Irredentism
Irredentism is one state's desire to annex the territory of another state. This desire can be motivated by ethnic reasons because the population of the territory is ethnically similar to the population of the parent state.[a] Historical reasons may also be responsible, i.e., that the territory previously formed part of the parent state.[2][3][4] However, difficulties in applying the concept to concrete cases have given rise to academic debates about its precise definition. Disagreements concern whether either or both ethnic and historical reasons have to be present and whether non-state actors can also engage in irredentism. A further dispute is whether attempts to absorb a full neighboring state are also included. There are various types of irredentism. For typical forms of irredentism, the parent state already exists before the territorial conflict with a neighboring state arises. However, there are also forms of irredentism in which the parent state is newly created by uniting an ethnic group spread across several countries. Another distinction concerns whether the country to which the disputed territory currently belongs is a regular state, a former colony, or a collapsed state.
A central research topic concerning irredentism is the question of how it is to be explained or what causes it. Many explanations hold that ethnic homogeneity within a state makes irredentism more likely.
Irredentism has been an influential force in
Definition and etymology
The term irredentism was coined from the
Irredentism is often understood as the claim that territories belonging to one state should be incorporated into another state because their population is ethnically similar or because it historically belonged to the other state before.[9][2][5] Many definitions of irredentism have been proposed to give a more precise formulation. Despite a wide overlap concerning its general features, there is no consensus about its exact characterization.[4][10] The disagreements matter for evaluating whether irredentism was the cause of war which is difficult in many cases and different definitions often lead to opposite conclusions.[4][11]
There is wide consensus that irredentism is a form of
The reason for engaging in territorial conflict is another issue, with some scholars stating that irredentism is primarily motivated by ethnicity. In this view, the population in the neighboring territory is ethnically similar and the intention is to retrieve the area to unite the people.
A further disagreement concerns the amount of area that is to be annexed. Usually, irredentism is restricted to the attempt to incorporate some parts of another state.[4] In this regard, irredentism challenges established borders with the neighboring state but does not challenge the existence of the neighboring state in general.[15] However, some definitions of irredentism also include attempts to absorb the whole neighboring state and not just a part of it. In this sense, claims by both South Korea and North Korea to incorporate the whole of the Korean Peninsula would be considered a form of irredentism.[4]
A popular view combining many of the elements listed above holds that irredentism is based on incongruence between the borders of a state and the boundaries of the corresponding
Types
Various types of irredentism have been proposed. However, not everyone agrees that all the types listed here constitute forms of irredentism and it often depends on what definition is used.[4][18][19] According to political theorists Naomi Chazan and Donald L. Horowitz, there are two types of irredentism. The typical case involves one state that intends to annex territories belonging to a neighboring state. Nazi Germany’s claim on the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia is an example of this form of irredentism.[8][6][19]
For the second type, there is no pre-existing parent state. Instead, a cohesive group existing as a minority in multiple countries intends to unify to form a new parent state. The intended creation of a Kurdistan state uniting the Kurds living in Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran is an example of the second type. If such a project is successful for only one segment, the result is secession and not irredentism. This happened, for example, during the breakup of Yugoslavia when Yugoslavian Slovenes formed the new state of Slovenia while the Austrian Slovenes did not join them and remained part of Austria.[8][19] Not all theorists accept that the second type constitutes a form of irredentism. In this regard, it is often argued that it is too similar to secession to maintain a distinction between the two. For example, political scholar Benyamin Neuberger holds that a pre-existing parent state is necessary for irredentism.[8]
Political scientist Thomas Ambrosio restricts his definition to cases involving a pre-existing parent state and distinguishes three types of irredentism: (1) between two states, (2) between a state and a former colony, and (3) between a state and a collapsed state. The typical case is between two states. A textbook example of this is Somalia's invasion of Ethiopia.[11][20] In the second case of decolonization, the territory to be annexed is a former colony of another state and not a regular part of it. An example is the Indonesian invasion and occupation of the former Portuguese colony of East Timor.[11][21] In the case of state collapse, one state disintegrates and a neighboring state absorbs some of its former territories. This was the case for the irredentist movements by Croatia and Serbia during the breakup of Yugoslavia.[11][22]
Explanations
Explanations of irredentism try to determine what causes irredentism, how it unfolds, and how it can be peacefully resolved.
Ethnicity and nationalism
A common explanation of irredentism focuses on ethnic arguments.
Explanations focusing on nationalism are closely related to ethnicity-based explanations.[6][15] Nationalism can be defined as the claim that the boundaries of a state should match those of the nation.[29][30] According to constructivist accounts, for example, the dominant national identity is one of the central factors behind irredentism. In this view, identities based on ethnicity, culture, and history can easily invite tendencies to enlarge national borders. They may justify the goal of integrating ethnically and culturally similar territories. Civic national identities focusing more on a political nature, on the other hand, are more closely tied to pre-existing national boundaries.[6]
Structural accounts use a slightly different approach and focus on the relationship between nationalism and the regional context. They focus on the tension between
Another factor commonly cited as a force fueling irredentism is discrimination against the main ethnic group in the enclave.[33] Irredentist states often try to legitimize their aggression against neighbors by presenting them as humanitarian interventions aimed at protecting their discriminated ethnic kin. This justification was used, for example, in Armenia's engagement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, in Serbia's involvement in the Croatian War of Independence, and in Russia's annexation of Crimea.[23][18] Some political theorists, like David S. Siroky and Christopher W. Hale, hold that there is little empirical evidence for arguments based on ethnic homogeneity and discrimination. In this view, they are mainly used as a pretext to hide other goals, such as material gain.[3][28][34]
Another relevant factor is the outlook of the population inhabiting the territory to be annexed. The desire of the irredentist state to annex a foreign territory and the desire of that territory to be annexed do not always overlap.[35] In some cases, a minority group does not want to be annexed, as was the case for the Crimean Tatars in Russia's annexation of Crimea.[35][36] In other cases, a minority group would want to be annexed but the intended parent state is not interested.[35]
Power and economy
Various accounts stress the role of power and economic benefits as reasons for irredentism. Realist explanations focus on the power balance between the irredentist state and the target state: the more this power balance shifts in favor of the irredentist state, the more likely violent conflicts become. A key factor in this regard is also the reaction of the international community, i.e. whether irredentist claims are tolerated or rejected.[6] Irredentism can be used as a tool or pretext to increase the parent state's power.[3][34] Rational choice theories study how irredentism is caused by decision-making processes of certain groups within a state. In this view, irredentism is a tool used by elites to secure their political interests. They do so by appealing to popular nationalist sentiments. This can be used, for example, to gain public support against political rivals or to divert attention away from domestic problems.[6][37]
Other explanations focus on economic factors. For example, larger states enjoy advantages that come with having an increased market and decreased
Regime type
An additional relevant factor is the regime type of both the irredentist state and the neighboring state. In this regard, it is often argued that
According to Siroky and Hale,
Importance, reactions, and consequences
Irredentism is a widespread phenomenon and has been an influential force in
For the most part, international law is hostile to irredentism. For example, the
Irredentist movements, peaceful or violent, are rarely successful.[3] In many cases, despite aiming to help ethnic minorities, irredentism often has the opposite effect and ends up worsening their living conditions. On the one hand, the state still in control of those territories may decide to further discriminate against them as an attempt to decrease the threat to its national security. On the other hand, the irredentist state may merely claim to care about the ethnic minorities but, in truth, use such claims only as a pretext to increase its territory or to destabilize an opponent.[3][34]
Often-discussed historical examples
The emergence of irredentism is tied to the rise of modern nationalism and the idea of a nation-state, which are often linked to the French Revolution.[9][8] However, some political scholars, like Griffiths et al., argue that phenomena similar to irredentism existed even before. For example, part of the justification for the crusades was to liberate fellow Christians from Muslim rule and to redeem the Holy Land. Nonetheless, most theorists see irredentism as a more recent phenomenon. The term was coined in the 19th century and is linked to border disputes between modern states.[3][6][44]
Nazi Germany's annexation of the Sudetenland in 1938 is an often-cited example of irredentism. At the time, the Sudetenland formed part of Czechoslovakia but had a majority German population. Adolf Hitler justified the annexation based on his allegation that Sudeten Germans were being mistreated by the Czechoslovak government. The Sudetenland was yielded to Germany following the Munich Agreement in an attempt to prevent the outbreak of a major war.[18][45][46]
Somalia's
Argentina's
The breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in various irredentist projects. They include Slobodan Milošević's attempts to establish a Greater Serbia by absorbing some regions of neighboring states that were part of former Yugoslavia. A simultaneous similar project aimed at the establishment of a Greater Croatia.[11][22]
Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 is a more recent example of irredentism.
Other frequently discussed cases of irredentism include disputes between Pakistan and India over Jammu and Kashmir as well as China's claims on Taiwan.[67][68]
Related concepts
Ethnicity
Ethnicity plays a central role in irredentism since most irredentist states justify their
A central aspect of many ethnic identities is that all members share a common homeland or place of origin. This place of origin does not have to correspond to the area where the majority of the ethnic group currently lives in case they migrated from their homeland. Another feature is a common language or dialect. In many cases, religion also forms a vital aspect of ethnicity. Shared culture is another significant factor. It is a wide term and can include characteristic social institutions, diet, dress, and other practices. It is often difficult to draw clear boundaries between people based on their ethnicity.[71] For this reason, some definitions focus less on actual objective features and stress instead that what unites an ethnic group is a subjective belief that such common features exist. In this view, the common belief matters more than the extent to which those shared features actually exist.[71][72] Examples of large ethnic groups are the Han Chinese, the Arabs, the Bengalis, the Punjabis, and the Turks.[71][74]
Some theorists, like
Ethnic solidarity can provide a sense of belonging as well as physical and mental security. It can help people identify with a common purpose.
Nationalism and nation-state
Irredentism is often seen as a product of modern nationalism, i.e. the claim that a nation should have its own sovereign state.[9][8] In this regard, irredentism emerged with and depends on the modern idea of nation-states.[15] The start of modern nationalism is often associated with the French Revolution in 1789. This spawned various nationalist revolutions in Europe around the mid-nineteenth century. They often resulted in a replacement of dynastic imperial governments.[8] A central aspect of nationalism is that it sees states as entities with clearly delimited borders that should correspond to national boundaries.[15][16] Irredentism reflects the importance people ascribe to these borders and how exactly they are drawn. One difficulty in this regard is that the exact boundaries are often difficult to justify and are therefore challenged in favor of alternatives. Irredentism manifests some of the most aggressive aspects of modern nationalism.[3] It can be seen as a side effect of nationalism paired with the importance it ascribes to borders and the difficulties in agreeing on them.[15][77]
Secession
Irredentism is closely related to secession.[6][25][78] Secession can be defined as "an attempt by an ethnic group claiming a homeland to withdraw with its territory from the authority of a larger state of which it is a part."[78] Irredentism, by contrast, is initiated by members of an ethnic group in one state to incorporate territories across their border housing ethnically kindred people.[78] Secession happens when a part of an existing state breaks away to form an independent entity. This was the case, for example, in the United States, when many of the slaveholding southern states decided to secede from the Union to form the Confederate States of America in 1861.[79][3]
In the case of irredentism, the break-away area does not become independent but merges into another entity.
Horowitz holds that it is important to distinguish secessionist and irredentist movements since they differ significantly concerning their motivation, context, and goals.[80] Despite these differences, irredentism and secessionism are closely related nonetheless.[6][25] In some cases, the two tendencies may exist side by side. It is also possible that the advocates of one movement change their outlook and promote the other. Whether a movement favors irredentism or secessionism is determined, among other things, by the prospects of forming an independent state in contrast to joining another state.[84] A further factor is whether the irredentist state is likely to espouse a similar ideology to the one found in the territory intending to break away. The anticipated reaction of the international community is an additional factor, i.e. whether it would embrace, tolerate, or reject the detachment or the absorption by another state.[85]
Revanchism
Irredentism and revanchism are two closely related phenomena because both of them involve the attempt to annex territory which belongs to another state.[86][87][88] They differ concerning the motivation fuelling this attempt. Irredentism has a positive goal of building a "greater" state that fulfills the ideals of a nation-state. It aims to unify people claimed to belong together because of their shared national identity based on ethnic, cultural, and historical aspects.[8][15][86]
For revanchism, on the other hand, the goal is more negative because it focuses on taking
See also
- Ethnic nationalism – Ethnic identity-based political ideology
- Expansionism – Consists of policies of states that involve territorial or economic expansion
- Lebensraum – German "living space" ideas of settler colonialism (1890s–1940s)
- Racial nationalism – Ideology that advocates a racial definition of national identity
- Religious nationalism – Relationship between national identity and religion
- Separatism – Advocacy for separation from a larger group
- Secession – Formal withdrawal of a group from a political entity
- Manifest destiny – Cultural belief of 19th-century American expansionists
- Pan-nationalism – Nationalism beyond national boundaries
- Phyletism – Heresy of ethnic church divisions
- Reactionary – Political view advocating a return to a previous state of society
- Rump state – Reduced territory of a once-larger state
- Status quo ante bellum – Latin phrase meaning "the state existing before the war"
- Territorial dispute – Disagreement over the possession or control of land between countries or their subdivisions
References
Notes
Citations
- ^ White & Millett 2019, pp. 419–426.
- ^ a b c d White & Millett 2019, p. 419.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Griffiths, O'Callaghan & Roach 2008, pp. 175–177.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Kornprobst 2008, pp. 8–10.
- ^ a b Barrett 2018, irredentism.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w Ambrosio 2011, pp. 1346–1348, irredentism.
- ^ Stibbe 2018.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o White & Millett 2019, p. 420.
- ^ a b c d e Lagasse et al. 2020, Irredentism.
- ^ White & Millett 2019, p. 421.
- ^ a b c d e White & Millett 2019, pp. 420–421.
- ^ a b Horowitz 2011, p. 160.
- ^ a b c Siroky & Hale 2017, p. 2.
- ^ a b White & Millett 2019, pp. 419–420.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Clarke & Foweraker 2003, pp. 375–376.
- ^ a b c Kornprobst 2008, pp. 7–8.
- ^ a b Hinnebusch 2002, pp. 7–8.
- ^ a b c d Ambrosio 2022.
- ^ a b c Horowitz 2011, p. 159.
- ^ a b Ackermann et al. 2008a, p. 143.
- ^ Ackermann et al. 2008a, p. 130.
- ^ a b Ackermann et al. 2008a, pp. 49, 468–471.
- ^ a b c Siroky & Hale 2017, pp. 8–9.
- ^ a b c d e f Siroky & Hale 2017, p. 1.
- ^ a b c d e Saideman & Ayres 2000, pp. 1126–1144.
- ^ Hames 2004, p. 36.
- ^ Hanebrink 2018, p. 140.
- ^ a b c Siroky & Hale 2017, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Hechter 2000, p. 7.
- ^ Gellner 2008, p. 1.
- ^ UN 1945.
- ^ LII staff 2022.
- ^ a b c Siroky & Hale 2017, p. 3.
- ^ a b c d Orabator 1981, pp. 166–181.
- ^ a b c Siroky & Hale 2017, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Walker 2022.
- ^ Siroky & Hale 2017, p. 4.
- ^ a b Siroky & Hale 2017, pp. 1–3.
- ^ Reiter 2019.
- ^ Goldstein 2005, p. 133.
- ^ Hussain 2023.
- ^ a b Kornprobst 2008, p. 11.
- ^ Gilman, Peck & Colby 1905, Irredentism.
- ^ Knowles 2006, Sudetenland.
- ^ Ackermann et al. 2008, pp. xxvi, 20.
- ^ Christie 1998, p. 139.
- ^ Tareke 2000, pp. 635–667.
- ^ Goebel 2011, pp. 196–197.
- ^ Sirlin 2006.
- ^ United States. Department of State 1981, p. 162.
- ^ a b Escudé 1992, pp. 20, 24, 27.
- ^ Woodward & Robinson 1997.
- ^ Brunet-Jailly 2015, p. 13.
- ^
- Ambrosio 2011, pp. 1346–1348, irredentism
- Beck 2006, pp. 648–649
- Ackermann et al. 2008a, pp. xxvi, 147–148
- West 2002, p. 406
- ^ Cahill 2010.
- ^ BBC staff 2013.
- ^ Cawkell 2001, p. 28.
- ^ Cawkell 2001, p. 33.
- ^ Embassy in New Zeland 2023.
- ^ Hasani 2023.
- ^ a b Batta 2021, p. 2020.
- ^ Anderson 1958, pp. 17–41.
- ^ Solchanyk 2001, p. 165.
- ^ Ray 2023, lead section.
- ^ Kornprobst 2008, pp. 4, 7–8.
- ^ Harding 1988, p. 59.
- ^ Chandra 2012, pp. 64, 69–70.
- ^ Richardson-Bouie 2003, Ethnic Variation/Ethnicity.
- ^ Taras & Ganguly 2015, 1. Ethnic Conflict on the World Stage: Definitions.
- ^ Radstone & Wilson 2020.
- ^ Yinger 1994, p. 11.
- ^ Sherrer 2005.
- ^ Kornprobst 2008, pp. 10–11.
- ^ a b c Horowitz 2011, p. 158.
- ^ Ackermann et al. 2008b, p. 4.
- ^ a b Horowitz 2011, pp. 159–160.
- ^ Horowitz 2011, p. 162.
- ^ Senaratne 2021, pp. 155–194, Sri Lanka: A Case Study.
- ^ Ackermann et al. 2008a, pp. 403–404.
- ^ Horowitz 2011, pp. 160–161.
- ^ Horowitz 2011, pp. 161–162.
- ^ a b c d e f Wittmann 2016, pp. 301–302.
- ^ Burnett 2020, p. xvii.
- ^ a b Nolan 2002, p. 1400.
- ^ Margalit 2009, p. 69.
- ^ Ghervas 2021, p. 151.
- ^ Humphreys 2005, p. 105.
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- White, W. George; Millett, Bruce (29 November 2019). Kobayashi, Audrey (ed.). International Encyclopedia of Human Geography. Elsevier. pp. 419–426. ISBN 9780081022962.
- Wittmann, Anna M. (5 December 2016). Talking Conflict: The Loaded Language of Genocide, Political Violence, Terrorism, and Warfare. ABC-CLIO. pp. 301–302. ISBN 9781440834257.
- ISBN 978-1-55750-652-8.
- Yinger, John Milton (1 January 1994). Ethnicity: Source of Strength? Source of Conflict?. SUNY Press. p. 11. ISBN 9780791417973.
External links
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 14 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 840.