against the Ottomans in the hope of provoking a war and thus Bulgarian annexation of Macedonia. For a time in the late 1890s IMARO leaders managed to gain control of the Supreme Committee but it soon split into two factions: one loyal to the IMARO and one led by some officers close to the Bulgarian prince. The second one staged an ill-fated uprising in Eastern Macedonia in 1902, where they were opposed militarily by local IMARO bands led by Yane Sandanski and Hristo Chernopeev, who were later to become the leaders of the IMARO left wing. [20]

In Spring 1903, a group by young anarchists connected with IMARO from the Gemidzhii Circle – graduates from the Bulgarian secondary school in

Eastern Thrace
.

In the same time the undisputed leader of the organization,

Krushevo Republic
, was crushed with much loss of life.

After Ilinden

General Tsontcheff, with revolutionists in 1904.

The failure of the 1903 insurrection resulted in the eventual split of the IMARO into a left-wing (federalist) faction in the Seres and Strumica districts and a right-wing faction (centralists) in the

Supreme Macedonian Committee was disbanded in 1903 but the centralist faction of the IMORO drifted more and more towards Bulgarian nationalism as its regions became increasingly exposed to the incursions of Serb and Greek armed bands, which started infiltrating Macedonia after 1903. The years 1905–1907 saw much fighting between IMORO and Turkish forces as well as between IMORO and Greek and Serb detachments. Meanwhile, the split between the two factions became final when in 1907 Todor Panitza killed the right-wing activists Boris Sarafov and Ivan Garvanov.[21] The armed Albanian bands of Çerçiz Topulli cooperated and were on good terms with armed groups of Bulgarian-Macedonian revolutionaries operating in the Lake Prespa region and Kastoria area, a bond formed due to their hostility toward Greeks.[49]

After the

Alexander Protogerov
.

The partition of Macedonia and Adrianople Thrace in 1913

Balkan Wars and World War I

During the Balkan Wars former IMARO leaders of both the left and the right joined the

Ohrid-Debar Uprising
organised jointly by IMORO and the Albanians of Western Macedonia.

Balkan wars
.
Guerilla company of the 11th Macedonian Infantry Division composed of IMRO paramilitaries during WWI.

The

Tikvesh Uprising was another uprising in late June 1913, organized by the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization against the Serbian occupation of Vardar Macedonia and took place behind the Serbian lines during the Second Balkan War
.

The result of the Balkan Wars was that the Macedonian region and Adrianople Thrace was partitioned between Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia and the Ottoman Empire (the new state of

firm front
until end of 1918.

After 1917 the Bulgarian government started using paramilitary groups to gain control over the internal situation in both Pomoravlje and Macedonia. Aleksandar Protogerov who headed the Bulgarian occupation troops in Morava region crushed the uprising in the Toplica district with the help of IMRO irregulars. Bulgarians paramilitary groups were responsible for multiple instances of war crimes committing during the war in the parts of the Kingdom of Serbia under Bulgarian occupation.

On the eve of outbreak of World War I, IMRO paramilitary activity in Serbia aimed to provoke a war with Bulgaria. At that time Serbia implemented in Macedonia a program of forced

region of Macedonia. At that time the IMRO leaders as general Aleksandar Protogerov headed the Bulgarian occupation troops in Morava region and crushed the uprising in the Toplica district with the help by IMRO irregulars.[60] Their methods caused death of thousand people, destruction of their property, looting and other war crimes committed during the war in the parts of the Kingdom of Serbia under Bulgarian control.[61]

Interwar period

Todor Aleksandrov.

The post-war

Alexandar Protogerov
.

In 1923 and 1924 during the apogee of interwar military activity according to IMRO statistics in the region of Yugoslav (Vardar) Macedonia operated 53 chetas (armed bands), 36 of which penetrated from Bulgaria, 12 were local and 5 entered from

Balkan Federative Republic.[67]

Nikola Pitu Gulev with interwar IMRO uniform.

The Sixth Congress of the

Comintern decided to discredit him and published the contents of the Manifesto on 28 July 1924 in the "Balkan Federation" newspaper. VMRO's leaders Todor Aleksandrov and Aleksandar Protogerov promptly denied through the Bulgarian press that they've ever signed any agreements, claiming that the May Manifesto was a communist forgery.[30]

Ohrid-Debar Uprising against the Serbian occupation) in Milan and ultimately Protogetov himself.[31]

In this interwar period IMRO led by Aleksandrov and later by Mihailov took actions against the former left-wing assassinating several former members of IMORO's Sandanist wing, who meanwhile had gravitated towards the Bulgarian Communist Party and

IMRO (United) was founded in 1925 in Vienna
. However, it did not have real popular support and remained based abroad with no revolutionary activities in Macedonia. Mihailov's group of young IMRO cadres soon got into conflict with the older guard of the organization. The latter were in favour of the old tactic of incursions by armed bands, whereas the former favoured more flexible tactics with smaller terrorist groups carrying selective assassinations. The conflict grew into a leadership struggle and Mihailov soon, in turn, ordered the assassination in 1928 of a rival leader, General Aleksandar Protogerov, which sparked a fratricidal war between "Mihailovists" and "Protogerovists". The less numerous Protogerovists soon became allied with Yugoslavia and certain Bulgarian military circles with fascist leanings and who favoured rapprochement with Yugoslavia. The policy of assassinations was effective in making Serbian rule in Vardar Macedonia feel insecure but in turn provoked brutal reprisals on the local peasant population. Having lost a lot of popular support in Vardar Macedonia due to his policies, Mihailov favoured the "internationalization" of the Macedonian question.

Vlado Chernozemski.

He established close links with the Croatian

Balkan Communist Federation.[33]

IMRO used at that time, what the American journalist

H. R. Knickerbocker described as: "the only system I ever heard of to guarantee that their members carry out assigned assassinations, no matter what the police terror might be".[68]

Second World War period

Metodi Shatorov – Sharlo

As the Bulgarian army entered Yugoslav

Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo
, who began in earnest to organise armed resistance to the Bulgarian occupation. Many former IMRO members assisted the authorities in fighting Tempo's partizans.

In Greece the Bulgarian troops, following on the heels of the

EAM-ELAS and EDES. With the help of Mihailov and Macedonian emigres in Sofia, several pro-Bulgarian armed detachments "Ohrana" were organised in the Kastoria, Florina and Edessa districts. These were led by Bulgarian officers originally from Greek Macedonia – Andon Kalchev and Georgi Dimchev.[35]
It was apparent that Mihailov had broader plans which envisaged the creation of a Macedonian state under a German control. It was also anticipated that the IMRO volunteers would form the core of the armed forces of a future Independent Macedonia in addition to providing administration and education in the Florina, Kastoria and Edessa districts.

On 2 August 1944 (in what in the

Post-war period

The execution of the revolutionist Kiril Gligorov by the Yugoslav authorities in 1925.

Members of the IMRO (United) participated in the forming of

Thessaloniki bombings of 1903). However, they were quickly ousted by cadres loyal to the Yugoslav Communist Party in Belgrade, who had had pro-Serbian leanings before the war. [37] According to Macedonian historian Ivan Katardjiev such Macedonian activists came from IMRO (United) and the Bulgarian Communist Party never managed to get rid of their pro-Bulgarian bias and on many issues opposed the Serbian-educated leaders, who held most of the political power. Pavel Shatev went as far as to send a petition to the Bulgarian legation in Belgrade protesting the anti-Bulgarian policies of the Yugoslav leadership and the Serbianisation of the Bulgarian language.[38]

From the start, the Yugoslav authorities organised frequent purges and trials of Macedonian communists and non-party people charged with autonomist deviation. Many of the left-wing IMRO government officials, including

ASNOM, who was convicted of having worked for a "completely independent Macedonia" as an IMRO member. A survivor among the communists associated with the idea of Macedonian autonomy was Dimitar Vlahov, who was used "solely for window dressing".[39]

On the other hand, former Mihailovists were also persecuted by the Belgrade-controlled authorities on accusations of collaboration with the Bulgarian occupation, Bulgarian nationalism, anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav activities, etc. Notable victims included Spiro Kitinchev, mayor of Skopje, Ilija Kocarev, mayor of Ohrid and Georgi Karev, the mayor of Krushevo during the Bulgarian occupation and brother of Ilinden revolutionary Nikola Karev.[40] Another IMRO activist, Sterio Guli, son of Pitu Guli, reportedly shot himself upon the arrival of Tito's partisans in Krushevo in despair over what he saw as a second period of Serbian dominance in Macedonia. Also, Shatorov's supporters in Vardar Macedonia, called Sharlisti, were systematically exterminated by the YCP in the autumn of 1944, and repressed for their anti-Yugoslav and pro-Bulgarian political positions.

IMRO's supporters in Bulgarian Pirin Macedonia fared no better. With the help of some former Protogerovists, their main activists were hunted by the Communist police and many of them killed or imprisoned. Because some IMRO supporters openly opposed the then official policy of Communist Bulgaria to promote Macedonian ethnic consciousness in Pirin Macedonia they were repressed or exiled to the interior of Bulgaria. Many from this persecuted people emigrated through Greece and Turkey to Western countries. At this period the American and Greek intelligence services recruited some of them, trained them and later used this so-called "Goryani" as spies and saboteurs, smuggling them back to Communist Bulgaria and Yugoslavia.[71]

Despite the fact that Yugoslav Macedonian historical scholarship reluctantly acknowledged the Bulgarian ethnic self-identification of the Ilinden IMRO leaders, they were adopted in the national pantheon of Yugoslav Macedonia as ethnic Macedonians. Official Yugoslav historiography asserted a continuity between the Ilinden of 1903 and the Ilinden of ASNOM in 1944 ignoring the fact that the first one included the uprising in the Adrianople part of

Goce Delchev, Pitu Guli, Dame Gruev and Yane Sandanski were included in the lyrics of the anthem of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia Denes nad Makedonija
("Today over Macedonia").

Interpretations during the communist period

Initially

Macedonian historiography, that its primary goal was to create a separate national consciousness, and to sever any historical ties to Bulgaria.[74] During the Cold War, particularly after the Tito–Stalin split, the heroes of 19th century left-wing IMRO, especially Delchev and Sandanski, were claimed by both Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, both internally and in a tactical game of international diplomacy. One thing that two countries had in common though was that the vague populism and anarchism of these historical figures was interpreted as a definite socialist program.[75]
Both regimes recognized the policies of the interwar leaders of the organization Todor Aleksandrov and Ivan Mihailov as "fascist".

In this race, the

In the People's Republic of Bulgaria the situation was more complex, because the IMRO was associated with the 1923–34 anti-communist regime. Before 1960, although the subject was not taboo, few articles on the topic appeared in Bulgarian academic venues, and the IMRO figures were given mostly regional recognition in the Pirin region. After 1960, orders from the highest level were to reincorporate the Macedonian revolutionary movement in the Bulgarian history, and to prove the Bulgarian credentials of their historical leaders. This trend reached its peak in 1981 (the 1300 year anniversary of Bulgarian state), when Delchev and Sandanski were openly made historical symbols of the Bulgarian state in a proclamation of Lyudmila Zhivkova. There were also attempts to rehabilitate Todor Aleksandrov because of his Bulgarian nationalism, but these remained controversial due to his role in suppressing the left wing, a role for which he had been declared a fascist.[75]

After the fall of communism

With both Bulgaria and Yugoslavia under Communist rule, there was no scope for IMRO's revival.

North Macedonia

After the

Christian Democratic party which supports the admission of Macedonia to NATO and the European Union
.

A minor political party carrying the name IMRO is the

Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization–People's Party
(VMRO-NP). Although a separate structure since the split in 2004, the political line of VMRO-NP is reminiscent of VMRO-DPMNE's and its members maintain close ties with the latter's party structure.

Bulgaria

VMRO's logo

A distinct IMRO-related organization was also revived in Bulgaria after 1989, first under the name VMRO-SMD (ВМРО-СМД), commonly known as VMRO, in the form of a cultural organisation. In 1996, the leaders of the organisation registered it as a political party in Bulgaria under the name

ethnic Macedonians
are in fact Bulgarians.

A small spin-off from VMRO-BNM existed between 2010 and 2014, named

National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria
.

See also

References

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  2. ^ .
  3. .
  4. , pp. 39–40.
  5. ^ Vladimir Cretulescu (2016) "The Memoirs of Cola Nicea: A Case-Study on the Discursive Identity Construction of the Aromanian Armatoles in Early 20th Century Macedonia." Res Historica 41, p. 128.
  6. , p. 135.
  7. , p. 112.
  8. , p. 240.
  9. , p. 808.
  10. . Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  11. . Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  12. ^ "Terrorist Transformations: IMRO and the Politics of Violence. Keith Brown. Brown University, The Watson Institute for International Studies". Watsoninstitute.org. Archived from the original on 4 September 2007. Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  13. ^ .
  14. .
  15. .
  16. .
  17. .
  18. .
  19. ^ .
  20. ^ The Balkans. From Constantinople to Communism. Dennis P Hupchik, p. 299. [ISBN missing]
  21. . Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  22. ^ "Encyclopædia Britannica – online, Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization". Britannica.com. Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  23. , Introduction, p. Iviii.
  24. , p. 300.
  25. , p. 71.
  26. . Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  27. . Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  28. ^ "Freedom or Death. The Life of Gotsé Delchev by Mercia MacDermott, The Journeyman Press, London & West Nyack, 1978, p. 322". Kroraina.com. Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  29. , p. 31-32.
  30. ^ Таjните на Македонија. Се издава за прв пат, Скопје 1999. in Macedonian – Ете како ја објаснува целта на борбата Гоце Делчев во 1901 година: "...Треба да се бориме за автономноста на Македанија и Одринско, за да ги зачуваме во нивната целост, како еден етап за идното им присоединување кон општата Болгарска Татковина". In English – How Gotse Delchev explained the aim of the struggle against the Ottomans in 1901: "...We have to fight for the autonomy of Macedonia and Adrianople regions as a stage for their future unification with our common fatherland, Bulgaria."
  31. ^ D. Law, Randall. Terrorism: A History. Cambridge: Polity Press. pp. Chapter: The International Macedonian Revolutionary Organization.
  32. ^ The Times, (London), 16 September 1924, p. 9. An interview with Todor Alexandrov.
  33. ^ "The last interview with the leader of IMRO, Ivan Michailov in 1989 – newspaper 'Democratsia', Sofia, 8 January 2001, pp. 10–11". Macedoniainfo.com. Archived from the original on 6 October 2011. Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  34. ^ Statute of the Internal Thracian Revolutionary Organisation, 1923, Chapter I. – Goal – Art. 1. The Internal Thracian Revolutionary Organisation has the goal of uniting all the disgruntled elements in Thrace to the river Struma, regardless of their nationality, to win, through a revolution, a full political independence.
  35. ^ The Macedoine, "The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics", by Ivo Banac, Cornell University Press, 1984.
  36. . Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  37. ^ Цочо Билярски, Първите програмни документи на ВМОРО до есента на 1902 г., Известия на държавните архиви, София, 2004, кн. 87, с. 200-275.
  38. .
  39. ^ According to Macedonian historian Ivan Katardzhiev, the organization never bore as an official name the designation "Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation" (MRO). For more see: Миноски, М. (2022). “Македонската историска наука и политиката во трите децении државна независност на Република Македонија“, In Дуев, Р. (ур.), Историјата и предизвиците на промените: материјали од тркалезната маса одржана на 23.02.2022 година по повод 75 години Институт за историја. Скопје: Универзитет „Св. Кирил и Методиј“ во Скопје - Филозофски факултет, стр. 89-117 (114).
  40. ^ Petar Pop Arsov: prilog kon proučavanjeto na makedonskoto nacionalnoosloboditelno dviženje, Edicija Istražuvanja, Vančo Ǵorǵiev, MM, 1997, p. 44.
  41. ^ Pandevska, M. (2012). The term "Macedonian(s)" in Ottoman Macedonia: On the map and in the mind. Nationalities Papers, 40(5), 747-766. doi:10.1080/00905992.2012.705265
  42. ^ Pandevska, Maria; Mitrova, Makedonka. (2020). The Concept of the millet in Turkish dictionaries: Its alteration and the impact on Ottoman Macedonia. Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia. 26. 171-192. DOI:10.14746/bp.2019.26.10
  43. ^ "Freedom or Death, The Life of Gotsé Delchev, by Mercia MacDermott, Journeyman Press, London & West Nyack, 1978, p. 230". Kroraina.com. Retrieved 14 November 2011.
  44. . She realized this before she undertook her first trip, and adopted the regular chetnik uniform, knickerbockers and all.
  45. ^ "Борбите на македонския народ за освобождение". Библиотека Балканска Федерация, № 1, Виена, 1925, стр. 11.
  46. ^ Кога зборувам за македонскиот народ ги имам предвид на прво место македонските Славјани. Под името македонски народ по тоа време мекедонските дејатели го разбираа целото население на Македнија, т.е. зборот Македонци имаше поскоро географски карактер...Кога револуционерната организација беше основана и почна да работи, ја започнува својата работа најнапред среде оние Македонци кои се викаа Бугари... Мемоари на Димитар Влахов. Скопје, 1970, с. 21.
  47. ^ Революционното братство е създадено в противовес на вътрешната организация от еволюционистите. Уставът му носи дата март 1897 г. и е подписан с псевдонимите на 12 членове – основатели. Братството създава свои организации на някои места в Македония и Одринско и влиза в остър конфликт с вътрешната организация, но през 1899–1900 г. се постига помирение и то се присъединява към нея – Христо Караманджуков, "Родопа през Илинденско-Преображенското въстание" (Изд. на Отечествения Фронт, София, 1986).
  48. .
  49. , p. 38.
  50. , p. 75.
  51. , p. 181.
  52. ^ Tsarnushanov, Costa. Macedonism and Macedonia's resistance against it. Sofia Univ. ed. "St. Kliment Ohridski ”, 1992. pp. 112–113. (in Bulgarian).
  53. ^ Gotsev, Dimitar. The National Liberation Struggle in Macedonia 1912–1915, Publishing House of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, 1981, pp. 136–137, 151–153; (in Bulgarian).
  54. , pp. 33–40.
  55. , p. 150.
  56. ^ "Бугарски масакри (1915)", "Македонска енциклопедиjа", том 1, стр. 216, МАНУ.
  57. ^ Руменин, Румен. Офицерският корпус в България 1878–1944 г. том 5 и 6. София, Издателство на Министерството на отбраната „Св. Георги Победоносец“, 1996. стр. 19.
  58. ^ Докладна записка за ролята на Т. Александров и Ал. Протогеров при управлението на Македония, София, 13 май 1916 г. ЦДИА, ф. 313, оп. 1, а.е.2193, л. 10–11. Георгиев, В., Ст. Трифонов. История на Българите 1878–1944 в документи. Том ІІ 1912–1918. София, 1996, с. 490–491
  59. , p. 183.
  60. ^ Pisarri 2011, p. 28-49.
  61. ^ Войната се връща, Анри Пози (Второ издание, Планета-7, София, 1992) стр. 33.
  62. ^ Огнянов, Михаил. Македония – преживяна съдба, С. 2003 (2 издание), с. 143 – 144.
  63. ^ Македония. История и политическа съдба", колектив на МНИ под редакцията на проф. Петър Петров, том II, Издателство "Знание", София, 1998, p. 141. (In Bulgarian. In English: P. Petrov, ed. Macedonia. History and Political Fate, vol. 2, Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1998, p. 141.)
  64. ^ Македония. История и политическа съдба", колектив на МНИ под редакцията на проф. Петър Петров, том II, Издателство "Знание", София, 1998, p. 140. (In Bulgarian. In English: P. Petrov, ed. Macedonia. History and Political Fate, vol. 2, Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1998, p. 140.)
  65. ^ Георги Баждаров, Моите спомени, (София – 1929 г. Съставител: Ангел Джонев)
  66. ^ "Принос към историята на Македонската Младежка Тайна Революционна Организация", Коста Църнушанов, Македонски Научен Институт, София, 1996.
  67. .
  68. .p. 73.
  69. ^ Mazower (2000), p. 276
  70. ^ Мичев. Д. Македонският въпрос и българо-югославските отношения – 9 септември 1944–1949, Издателство: СУ Св. Кл. Охридски, 1992, стр. 91.
  71. , p. 15.
  72. , pp. 6–7.
  73. ^ .
  74. .

Notes

  • ^ "Illustration Ilinden", Sofia, 1936, b. I, p. 4–5
  • ^ "The first central committee of IMRO. Memoirs of d-r Hristo Tatarchev", Materials for the Macedonian liberation movement, book IX (series of the Macedonian scientific institute of IMRO, led by Bulgarian academician prof. Lyubomir Miletich), Sofia, 1928, p. 102, поредица "Материяли за историята на македонското освободително движение" на Македонския научен институт на ВМРО, воден от българския академик проф. Любомир Милетич, книга IX, София, 1928; contemporary Macedonian translation: Tatarchev[permanent dead link]).
  • ^ Materials about the History of the Macedonian Liberation Movement, Book V, Memoirs of Damjan Gruev, Boris Sarafov and Ivan Garvanov, Sofia 1927, pp. 8 – 11; the original in Bulgarian.
  • ^ Gjorche Petrov in his memoirs speaking about the Salonica congress of 1896 writes: "There was pointed out the need for a statute and official rules. Until then we had a very short list of rules in force, drafted by Dame (with the oath). That little list was unsystematic, lytographed. It was decided to come up with a full list of rules, a statute. When I came to Sofia, I compiled it there (with Delchev).".
  • ^ Пейо Яворов, "Събрани съчинения", Том втори, "Гоце Делчев", Издателство "Български писател", София, 1977, стр. 27: "Тоя събор утвърждава един устав на революционната организация, почти копие на стария български, твърде оригинален с положението, че само еkзархисти българи се приемат за членове на комитетите." (in Bulgarian) In English: Peyo Yavorov, "Complete Works", Volume 2, biography "Gotse Delchev", Publishing house "Bulgarian writer", Sofia, 1977, p. 27: "This meeting sanctioned a statute of the revolutionary organisation, almost a copy of the old Bulgarian, rather original because of the condition that only Bulgarians Exarchists would be admitted to membership in the committees."
  • ^ Пандев, К. "Устави и правилници на ВМОРО преди Илинденско-Преображенското въстание", Исторически преглед, 1969, кн. I, стр. 68–80. (in Bulgarian)
  • ^ Пандев, К. "Устави и правилници на ВМОРО преди Илинденско-Преображенското въстание", Извeстия на Института за история, т. 21, 1970, стр. 250–257. (in Bulgarian)
  • ^ Константин Пандев, Национално-освободителното движение в Македония и Одринско, София, 1979, с. 129–130. (Konstantin Pandev, The National Liberation Movement in Macedonia and the Odrin Region, Sofia 1979, pp. 129–130.)
  • ^ Duncan Perry The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Liberation Movements, 1893–1903 , Durham, Duke University Press, 1988. pp. 40–41, 210 n. 10.
  • ^ Fikret Adanir, Die Makedonische Frage: ihre entestehung und etwicklung bis 1908., Wiessbaden 1979, p. 112.
  • ^ Академик Иван Катарџиев, "Верувам во националниот имунитет на македонецот", интервју, "Форум". (Academician Ivan Katardžiev, "I believe in Macedonian national immunity", interview, "Forum" magazine.)
  • ^ Битоски, Крсте, сп. "Македонско Време", Скопје – март 1997
  • ^ Public Record Office – Foreign Office 78/4951 Turkey (Bulgaria). From Elliot. 1898; УСТАВ НА ТМОРО. S. 1. published in Документи за борбата на македонскиот народ за самостојност и за национална држава, Скопје, Универзитет "Кирил и Методиј":Факултет за филозофско-историски науки, 1981, page 331 – 333.
  • ^ Prior to the publication of Pandev's article Bulgarian historiography seemed to agree that the name SMARO dates back to 1896/7 (e.g. Silyanov 1933, vol. 1, p. 46). Contemporary Macedonian historians accuse Pandev of a nationalist bias.
  • ^ Ivo Banac, The Macedoine (pp. 307–328 in of "The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics", Cornell University Press, 1984)
  • ^ Ivo Banac, The Macedoine (pp. 307–328 in of "The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics", Cornell University Press, 1984)
  • ^ H. N. Brailsford, Macedonia: Its races and their future, Methuen & Co., London, 1906.
  • ^ Хр. Силянов, "Освободителнитe борби на Македония, том I", изд. на Илинденската Орг., София, 1933; (Hristo Silyanov, The Liberational Struggles of Macedonia, vol. 1, The Ilinden Organisation, Sofia, 1933.)
  • .
  • ^ A letter from the headquarters of the Second Macedonian-Adrianople revolutionary district, centered around Monastir (present-day Bitola), represented by Dame Gruev and Boris Sarafov, to Bulgarian government from 9. IX. 1903. Macedonian translation.
  • ^ Krste Misirkov, On Macedonian Matters, Sofia, 1933 misirkov.org
  • ^ Krste Misirkov, On Macedonian Matters, Sofia, 1933 misirkov.org
  • ^ Георги Баждаров, "Моите спомени", издание на Институт "България – Македония", София, 2001, стр. 78–81. (In Bulgarian, In English: Georgi Bazhdarov, "My memoirs", published by the Institute "Bulgaria-Macedonia", Sofia, 2001, pp. 78–81.)
  • ^ "ДВИЖЕНИЕТО ОТСАМЪ ВАРДАРА И БОРБАТА СЪ ВЪРХОВИСТИТE по спомени на Яне Сандански, Черньо Пeевъ, Сава Михайловъ, Хр. Куслевъ, Ив. Анастасовъ Гърчето, Петъръ Хр. Юруковъ и Никола Пушкаровъ", съобщава Л. Милетичъ (София, Печатница П. Глушковъ, 1927); Материяли за историята на македонското освободително движение. Издава "Македонскиятъ Наученъ Институтъ". Книга VII. (L. Miletich, ed. Materials on the History of the Macedonian Liberation Movement, Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1927 – "The Movement on this Side of the Vardar and the Struggle with the Supremists according to the memories of Jane Sandanski, Chernjo Peev, Sava Mihajlov, Hr. Kuslev, Iv. Anastasov – Grcheto, Petar Hr. Jurukov and Nikola Pushkarov")
  • ^ Хр. Силянов, "Освободителнитe борби на Македония, том II", изд. на Илинденската Орг., София, 1933; Silyanov (Hristo Silyanov, The Liberational Struggles of Macedonia, vol. 2, The Ilinden Organisation, Sofia, 1933.)
  • ^ Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars, Published by the Endowment Washington, D.C. 1914.
  • ^ Хр. Силянов От Витоша до Грамос, Походът на една чета през Освободителната война – 1912 г., Издание на Костурското благотворително братство, София, 1920. From Vitosha to Gramos (Hr. Silyanov, From Vitosha to Gramos, published by the Kostur charitable society, Sofia, 1920)
  • ^ Любомиръ Милетичъ, "Разорението на тракийските българи презъ 1913 година", Българска Академия на Науките, София, Държавна Печатница 1918 г. Miletich] (L. Miletich, The Destruction of Thracian Bulgarians in 1913, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, 1918)
  • ^ Circular letter No9 issued by a secret meeting of former IMARO activists and members of its Central committee, held on 20 December 1919, cited in a collective research of the Macedonian Scientific Institute, "Освободителните борби на Македония", part 4, Sofia, 2002, retrieved on 26 October 2007: "Поради изменилите се условия в Македония и Тракия от Балканските войни насам, организацията се преименува от ВМОРО на ВМРО, като нейната цел си остава извоюване на автономия и обединение на разпокъсаните части на Македония." (in Bulgarian)
  • ^ "Македония. История и политическа съдба", колектив на МНИ под редакцията на проф. Петър Петров, том II, Издателство "Знание", София, 1998, pp. 140–141. (In Bulgarian. In English: P. Petrov, ed. Macedonia. History and Political Fate, vol. 2, Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1998, pp. 140–141.)
  • ^ "Македония. История и политическа съдба", колектив на МНИ под редакцията на проф. Петър Петров, том II, Издателство "Знание", София, 1998, p. 206. (In Bulgarian. In English: P. Petrov, ed. Macedonia. History and Political Fate, vol. 2, Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1998, p. 206.)
  • ^ Р.П. Гришина, "ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ВЗГЛЯДА НА МАКЕДОНСКИЙ ВОПРОС В БОЛЬШЕВИСТСКОЙ МОСКВЕ 1922–1924 гг." in МАКЕДОНИЯ – ПРОБЛЕМЫ ИСТОРИИ И КУЛЬТУРЫ, Институт славяноведения, Российская Академия Наук, Москва, 1999. (R. P. Grishina "Formation of a View on the Macedonian Question in Bolshevik Moscow 1922–1924" in Macedonia. Problems of History and Culture, Institute of Slavistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, 1999.)
  • ^ Р.П. Гришина, "ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ВЗГЛЯДА НА МАКЕДОНСКИЙ ВОПРОС В БОЛЬШЕВИСТСКОЙ МОСКВЕ 1922–1924 гг." in МАКЕДОНИЯ – ПРОБЛЕМЫ ИСТОРИИ И КУЛЬТУРЫ, Институт славяноведения, Российская Академия Наук, Москва, 1999. (R. P. Grishina "Formation of a View on the Macedonian Question in Bolshevik Moscow 1922–1924" in Macedonia. Problems of History and Culture, Institute of Slavistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, 1999.)
  • ^ Р.П. Гришина, "ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ВЗГЛЯДА НА МАКЕДОНСКИЙ ВОПРОС В БОЛЬШЕВИСТСКОЙ МОСКВЕ 1922–1924 гг." in МАКЕДОНИЯ – ПРОБЛЕМЫ ИСТОРИИ И КУЛЬТУРЫ, Институт славяноведения, Российская Академия Наук, Москва, 1999. (R. P. Grishina "Formation of a View on the Macedonian Question in Bolshevik Moscow 1922–1924" in Macedonia. Problems of History and Culture, Institute of Slavistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, 1999.)
  • ^ Ivo Banac, The Macedoine (pp. 307–328 in of "The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics", Cornell University Press, 1984)
  • ^ "Македония. История и политическа съдба", колектив на МНИ под редакцията на проф. Петър Петров, том II, Издателство "Знание", София, 1998, pp. 205–206. (In Bulgarian. In English: P. Petrov, ed. Macedonia. History and Political Fate, vol. 2, Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1998, pp. 205–206.)
  • ^ Palmer, S. and R. King Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, Archon Books (June 1971), pp. 65–67.
  • ^ Добрин Мичев. БЪЛГАРСКОТО НАЦИОНАЛНО ДЕЛО В ЮГОЗАПАДНА МАКЕДОНИЯ (1941–1944 г.), Македонски Преглед, 1, 1998.(Dobrin Michev, "Bulgarian National Activity in Southwest Macedonia 1941–1944", Macedonian Review, 1, 1998.)
  • ^ Palmer, S. and R. King Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, Archon Books (June 1971), pp. 112–113.
  • ^ Palmer, S. and R. King Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, Archon Books (June 1971), p. 137.
  • ^ Katardjiev's foreword to Васил Ивановски. Зошто ние, Македонците, сме одделна нација?, Скопје, 1995, pp. 49–56. (Vasil Ivanovski, Why We Macedonians Are a Separate Nation?, Skopje, 1995)
  • ^ Palmer, S. and R. King Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, Archon Books (June 1971), p. 137.
  • Димитър Гоцев. НОВАТА НАЦИОНАЛНО-ОСВОБОДИТЕЛНА БОРБА ВЪВ ВАРДАРСКА МАКЕДОНИЯ. Македонски научен институт, София, 1998.
  • ^ Keith Brown. The Past in Question: Modern Macedonia and the Uncertainties of Nation, Princeton University Press (2003)

Sources

External links