Italian Republican Party
Italian Republican Party Partito Repubblicano Italiano | |
---|---|
Abbreviation | PRI |
Secretary | Corrado De Rinaldis Saponaro |
President | Vacant |
Founded | 21 April 1895 |
Split from | Historical Far Left |
Headquarters | Via Euclide Turba, 38 00186, Rome |
Newspaper | La Voce Repubblicana |
Youth wing | Republican Youth Federation |
Ideology | Liberalism |
Political position | Centre |
European affiliation | ELDR (1976–2010) |
European Parliament group | ELDR (1979–2004) |
Colours | Green |
Website | |
www | |
The Italian Republican Party (
After 1949, the PRI was a member of the pro-
History
Background and foundation
The PRI traces its origins from the time of
After the latter was unified under the Savoy kings, following the political lines of moderates such as Camillo Benso di Cavour, the Republicans remained aside from the political life of the new country, proclaiming their abstention from elections. They created several democratic movements, like the Brotherhood Pact of Workers' Societies, founded by Mazzini in 1871. However, Mazzini's death the following year and internationalism put the Republicans in a difficult position.
In the run-up of the 1880 Italian general election, the Republicans chose to abandon abstentionism. At the time, their ranks included both members of the middle class, such as Giovanni Bovio, Arcangelo Ghisleri and Napoleone Colajanni, as well as the working class, such as Valentino Armirotti. The PRI, whose power base was limited to Romagna, Umbria, Marche, the Tuscan littoral and Lazio, all but Tuscany former Papal States territories, was officially founded in 1895. By the end of the century, the party was allied with the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the Italian Radical Party in several local governments, including Milan, Florence and Rome.
Early 20th century
At the outbreak of World War I, the PRI sided with interventionists, aiming at supporting France (considered the motherland of human rights) and annexing Trento and Trieste (then part of Austria-Hungary). After the end of the conflict, the party tried to form an alliance with other left-wing parties, but the attempt failed as the PSI at was strongly influenced by its "maximalist" (radical) wing. In 1921, Pietro Nenni left the PRI to become one of the leaders of the PSI. In the 1920s, the rise of the National Fascist Party (PNF) caused the collapse of all Italian left-wing parties, including the PRI, which was banned in 1926.
Several Republicans were arrested, confined or exiled and the PRI collaborated to the anti-fascist struggle. In 1927, the party joined Anti-fascist Concentration. In the late 1930s, it also participated in the Spanish Civil War. In 1940, the German occupation of France, where many Republicans had taken refuge, put the party in jeopardy. During the armed resistance against the German occupation of Italy from 1943, PRI members were part of the provincial National Liberation Committees (CLN), but they did not participate to the national CLN as they did not want to collaborate with Italian monarchists, some of whom were active members of the committee.
Post-World War II
In 1946, the PRI gained 4.4% of the popular vote in the election for a Constituent Assembly, confirming its traditional strongholds. However, it was very weak if compared to Christian Democracy (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI). After that, a ballot on the same day abolished monarchy in Italy and the PRI declared itself available to take a role in the government of Italy, entering the second government of Alcide De Gasperi. In late 1946, Ugo La Malfa and Ferruccio Parri, formerly members of the Action Party (PdA), moved to the PRI. La Malfa would be appointed as minister in several of the following governments.
At the 19th congress of the party held in 1947, there were two main inner trends: one, represented by the national secretary
The 1948 Italian general election saw the PRI as a solid ally of the DC, but also a reduction of the party's share to 2.5%. In the following years, the strongest party faction was that of La Malfa, who refused to participate to the DC-led governments until 1962.
In 1963, the party voted in favour of the first centre-left government in Italy led by
Pentapartito age
In 1979, La Malfa received by President Sandro Pertini the mandate to form a new government. It was the first time for a non-DC member since the Italian Republic had been created. The attempt failed and a new government led by Giulio Andreotti was formed, with La Malfa as Deputy Prime Minister, but he suddenly died five days later. In September, the PRI chose Giovanni Spadolini as national secretary and Bruno Visentini as president. The following twelve years, first under Spadolini and then under La Malfa's son Giorgio, saw the PRI as a stable member of the so-called Pentapartito, an alliance between the DC, the PSI, the PRI, the Italian Liberal Party (PLI) and the Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI) which governed Italy from 1983 to 1991. The PRI abandoned the coalition in 1991 in disagreement with the Mammì bill (named after Oscar Mammì, a Republican) on telecommunications.
In June 1981, Spadolini became
At the
Diaspora and re-organisation
The early-1990s
Many Republicans, including
From Prodi to Berlusconi
From 1996 to 2001, the PRI was part of
At the
At the 2006 Italian general election, Nucara and La Malfa were elected on the Forza Italia's lists for the Chamber of Deputies while the party decided to run under its own banner for the Senate in some regions, obtaining little more than 0.1% of the vote. Del Pennino was elected senator on Forza Italia's list.
At the 2008 Italian general election, the PRI got two deputies elected in the list of The People of Freedom (PdL): La Malfa and Nucara. At time, the party had 12,000 members.[18]
Re-unification and recent events
The common battle in Parliament against electoral reform favoured a reconciliation between the MRE and the PRI. During the third congress of the MRE in February 2009, the two parties signed a joint declaration under which despite their different coalition allegiances, the two parties pledged to join forces in Parliament on some key issues such as civil liberties and freedom of research.[19][20] In October, a joint committee was installed in order to reach an agreement of re-unification between the two parties.[21] By February 2011, the MRE and Ossorio's Democratic Republicans reunited with the PRI.[22][23]
Another split loomed when La Malfa voted against the
In December 2013, Nucara resigned from secretary after more than twelve years at the top.[29] He was replaced by two successive coordinators, Saverio Collura (from March 2014, when Nucara was contextually elected president, to December 2015) and Corrado Saponaro (from January 2016).[30]
In the 2014 European Parliament election in Italy, the PRI supported the European Choice electoral list, which won 0.7% of the vote and failed to elect any MEPs. In April 2016, the party joined forces with Act!, a splinter group from Lega Nord led by Flavio Tosi, whose sub-group in the Mixed Group of the Chamber of Deputies was named Act!–PRI.[31] After Enrico Costa's entry in August 2017, the sub-group was renamed Act!–PRI–Liberals.[32]
In the run-up of the 2018 Italian general election, Saponaro was elected secretary[33][34] and an alliance with the Liberal Popular Alliance (ALA) was formed.[35][36] The PRI–ALA list, which was composed of only Republican candidates, presented its slates in one third of the constituencies and obtained 0.1% of the vote.
In 2019, Giorgio La Malfa was welcomed back into the party's fold.[37][38] The PRI was part of More Europe (+E) at the 2019 European Parliament election. In 2020, the PRI formed a pact with Action (A), a political party led by Carlo Calenda.[39] In the 2020 Marche regional election, the PRI allied with the centre-right; this caused the European Republicans Movement to again split away from the Party to pursue an alliance with the centre-left.[40]
In 2021 Carlo Cottarelli, a former director of the International Monetary Fund, was chosen by the PRI, A, +E, the Liberal Democratic Alliance for Italy (ALI), and The Liberals to head of a scientific committee designed to elaborate of a joint political program.[41][42][43] On the occasion of the 2022 Italian general election, the PRI, after having joined Civic Commitment (an electoral list led by Luigi Di Maio within the centre-left coalition)[44] for a few days, joined forces with the Action – Italia Viva, which ran outside the two main electoral coalitions.[45] The splitaway MRE opted to join the Democratic and Progressive Italy coalition instead.[46]
In 2024 the PRI formed a federative pact with Action.[47]
Popular support
Throughout the Kingdom of Italy, the Republicans along with the other party of the far left, the Italian Radical Party, were strong especially among the rural workers in Romagna, in the Marche and around Rome. In the 1890s, they suffered from competition with the Italian Socialist Party for the single-seat constituencies of Emilia-Romagna, where both parties had their heartlands. However, at the 1900 Italian general election the PRI won 4.3% of the vote (7.3% in Lombardy, 9.6% in Emilia-Romagna, 15.0% in the Marche, 9.6% in Umbria and 7.2% in Apulia) and 29 seats from several regions of Italy, including also Veneto and Sicily, where they had some local strongholds. After that, the Republicans were reduced almost to their power base in Romagna and Northern Marche, where the party had more than 40% and where most of their deputies came from. That was why the party, which was little more than a regional party, lost many seats when proportional representation was introduced in 1919.[48]
At the 1946 Italian general election, despite competition from the Action Party, which had a similar constituency and regional base, the PRI won 4.4% of the vote, with peaks in its traditional strongholds: around 21% in Romagna (32.5% in Forlì and 37.3% in Ravenna), 16.4% in the Marche (26.6% in Ancona and 32.9% in Jesi), 11.0% in Umbria and 15.2% in Lazio.[49] However, the PRI soon lost its character as a mass party in those areas (although it retained some of its positions there), as the Italian Communist Party conquered many formerly Republican workers' votes and the party settled around 1–2% at the national level in the 1950s and 1960s.[50]
In the 1970s, under the leadership of Giovanni Spadolini the Republicans gained support among educated middle-class voters, losing some ground in their traditional strongholds, but also increasing their share of vote elsewhere, notably in Piedmont, Lombardy and Liguria, where they became a strong competitor to the Italian Liberal Party for the votes of entrepreneurs and professionals. This led to a gradual recovery in the party's fortunes, which reached their highest peak at the 1983 Italian general election. Spadolini had been Prime Minister of Italy for two years by this point, and the party enjoyed a bounce which led it to the 5.1% of the vote. This time, the PRI did better in Piedmont (7.7%, 10.3% in Turin and 12.8% in Cuneo) and Lombardy (6.9%, 12.3% in Milan) than in Emilia-Romagna (5.1%) and the Marche (4.7%). The party did very well in its local strongholds,[48] such as the Province of Forlì-Cesena (11.3%) and the Province of Ravenna (13.9%).[50]
At the
At the 2004 European Parliament election in Italy, the party formed a joint list with the new Italian Liberal Party and won 3.8% of the vote in Calabria,[51] 1.0% in Sicily and 1.0% in Apulia. In 2008, the PRI gained a surprising 9.4% in the provincial election of Messina, Sicily.[52] In Romagna, where it always retained its alliance with the centre-left, the party won the 4.2% of the vote in the provincial election of Forlì-Cesena in 2004[53] and 3.8% in Ravenna in 2006;[54] and 6.1% in the Ravenna municipal election.[55] In the 2011 local elections, the party was almost stable in Ravenna and its province (5.1% and 3.1%, respectively) and in Reggio Calabria and its province (3.1% and 4.1%), but it gained some ground in Naples (1.5%).[56] In the 2012 municipal elections, the party won 6.5% in Brindisi.[57] In 2016, the party won 4.4% in Ravenna.[58]
The electoral results of the PRI in general elections (Chamber of Deputies) from 1897 to 1992 are shown in the chart below.
- Kingdom of Italy
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
- Italian Republic
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Electoral results
Italian Parliament
Chamber of Deputies | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1897 | 60,833[a] (4th) | 5.0 | 25 / 508
|
–
|
|
1900 | 79,127 (5th) | 6.2 | 29 / 508
|
4
|
|
1904 | 75,225 (5th) | 4.9 | 24 / 508
|
5
|
|
1909 | 81,461 (5th) | 4.4 | 23 / 508
|
1
|
|
1913 | 102,102 (7th) | 2.0 | 8 / 508
|
15
|
|
1919 | 53,197 (10th) | 0.9 | 9 / 508
|
1
|
Salvatore Barzilai
|
1921 | 124,924 (8th) | 1.9 | 6 / 535
|
3
|
|
1924 | 133,714 (9th) | 1.9 | 7 / 535
|
1
|
Eugenio Chiesa
|
1929 | Banned | 0 / 535
|
7
|
–
| |
1934 | Banned | 0 / 535
|
–
|
–
| |
1946 | 1,003,007 (6th) | 4.4 | 23 / 556
|
23
|
|
1948 | 651,875 (6th) | 2.5 | 9 / 574
|
14
|
|
1953 | 438,149 (8th) | 1.6 | 5 / 590
|
4
|
|
1958 | 405,782 (9th) | 1.4 | 6 / 596
|
1
|
|
1963 | 420,213 (8th) | 1.4 | 6 / 630
|
–
|
|
1968 | 626,533 (7th) | 2.0 | 9 / 630
|
3
|
|
1972 | 954,357 (7th) | 2.9 | 15 / 630
|
6
|
|
1976 | 1,135,546 (6th) | 3.1 | 14 / 630
|
1
|
|
1979 | 1,110,209 (7th) | 3.0 | 16 / 630
|
2
|
|
1983 | 1,874,512 (5th) | 5.1 | 29 / 630
|
13
|
|
1987 | 1,428,663 (5th) | 3.7 | 21 / 630
|
8
|
|
1992 | 1,722,465 (7th) | 4.4 | 27 / 630
|
6
|
|
1994 | Into Segni Pact | 1 / 630
|
26
|
||
1996 | Into the Populars | 2 / 630
|
1
|
||
2001 | Into Forza Italia | 1 / 630
|
1
|
||
2006 | Into Forza Italia | 2 / 630
|
1
|
||
2008 | Into The People of Freedom | 2 / 630
|
–
|
||
2013 | 7,143 (21st) | 0.02 | 0 / 630
|
2
|
|
2018 | 20,943 (20th)[b] | 0.06 | 0 / 630
|
–
|
Corrado De Rinaldis Saponaro
|
- ^ Estimate.
- ^ In a joint list with Liberal Popular Alliance.
Senate of the Republic | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1948 | 594,178[a] (6th) | 2.6 | 6 / 237
|
–
|
|
1953 | 261,713 (8th) | 1.1 | 0 / 237
|
6
|
|
1958 | 363,462 (9th) | 1.4 | 0 / 246
|
–
|
|
1963 | 223,350 (8th) | 0.8 | 1 / 315
|
–
|
|
1968 | 622,388 (7th) | 2.2 | 2 / 315
|
2
|
|
1972 | 918,440 (7th) | 3.0 | 5 / 315
|
3
|
|
1976 | 846,415 (6th) | 2.7 | 7 / 315
|
2
|
|
1979 | 1,053,251 (7th) | 3.4 | 6 / 315
|
1
|
|
1983 | 1,452,279 (5th) | 4.7 | 11 / 315
|
5
|
|
1987 | 1,248,641 (5th) | 3.9 | 8 / 315
|
3
|
|
1992 | 1,565,142 (7th) | 4.5 | 10 / 315
|
2
|
|
1994 | Into Pact for Italy | 0 / 315
|
10
|
||
1996 | Into the Olive Tree | 0 / 315
|
-
|
||
2001 | Into Forza Italia | 1 / 315
|
1
|
||
2006 | 45,098 (24th)[b] | 0.13 | 1 / 315
|
–
|
|
2008 | Into The People of Freedom[c] | 0 / 315
|
1
|
||
2013 | 8,476 (21st) | 0.02 | 0 / 315
|
–
|
|
2018 | 27,285 (20th)[d] | 0.09 | 0 / 315
|
–
|
Corrado De Rinaldis Saponaro
|
- ^ Two senators were elected in joint lists with the PSDI.
- ^ Senator elected with Forza Italia.
- ^ In 2011, a Republican replaced a senator of The People of Freedom.
- ^ In a joint list with Liberal Popular Alliance.
European Parliament
European Parliament | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1979 | 896,139 (8th) | 2.6 | 2 / 81
|
2
|
|
1984 | 2,140,501 (5th)[a] | 6.1 | 2 / 81
|
–
|
|
1989 | 1,532,388 (5th)[b] | 4.4 | 3 / 81
|
1
|
|
1994 | 242,786 (12th) | 0.7 | 1 / 87
|
2
|
|
1999 | 168,620 (18th) | 0.5 | 1 / 87
|
–
|
|
2004 | 233,144 (16th) | 0.7 | 0 / 78
|
1
|
Regional elections
Regions of Italy | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1970 | 787,011 (8th) | 2.9 | 18 / 720
|
–
|
|
1975 | 961,797 (6th) | 3.2 | 19 / 720
|
1
|
|
1980 | 922,970 (6th) | 3.0 | 18 / 720
|
1
|
|
1985 | 1,280,563 (5th) | 4.0 | 25 / 720
|
7
|
|
1990 | 1,139,590 (6th) | 3.6 | 21 / 720
|
4
|
Leadership (since 1945)
- Secretary: Randolfo Pacciardi (1945–1949), Oronzo Reale (1949–1964), Oddo Biasini/Claudio Salmoni/Emanuele Terrana (1964–1965), Ugo La Malfa (1965–1975), Oddo Biasini (1975–1979), Giovanni Spadolini (1979–1987), Giorgio La Malfa (1987–1993), Giorgio Bogi (1993–1994), Giorgio La Malfa (1994–2001), Francesco Nucara (2001–2013), Saverio Collura (coordinator; 2014–2015), Corrado De Rinaldis Saponaro (2016–present; 2016–2017: coordinator)
- President: Oronzo Reale (1965–1975), Ugo La Malfa (1975–1979), Bruno Visentini (1979–1992), Guglielmo Negri (1995–2000), Giorgio La Malfa (2001–2006), Francesco Nucara (2014–2016)
- Party Leader in the Chamber of Deputies: Randolfo Pacciardi (1946–1947), Cipriano Facchinetti (1947), Cino Macrelli (1947–1948), unknown (1948–1953), Cino Macrelli (1953–1962), Oronzo Reale (1962–1963), Ugo La Malfa (1963–1973), Oronzo Reale (1973–1974), Oddo Biasini (1974–1979), Oscar Mammì (1979–1981), Adolfo Battaglia (1981–1987), Antonio Del Pennino (1987–1993), Giuseppe Galasso (1993), Alfredo Bianchini (1993–1994), Luciana Sbarbati (1994–2001), Giorgio La Malfa (2001–2006), Francesco Nucara (2006–2013)
See also
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