Internationalist–defencist schism
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Internationalist and defencist were the broad opposing camps in the international socialist movement during and shortly after the
However, when war broke out in August 1914, the leaders of most European socialist parties rallied to the support of their respective countries, while a minority continued to oppose the war. Those in favour of their country's war efforts were variously called 'social patriots' or 'defencists'. Those opposed to the war called themselves 'Internationalists' and were often called 'defeatists' by their opponents.
Division
The 'defencist' camp included many venerable figures of European socialism:
The defencist–internationalist schism did not necessarily coincide with earlier, pre-existing splits, such as that between reformists and revolutionaries, Revisionists and orthodox Marxists,
'Defencism' and 'Internationalism' were broad categories; within each camp, there were further differences and divisions. Out-and-out 'Social Patriots' who supported their countries' war efforts unconditionally, including territorial ambitions, were fairly rare, though they included some of the most prominent representatives of the pre-war socialist movement: people like
Effects by country
The schism caused splits in many European socialist parties. In France, the split between socialists and communists did not occur until 1920. In Germany, the
Russia
Divisions in Russia were especially complicated and affected party alignments during the
Some later returned to the Internationalist camp (such as Dan and Abramovich). The Revolutionary Defencists dominated the soviets and the Provisional Government until the October Revolution of 1917. The Menshevik/SR Revolutionary Defencists in the soviet supported the Provisional Government, but with increasing misgivings. Kerensky had been one of them, a Zimmerwaldist until 1917, then a Revolutionary Defencist; however, as, initially, the only socialist in the Provisional Government, he had adopted a more and more unqualified stance in support of the war, in line with his liberal colleagues.
To the left of the revolutionary defencists stood Internationalists like Chernov, who collaborated with the soviet leaders and even joined the Provisional Government, although he opposed both a continuation of the war and a coalition with the liberals. More principled in his opposition to the war was the Menshevik Internationalist leader Martov, who, however, was in a minority in his party until the Bolsheviks had taken power. The Mezhraiontsy group, headed by Leon Trotsky, was firmly internationalist but not necessarily revolutionary defeatist; in 1918, Trotsky resigned his ministry rather than sign the harsh peace agreement of Brest-Litovsk proposed by the Germans.
The Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who counted the veteran Mark Natanson and many young militants among their number, were also firmly Internationalist but broke their short-lived coalition with the Bolsheviks when the latter signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. The Bolsheviks were fairly united in opposing the war, but not all Bolsheviks were comfortable with Lenin's Revolutionary Defeatism. Before Lenin's return to Russia, Joseph Stalin had even briefly adopted a Revolutionary Defencist position. Divisions over the war vitiated the attempts occasionally made, both before and after the October Revolution, to set up an all-socialist government, from the Bolsheviks to the Popular Socialists.
Post-war impact
After World War I was over, divisions over the war could not be healed. Many internationalists wanted nothing to do with the Defencist leaders of the old
A belated echo of the split was the division among French socialists in the late 1930s over what attitude to take if Hitler invaded Poland. Most French socialists were firmly anti-fascist; though none contemplated the prospect of another war with Germany with joy, they were prepared to take that step if Germany attacked Poland. A minority, however, wanted to maintain peace at any cost. Some were motivated by unconditional pacifism, others by fascist sympathies which subsequently manifested themselves, as in the case of the ex-socialist and future premier of the Vichy régime, Pierre Laval.
See also
- Social chauvinism
- Manifesto of the Sixteen, a defencist declaration that split the international anarchist movement
Sources and links
The Defencist/Internationalist split over World War I is discussed in virtually all histories of socialism, communism, anarchism, particular socialist parties or the biographies of socialist personalities then living.
- Lenin, V.I., The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution (1917) contains a critique of Revolutionary Defencism, online at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/tasks/ch05.htm.
- Lenin, V.I., The Revolution of 1917: From the March Revolution to the July Days. New York, 1929.
- Gorter, H., Der Imperialismus, der Weltkrieg, und die Sozialdemokratie. Amsterdam, 1915.
- Braunthal, J., Geschichte der Internationale. Dietz, 1963.
- Cole, G.D.H., Communism and Social Democracy, 1914–1931. Two parts. London, 1958.
- 'The Second International.'