Italian Communist Party

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For the party founded in 2016, see Italian Communist Party (2016).
"Communist Party of Italy" redirects here. For the party founded in 2014, see Communist Party of Italy (2014).

Italian Communist Party
Partito Comunista Italiano
AbbreviationPCI
Secretary
President
Founded21 January 1921; 103 years ago (21 January 1921)[a]
Dissolved3 February 1991; 33 years ago (1991-02-03)
Split fromItalian Socialist Party
Succeeded by
Headquarters
Red
AnthemBandiera Rossa ("Red Flag")
Party flag

The Italian Communist Party (

Italian fascist regime, the party continued to operate underground and played a major role in the Italian resistance movement.[3] The party's peaceful and national road to socialism, or the "Italian Road to Socialism",[4] the realisation of the communist project through democracy,[5] repudiating the use of violence and applying the Constitution of Italy in all its parts,[6] a strategy inaugurated under Palmiro Togliatti but that some date back to Gramsci,[7][8][9] would become the leitmotiv of the party's history.[10]

Having changed its name in 1943, the PCI became the second largest political party of Italy after World War II,[11] attracting the support of about a third of the vote share during the 1970s. At the time, it was the largest Communist party in the Western world, with peak support reaching 2.3 million members in 1947,[12] and peak share being 34.4% of the vote (12.6 million votes) in the 1976 Italian general election.[3] The PCI was part of the Constituent Assembly of Italy and the Italian government from 1944 to 1947, when the United States ordered a removal from government of the PCI and PSI.[13][14] The PCI–PSI alliance lasted until 1956;[15] the two parties continued to govern at the local and regional level until the 1990s. Apart from the 1944–1947 years and occasional external support to the Organic centre-left (1960s–1970s), which included the PSI, the PCI always remained at the opposition in the Italian Parliament, with more accommodation as part of the Historic Compromise of the 1970s, which ended in 1980, until its dissolution in 1991, not without controversy and much debate among its members.[3]

The PCI included

Eurocommunist trend that sought independence from the Soviet Union,[21] and moved into a democratic socialist direction.[22][23][24] In 1991, it was dissolved and re-launched as the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS), which joined the Socialist International and the Party of European Socialists. The more radical members of the organisation formally seceded to establish the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC).[3]

History

Early years

Detail of the first membership card of PCd'I in 1921
Communism in Italy
Before
Communist Party of Italy
After
Second World War
Current communist parties
Leaders
Communist organizations
 Communism portal

The roots of the PCI date back to 1921, when the

reformist group as required by the Communist International (Comintern). The main factions of the new party were L'Ordine Nuovo, based in Turin and led by Antonio Gramsci, and the Maximalist faction led by Nicola Bombacci. Amadeo Bordiga was elected secretary of the new party.[25]

The party was officially founded as the Communist Party of Italy – Section of the Communist International (Partito Comunista d'Italia – Sezione dell'Internazionale Comunista), since the Comintern was structured as a single world party according to

Soviet
-led.

During its 2nd Congress in 1922, the new party registered 43,000 members. This was in part due to the entrance of almost the whole Socialist Youth Federation (Federazione Giovanile Socialista). The party adopted a slim structure headed by a Central Committee of 15 members, five of whom were also in the Executive Committee (EC), namely Ambrogio Belloni, Nicola Bombacci, Amadeo Bordiga (EC), Bruno Fortichiari (EC), Egidio Gennari, Antonio Gramsci, Ruggero Grieco (EC), Anselmo Marabini, Francesco Misiano, Giovanni Parodi, Luigi Polano, Luigi Repossi (EC), Cesare Sessa, Ludovico Tarsia, and Umberto Terracini (EC).

Since its formation, the party strived to organise itself on some bases that were not a mere reproduction of the traditional parties' bases. It then took again some arguments that distinguished the battle within the PSI, namely the idea that it is necessary to form an environment fiercely hostile to bourgeois society and that is an anticipation of the future socialist society. The purpose of this was not considered utopian because already in this society, especially in production, some structures are born on future results. In the first years of the PCd'I, there was no official leader; the accepted leader, first of the faction/tendency and then of the party, was Bordiga (Left) of the

communist left
current. Leaders of the minority currents were Angelo Tasca (Right) and Gramsci (Centre).

Conflict between factions

As a territorial section of Comintern, the PCd'I adopted the same program, the same conception of the party and the same tactics adopted by the II Congress in

Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)
. For a while, this identity resisted, but the fast progress of the reaction in Europe produced a change of tactics in a democratic direction within the Bolshevik party and consequently within the Comintern. This happened in particular regarding the possibility, previously opposed, of an alliance with the social democratic and bourgeois parties. This provoked a tension in the party between the majority (Left) and the minority factions (the Right and the Centre) supported by the Comintern. The proposals of the Left were no longer accepted and the conflict between the factions became irremediable.

Bolshevisation

Antonio Gramsci

In 1923, some members of the party were arrested and put on trial for "conspiracy against the State". This allowed the intense activity of the Communist International to deprive the party's left-wing of authority and give control to the minority centre which had aligned with Moscow. In 1924–1925, the Comintern began a campaign of

Bolshevisation
, which forced each party to conform to the discipline and orders of Moscow. During the clandestine conference held in Como to ratify the party leadership in May 1924, 35 of the 45 federation secretaries, plus the secretary of the youth federation, voted for Bordiga's Left, four for Gramsci's Centre, and five for Tasca's Right.

Before the Lyon Congress in 1926, the Centre won almost all the votes in the absence of much of the Left, who were unable to attend as a result of fascist controls and lack of Comintern support. Recourse to the Comintern against this evident manoeuvre had little effect. The PCd'I as conceived by the Left terminated. The organisation continued with the support of the Comintern and a new structure and leadership. In 1922, the newspaper L'Ordine Nuovo was closed and in 1924 a new Centre newspaper, l'Unità, edited by Gramsci, was founded. The Left continued as a faction, principally functioning in exile. It published the newspaper Bilan, a monthly theoretical bulletin.

In 1926, Bordiga and Gramsci were arrested and imprisoned on the island of Ustica. In 1927, Palmiro Togliatti was elected secretary in place of Gramsci. In 1930, Bordiga was expelled from the Comintern and accused of Trotskyism. After Joseph Stalin dissolved the Communist International in 1943, the exiled members of the PCd'I in Moscow changed the party's name to the PCI on 15 May. Under this name, it reorganised in Italy and became a parliamentary party after the fall of Fascism.

Resistance to fascism

The party and its militants were actively involved in the resistance to Benito Mussolini's regime through clandestine action. They were well prepared for clandestine activity because of the structure of their organisation, and the fact that they had been victims of systematic repression by the authorities; more than three quarters of the political prisoners between 1926 and 1943 were communists. Throughout the dictatorship, the party was able to maintain and feed a clandestine network, distribute propaganda leaflets and newspapers, and infiltrate fascist unions and youth organisations. In 1935, the party led a campaign against the Second Italo-Ethiopian War.[26] The party and communist partisans, among others, then went on to play a major role in the resistance movement that led to the fall of the Fascist regime in Italy.[3]

On 15 May 1943, the party changed its official name to the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano), often shortened to PCI. This change was not surprising as PCI started being used as the party's acronym around 1924–1925. This name change also reflected a change in the Comintern's role—it increasingly became a federation of national communist parties. This trend accelerated after Lenin's death and its new name emphasised the party's shift from an international focus to an Italian one. At the time, it was a hotly contested issue for the two major factions of the party. On one side, the Leninist preferred the single world party as it was internationalist and strongly centralised, while on the other side the Italians wanted a party more tailored to their nation's peculiarities and more autonomy.

After the fall of

Garibaldi Brigades, promoted by the PCI, were among the more numerous partisan forces.[30]

Post-war years

The PCI took part in the 1946 Italian general election and the 1946 Italian institutional referendum, campaigning for a republic. In the election, the PCI was third, behind Christian Democracy (DC) and the PSI, gaining almost 19% of votes and electing 104 members of the Constituent Assembly of Italy.[31] The popular referendum resulted in the replacement of the monarchy with a republic,[32] after 54% of the votes were in favour and 46% against.[33][34] Luciano Canfora saw the Salerno Turn and 1944 as a rebirth of the PCI, and said "the PCI had gradually followed a path which required it, as a historical task, to occupy the space of social democracy in the Italian political panorama."[35]

As part of the

George Marshall, who had informed him that anti-communism was a pre-condition for receiving American aid,[36][37] and Ambassador James Clement Dunn, who had directly asked de Gasperi to dissolve the parliament and remove the PCI.[38][39]

In the

Italian war criminals from being extradited and taken to court.[42][43] The denial of Italian war crimes was backed up by the Italian state, academe, and media, re-inventing Italy as only a victim of Nazism and the post-war Foibe massacres.[42]

The party gained considerable electoral success during the following years and occasionally supplied external support to the Organic centre-left governments, although it never directly joined a government. It successfully lobbied Fiat to set up the AvtoVAZ (Lada) car factory in the Soviet Union (1966). The party did best in Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany, and Umbria, where it regularly won the local administrative elections, and in some of the industrialised cities of Northern Italy. At the city government level during the course of the post-war period, the PCI demonstrated in cities like Bologna and Florence their capacity for uncorrupt, efficient and clean government.[44] After the 1975 Italian local elections, the PCI was the strongest force in nearly all of the municipal councils of the great cities.[45]

From the 1950s to the 1960s

Palmiro Togliatti

The Soviet Union's brutal suppression of the

social-democratic direction in party policy.[49]

In the mid-1960s, the United States Department of State estimated the party membership to be approximately 1,350,000, or 4.2% of the working age population, making it the largest Communist party in per capita terms in the capitalist world at the time and the largest party at all in the whole of Western Europe with the Social Democratic Party of Germany.[50] United States government sources said that the party was receiving $40–50 million per year from the Soviets when their investment in Italy was $5–6 million.[51] Although the PCI relied on Soviet financial assistance more than any other Communist party supported by Moscow, declassified information shows this to be exaggerated.[52]

According to the former

front organisations providing generous contracts to PCI members.[53]

Leadership of Enrico Berlinguer

Enrico Berlinguer

In 1969,

Chinese Communists and directly told Brezhnev that the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, which he called "the tragedy in Prague", had made clear the considerable differences within the Communist movement on fundamental questions, such as national sovereignty, socialist democracy, and the freedom of culture. At the time, the PCI, which had absorbed the PSI's left-wing, the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity, so strengthening its leadership over the Italian left, was the largest Communist party in a capitalist state, garnering 34.4% of the vote in the 1976 Italian general election
.

Relationships between the PCI and the Soviet Union gradually fell apart as the party moved away from Soviet obedience and

Marxist–Leninist orthodoxy in the 1970s and 1980s and toward Eurocommunism and the Socialist International. The PCI sought a collaboration with the Socialist and Christian Democracy parties, a policy known the Historic Compromise. The kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, the DC leader, by the Red Brigades in May 1978 put an end to any hopes of such a compromise. The compromise was largely abandoned as a PCI policy in 1981. The Proletarian Unity Party
merged into the PCI in 1984.

During the

Soviet invasion of Afganhistan, led to a complete break with Moscow in 1979. In 1980, the PCI refused to participate in the international conference of Communist parties in Paris; cash payments to the PCI continued until 1984.[52]

Dissolution

democratic socialist party.[54][55] A third of the PCI membership, led by Armando Cossutta, refused to join the PDS, and instead seceded to form the Communist Refoundation Party.[56]

Popular support

In all its history, the PCI was particularly strong in Central Italy, in the Red Regions of Emilia-Romagna, Marche, Tuscany, and Umbria, as well as in the industrialised cities of Northern Italy. The party's municipal showcase was Bologna, which was held continuously by the PCI from 1945 onwards. Amongst other measures, the local PCI administration tackled urban problems with successful programmes of health for the elderly, nursery education and traffic reform,[57] while also undertaking initiatives in housing and school meal provisions.[58]

Communist administrations at a local level helped to aid new businesses while also introducing innovative social reforms. From 1946 to 1956, the Communist city council built 31 nursery schools, 896 flats, and 9 schools. Health care improved substantially, street lighting was installed, new drains and municipal launderettes were built and 8,000 children received subsidised school meals. In 1972, the then-mayor of Bologna, Renato Zangheri, introduced a new and innovative traffic plan with strict limitations for private vehicles and a renewed concentration on cheap public transport. Bologna's social services continued to expand throughout the early and mid-1970s. The city centre was restored, centres for the mentally sick were instituted to help those who had been released from recently closed psychiatric hospitals, handicapped persons were offered training and found suitable jobs, afternoon activities for schoolchildren were made less mindless than the traditional doposcuola (after-school activities), and school programming for the whole day helped working parents.[45]

The electoral results of the PCI in general (Chamber of Deputies) and European Parliament elections since 1946 are shown in the chart above.

Election results

Italian Parliament

Chamber of Deputies
Election year Votes % Seats +/− Leader
1921 304,719 (7th) 4.6
15 / 535
Increase 15
Amedeo Bordiga
1924 268,191 (6th) 3.6
19 / 535
Increase 4
 Antonio Gramsci
1929 Banned –
0 / 400
Decrease 19
 Antonio Gramsci
1934 Banned –
0 / 400
 – Palmiro Togliatti
1946 4,356,686 (3rd) 18.9
104 / 556
Increase 104
 Palmiro Togliatti
1948 8,136,637 (2nd)[b] 31.0
130 / 574
Increase 26
 Palmiro Togliatti
1953 6,120,809 (2nd) 22.6
143 / 590
Increase 13
 Palmiro Togliatti
1958 6,704,454 (2nd) 22.7
140 / 596
Decrease 3
 Palmiro Togliatti
1963 7,767,601 (2nd) 25.3
166 / 630
Increase 26
 Palmiro Togliatti
1968 8,557,404 (2nd) 26.9
177 / 630
Increase 11
 Luigi Longo
1972 9,072,454 (2nd) 27.1
179 / 630
Increase 2
 Enrico Berlinguer
1976 12,622,728 (2nd) 34.4
228 / 630
Increase 49
 Enrico Berlinguer
1979 11,139,231 (2nd) 30.4
201 / 630
Decrease 27
 Enrico Berlinguer
1983 11,032,318 (2nd) 29.9
198 / 630
Decrease 3
 Enrico Berlinguer
1987 10,254,591 (2nd) 26.6
177 / 630
Decrease 24
 Alessandro Natta
Senate of the Republic
Election year Votes % Seats +/− Leader
1948 6,969,122 (2nd)[b] 30.8
50 / 237
–
 Palmiro Togliatti
1953 6,120,809 (2nd) 22.6
56 / 237
Increase 6
 Palmiro Togliatti
1958 6,704,454 (2nd) 22.2
60 / 246
Increase 4
 Palmiro Togliatti
1963 6,933,842 (2nd) 25.2
84 / 315
Increase 24
 Palmiro Togliatti
1968 8,583,285 (2nd) 30.0
101 / 315
Increase 17
 Luigi Longo
1972 8,475,141 (2nd) 28.1
94 / 315
Decrease 7
 Enrico Berlinguer
1976 10,640,471 (2nd) 33.8
116 / 315
Increase 22
 Enrico Berlinguer
1979 9,859,004 (2nd) 31.5
109 / 315
Decrease 7
 Enrico Berlinguer
1983 9,579,699 (2nd) 30.8
107 / 315
Decrease 2
 Enrico Berlinguer
1987 9,181,579 (2nd) 28.3
101 / 315
Decrease 6
 Alessandro Natta

European Parliament

European Parliament
Election year Votes % Seats +/− Leader
1979 10,361,344 (2nd) 29.6
24 / 81
–
 Enrico Berlinguer
1984 11,714,428 (1st) 33.3
27 / 81
Increase 3
 Alessandro Natta
1989 9,598,369 (2nd) 27.6
22 / 81
Decrease 5
 Achille Occhetto

Regional elections

Regions of Italy
Election year Votes % Seats +/− Leader
1970 7,586,983 (2nd) 27.9
200 / 720
–
Luigi Longo
1975 10.148,723 (2nd) 33.4
247 / 720
Increase 47
Enrico Berlinguer
1980 9,555,767 (2nd) 31.5
233 / 720
Decrease 14
Enrico Berlinguer
1985 9,686,140 (2nd) 30.2
225 / 720
Decrease 8
Alessandro Natta
1990 7,660,553 (2nd) 24.0
182 / 720
Decrease 43
Achille Occhetto

Leadership

Symbols

  • 1921–1945
    1921–1945
  • 1945–1951
    1945–1951
  • 1951–1991
    1951–1991

Notes

  1. ^ The official change of the party's name to the Italian Communist Party was 15 May 1943; 80 years ago (15 May 1943).
  2. ^ a b Into the Popular Democratic Front

References

  1. ISBN 978-8-8464-1300-0
    .
  2. ISBN 978-1-8579-9240-3
    .
  3. ^ a b c d e "Partito comunista italiano". Treccani (in Italian). Retrieved 1 February 2023.
  4. ^ Amendola, Giorgio (November–December 1977). "The Italian Road to Socialism". New Left Review (106). Retrieved 5 July 2023.
  5. ISBN 978-6-1552-1126-3
    .
  6. ^ "Accaddeoggi 21 agosto 1964: Togliatti muore a Yalta". WelfareNetwork (in Italian). 21 August 2022. Retrieved 5 July 2023.
  7. ISBN 978-9-0045-0334-2
    .
  8. ISBN 978-0-4153-1947-8. Togliatti himself stated that the PCI's practices during this period, which also foresaw the later Eurocommunist trend, were congruent with Gramscian thought. It is speculated that Gramsci would likely have been expelled from his party if his true views had been known, particularly his growing hostility towards Stalin.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link
    )
  9. S2CID 245586587
    .
  10. ISBN 978-1-0092-8016-7
    .
  11. ISBN 978-8-8682-6482-6
    .
  12. ^ "Gli iscritti ai principali partiti politici italiani della Prima Repubblica dal 1945 al 1991" (in Italian). Cattaneo Institute. Archived from the original on 10 November 2013. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
  13. ISBN 978-8-8568-4830-4
    .
  14. ISBN 978-8-8565-0112-4
    .
  15. ^ Bernocchi, Piero (8 January 2021). "La rivoluzione ungherese del 1956 e il ruolo del PCI". PieroBernocchi.it. Retrieved 17 July 2023. La rottura che ne seguì fu completa. Il Psi si staccò definitivamente da ogni legame e sudditanza con l'Urss ma contemporaneamente si ruppero anche la forte intesa e l'attività unitaria con il Pci, avviata a partire al Patto di unità d'azione stipulato a Parigi nel 1934 e poi rinnovato nel settembre 1943 e nell'ottobre 1946, e con il frontismo negli anni del dopoguerra. Saltò anche il Patto di consultazione, che in un primo momento sembrò poter sostituire il Patto d'unità d'azione, e prevalse il rifiuto di un'alleanza organica con il Pci per conquistare il governo in Italia: obiettivo che invece il Psi raggiunse con i governi di centro-sinistra negli anni Ottanta. [The ensuing break was complete. The PSI definitively detached itself from all ties and subjection to the USSR but at the same time the strong understanding and unitary activity with the PCI was also broken, initiated starting from the Pact of unity of Action stipulated in Paris in 1934 and then renewed in September 1943 and in October 1946, and with frontism in the post-war years. The Consultation pact, which at first seemed to be able to replace the Unity action pact, was also broken, and the refusal of an organic alliance with the PCI to conquer the government in Italy prevailed: an objective that the PSI instead achieved with centre-left governments in the 1980s.]
  16. ^ La Civiltà Cattolica. Vol. 117. 1966. pp. 41–43. Archived from the original on 28 June 2018. Retrieved 28 June 2018.
  17. JSTOR 43039625
    .
  18. ^ "Correnti interne al PCI". Res Pvblica delle Poleis. 12 July 2011. Retrieved 1 February 2023.
  19. ISBN 978-8-8603-6482-1
    .
  20. ISBN 978-8-8498-0753-0
    .
  21. ^ "European Socialists Question Communist Party Independence". The Herald-Journal. 27 May 1976. p. 12. Retrieved 1 February 2023 – via Google News.
  22. ^ "Guide to the Italian Communist Party Collection, 1969–1971 1613". Penn State University Libraries. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 1 February 2023.
  23. ISBN 978-1-8504-3027-8
    .
  24. ^ "'Il socialismo democratico abita a Botteghe Oscure'". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 1 February 2023.
  25. ISBN 978-8-8060-8029-7
    .
  26. ISBN 978-8-8420-8742-7
    .
  27. ISBN 978-2-8478-8382-4. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help
    )
  28. ^ Cervi, Mario; Montanelli, Indro (2003). Storia d'Italia (in Italian). Rcs Quotidiani.
  29. ISBN 978-1-4039-6153-2
    .
  30. ^ Bianchi, Giovanni. "La Resistenza". In Montanelli, Indro (ed.). Storia d'Italia (in Italian). Vol. 8. p. 368.
  31. ^ "Assemblea costituente 02/06/1946" (in Italian). Italian Ministry of the Interior. Retrieved 3 July 2023.
  32. ^ "Referendum 02/06/1946" (in Italian). Italian Ministry of the Interior. Retrieved 3 July 2023.
  33. ^ "Il referendum istituzionale e la scelta repubblicana" (in Italian). Luigi Sturzo Institute. Archived from the original on 5 March 2018. Retrieved 8 December 2016.
  34. ^ "Savoia". Dizionari Simone Online. Archived from the original on 7 July 2018. Retrieved 12 November 2019.
  35. ^ Fai, Paolo (1 February 2021). "Il Pci rifondato da Togliatti si perde nel berlinguerismo" (PDF). La Terza. p. 12. Retrieved 5 July 2023.
  36. ^
    ISBN 978-1-4039-6153-2
    .
  37. ISBN 978-1-3174-7185-1
    .
  38. ISBN 978-1-1341-0413-0
    .
  39. ^ Stazi, Guido (30 October 2021). "Sessanta anni senza Einaudi, il governatore che da Chigi salì al Colle". MF Milano Finanza (in Italian). Retrieved 8 July 2023. Einaudi annotava nel suo Diario di una cena a casa dell'Ambasciatore d'Italia in Unione Sovietica Quaroni, in cui si conveniva che gli Stati Uniti gli aiuti veri non li avrebbero concessi con i comunisti ancora al governo. [Einaudi noted in his Diary of a dinner at the home of the Italian Ambassador to the Soviet Union Quaroni, in which it was agreed that the United States would not grant real aid with the Communists still in government.]
  40. ISBN 978-0-8078-7774-6
    .
  41. ISBN 978-1-1341-0413-0
    .
  42. ^ a b Carroll, Rory (25 June 2001). "Italy's bloody secret". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 16 July 2013. Retrieved 3 July 2023.
  43. S2CID 159985182
    .
  44. ISBN 978-0-1405-1276-2
    .
  45. ^
    ISBN 978-1-4039-6153-2
    .
  46. ^ Romeo, Ilaria (30 October 2022). "1956: dopo la repressione sovietica in Ungheria, i contrasti e le rotture all'interno del Pci". Collettiva (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
  47. ^ The Italian Communists: Foreign Bulletin of the P.C.I., no. 4, Rome, p. 103, October–December 1980 {{citation}}: Missing or empty |title= (help).
  48. ISBN 978-8-8420-7715-2
    .
  49. ^ Cacace, Paolo (15 May 2006). "Napolitano e l''utopia mite' dell'Europa" (in Italian). Archived from the original on 29 September 2007. Retrieved 14 July 2007.
  50. JSTOR 1953329
    .
  51. ^ Carl Colby (director) (September 2011). The Man Nobody Knew: In Search of My Father, CIA Spymaster Ashley Colby (Motion picture). New York City: Act 4 Entertainment. Retrieved 15 September 2011. Edward Luttwak, interview: "[W]e estimated at the time they were getting $40–50 million a year at a time when we were putting $5–6 million into Italian politics.
  52. ^
    S2CID 57564743
    .
  53. ^ a b Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2001). The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. Basic Books.
  54. ISBN 978-8-8150-3413-7
    .
  55. ISBN 978-8-8798-9547-7
    .
  56. ISBN 978-0-3000-7724-7
    .
  57. ISBN 978-0-7054-0850-9
    .
  58. ISBN 978-0-7146-5332-7
    .

Further reading

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Partito Comunista Italiano.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Italian_Communist_Party&oldid=1215590761"