Italian Social Movement
Italian Social Movement Movimento Sociale Italiano | |
---|---|
Abbreviation | MSI |
Leaders |
|
Founded | 26 December 1946 |
Dissolved | 27 January 1995 |
Merger of |
|
Preceded by | Republican Fascist Party (de facto) |
Succeeded by |
|
Headquarters | Via della Scrofa 43, Rome |
Newspaper | Secolo d'Italia |
Youth wing |
|
Membership | 202,715 (1993) 240,063 (peak, 1963)[2] |
Ideology | |
Political position | Far-right |
European affiliation |
|
European Parliament group |
|
Colours | Black |
Party flag | |
The Italian Social Movement (
Formed in 1946 by supporters of the former dictator
Background
The MSI derived its name and ideals from the
History
Early years (1946–1954)
On 12 November 1946, the Italian Movement of Social Unity (Movimento Italiano di Unità Sociale, MIUS) was created by Giorgio Almirante and former fascist veterans of the Italian Social Republic (RSI)[23] to provide a formal role to its representatives, who were supposed to attend a meeting on 26 December in Arturo Michelini's office.[citation needed]
The Italian Social Movement was officially founded on 26 December 1946 in Rome via the merging of small political groups: the MIUS, the Front of the Italian (Fronte dell'Italiano), the Front of Work (Fronte del Lavoro), the Trade Union of Italian Railwaymen (Unione Sindacale dei Ferrovieri Italiani), and the Independent Veterans Group (Gruppo Reduci Indipendenti). Former RSI official Giorgio Almirante became the party's first leader.[24] The three initial main goals of the party were to revive Mussolini's fascism, attack the Italian democracy and fight communism.[25][26][27] Due to the anti-fascist consensus embodied by the post-war Constitution of Italy and agreements with the Allied forces, advocating a return to fascism had to be done discreetly.[25][18] Although the MSI adapted itself into the constraints of the democratic environment, its manifest ideology was clearly antagonistic and antithetical to liberal democracy,[27] and it was consequently excluded from the Constitutional Arch, the circles of parties that had taken part in the drafting and approval of the Italian Constitution and which persisted as a loose coalition on certain policymaking issues, and from the parties deemed legitimate to govern.[18]
The MSI won financial support from wealthy businessmen and landowners who feared a possible communist regime seizing power in Italy,[25] either coming from a domestic revolution or a takeover by Soviet forces. In the 1948 Italian general election, the neo-fascist party won seven deputies and one senator.[28] But the MSI soon witnessed growing internal conflicts between conservatives, who sought involvement in NATO and political alliances with Monarchists and Christian Democrats, and hardliners who wanted the party to turn into anti-American and anti-establishment platform.[25][29] Almirante was replaced as the leader of the party in 1950 due to his uncompromising anti-NATO position. His position taken by conservative Augusto De Marsanich, under whose leadership the party won some strong electoral gains.[30][25]
Leadership of Arturo Michelini (1954–1969)
Four years later in 1954, De Marsanich was replaced by Arturo Michelini.[25] The conservative elements dominated the party in the 1950s and 1960s,[29] and it maintained a rather moderate course.[31] By the late 1950s, the MSI had become Italy's fourth largest party, and the Italian party system was unique in Europe in terms of having a continual and significant neo-fascist presence since the end of World War II.[25][31][32] Michelini established the strategy of inserimento (insertion) during his leadership of the party, which consisted in gaining acceptance through cooperation with other parties within the framework of liberal democracy.[33][18] Disgruntled by the MSI's focus on parliamentarism and their attempts to establish an image of democratic respectability, the radicals broke out to create several splinter groups. Pino Rauti and others left in 1956 to found Ordine Nuovo, while Stefano Delle Chiaie established the National Vanguard in 1960.[25][31]
In the wider context of the Cold War, anti-communism had replaced anti-fascism as the abiding principle of the Italian Republic,[18] and Christian Democrats started to accept political backing from the party (along with Monarchists and Liberals) to prop up their minority governments after the 1958 Italian general election. Already in the late 1940s, the Christian Democrats, somewhat reluctantly, had discreetly accepted support from the MSI to keep the Italian Communist Party (PCI) out of the Roman city council.[34]
In March 1960, the MSI even became the sole backer of the Christian Democratic minority
Leadership of Giorgio Almirante (1969–1987)
Michelini remained the leader of the MSI until his death in 1969, when the party's first leader Almirante regained control. The latter attempted to revitalise the party by pursuing an aggressive policy against left-wing student uprisings,[25] since the 1968 student movement had been devastating for the party's youth organisation.[35]
Learning from Michelini's failed approach of inserimento, Almirante declared in his report to the party's central committee in 1969: "We stand before two different paths: an alternative to the system or an alternative within the system".[38] He introduced a double strategy of hard anti-systemic discourse combined with the creation of a broader "National Right" (Destra Nazionale) coalition in 1972.[36] He broadened the party in both conservative and radical directions, initiated a cooperation that eventually led to a merging with the Monarchist National Party, reintegrated Rauti and other radicals into the MSI, and attempted to attract conservative figures from the Christian Democrats and the Liberals.[29][37][18] The party grew strongly in the early 1970s, claiming 420,000 members in 1973.[29] Contesting the 1972 Italian general election in a joint list with Monarchists,[29] the MSI almost doubled its support up to 8.7% of the votes, its highest score ever until 1994. It successfully capitalised on southern protests and an agenda of "law and order".[18]
However, the MSI supported acts of political violence committed by young activists and the revolts in the Mezzogiorno; the party was also in contact with some sectors of terrorismo nero ("black terrorism"), involved in right-wing domestic terrorist attacks during the Years of lead. Those connections, in apparent contraction to the respectability sought by the party, damaged its public reputation.[18] Support for the MSI consequently receded in the 1976 Italian general election, and many conservatives pulled out from the party, leaving it with 279,000 members that year.[29] Frustrated in their aspiration to turn the MSI in a mainstream conservative party, moderates formed the short-lived National Democracy in 1976, accusing Almirate of maintaining contacts with right-wing terrorism and of being unable to follow a concrete parliamentary strategy.[18] The new party, which took with it half the MSI parliamentary representation and nearly all of its public finance, was dissolved in the aftermath of the 1979 Italian general election.[39]
During the late 1970s and early 1980s, a second wave of right-wing terrorism in Italy led to political radicalisation among some MSI members, and a part of them left the party to form new splinter groups.[29] A new wave of studies and "historicisation" of fascism, widely debated in the public media, participated in pacifying the political climate. The MSI's insistent denunciations of violence began to gain in credibility, and the party became less stigmatised in mainstream politics. After he became prime minister in 1983, Bettino Craxi of the Italian Socialist Party met with MSI leaders, and his office later issued a statement that expressed regrets for the "ghettoisation" of the party. In 1984, high-level representatives of the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Democratic Socialists attended the party congress of the MSI for the first time. The next year, the party was granted a position on the board of directors of the RAI, the state radio and television network.[40][41]
Leadership of Gianfranco Fini (1987–1995)
Gianfranco Fini took over the party leadership from Almirante in 1987, as his anointed successor and favoured candidate by the party's old guard. However, following Almirante's death the next year, Fini was left without his protector and gradually viewed as a weak leader, unable to turn around the decline and isolation of the party. Fini also adopted provocative initiatives against the internal opposition.[32][42][43]
In 1990 Pino Rauti briefly gained the leadership of the party from Fini, but his revolutionary, anti-capitalist and leftist (yet loyal fascist) approach further alienated the party's supporters. As a result, Fini regained the leadership in 1991.[32][44] Fini then sought to downplay the fascist origins of the MSI, further dividing the party into several factions. He transformed the MSI into the more moderate National Alliance (AN), going farther than Almirante's 1970s "National Right" strategy. Fini came to be viewed as a skilful political operator and he gained the support of the party majority.[25][29][45][46]
In the
The AN project was launched in 1993, contested the
Ideology
The MSI's political program stressed
Although it was for a long time preoccupied with the debate of fascism and anti-fascism, the party started to distance itself from this in the early 1970s to rather focus on contemporary Italian issues.[48] While both wings of the party agreed after the 1950s that fascism was dead, they nevertheless saw some good things in fascism that they wanted to reinstitute.[55] When the party transformed itself into the AN, it outspokenly rejected fascism, as well as "any kind of totalitarianism and racism". In contrast to other far-right parties in Europe which increased their power in the late 1980s, the MSI chose not to campaign against immigration, because Italy was less concerned about the topic at the time versus other European countries.[48]
Internal factions
The MSI included a large variety of currents, which ranged from republicans to monarchists, Catholics to anti-clericals, conservative capitalists to radical anticapitalists, and revolutionaries to corporatists.
Most of the party's initial leaders were northern radicals, but most of its support was from voters in the South. In the North, the party elite to a large extent consisted of highly ideological veterans from the civil war. As the Italian Social Republic (RSI) had not existed in the South, and there thus had been no civil war, the southern MSI-supporters and notables were by contrast largely moderate-conservatives, less interested in ideology. When the conservatives gained power of the party in the 1950s, they steered it more towards the traditional clerical and monarchist right-wing.[57]
Foreign policy
The MSI took a strongly nationalistic approach in foreign policy, but was initially divided between "third force" and pro-NATO groups. It abstained when the parliament voted on Italy's admission into NATO in 1949, but later expressed support for NATO and the
Unlike other
International affiliation
From the end of the war to the late 1980s, the MSI was the chief reference point for the European far-right.[61] By the initiative of the MSI, the European Social Movement was established after conferences in Rome in 1950 and Malmö, Sweden, in 1951.[62] The conference in Malmö was attended by around one hundred delegates from French, British, German, Austrian, Italian, Spanish, Hungarian, and Swedish neo-fascist groups, with some notable figures including Maurice Bardèche, Karl-Heinz Priester, Oswald Mosley, and Per Engdahl.[63][64] The MSI was also part of the New European Order, together with, among others, the Falange and the Socialist Reich Party. Due to the MSI's support for continued Italian control of South Tyrol, German-speaking delegates eventually left the NEO.[65] Growing divisions and external competition left both groups largely moribund by 1957.[66] At a conference in Venice in 1962, the National Party of Europe was formed by the MSI, the Union Movement, the Deutsche Reichspartei, Jeune Europe, and the Mouvement d'Action Civique.[67] The group was effectively defunct by 1966.[68]
In response to the development of "
Popular support
The electoral support for the MSI fluctuated around 5 per cent, with its supporting peaking in 1972 at almost 9 per cent. The party's popular support came mostly from the southern underclass and the rural oligarchy until the 1960s, and later from the urban middle classes, especially in Rome, Naples, Bari, and the other cities of the Centre-South. Its supporters consisted demographically of old fascists, lower-middle-class shopkeepers, and artisans, as well as a number of bureaucrats, police, and military. Reasons to vote for the MSI included protest votes, nostalgia, and support for traditional values, as well as southern resentment of the North.[40][74] As the old fascist veterans started to fade away, the party in turn gained support from alienated youth groups.[75]
Although most of the party's initial leaders were radicals from the North, the party's electoral base was in the South.[57] In its first election, almost 70 per cent of the party's votes came from regions south of Rome, and all of its elected parliamentary representatives came from southern constituencies. In the 1952 local elections, the MSI–Monarchist alliance won 11.8% of the votes in the South.[76] In 1972, when the MSI was at its peak, it won 14.8% in Lazio (17.4% in Rome and 21.0% in Latina), 16.7% in Campania (26.3% in Naples and 22.2% in Salerno), 12.5% in Apulia (21.0% in Lecce, 18.8% in Bari, and 18.4% in Foggia), 12.2% in Calabria (36.3% in Reggio Calabria), 15.9% in Sicily (30.6% in Catania, 24.4% in Messina, and 20.7% in Siracusa) and 11.3% in Sardinia (16.0% in Cagliari).[77]
By the beginning of the 1990s the MSI had strengthened its position, especially in Lazio, and, when the Christian Democrats disbanded in 1993–94, the MSI was able to attract many Christian Democratic voters in
The electoral results of MSI in general (Chamber of Deputies) and European Parliament elections since 1948 are shown in the chart below.
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Election results
Italian Parliament
Chamber of Deputies | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1948 | 526,882 (7th) | 2.0 | 6 / 574
|
–
|
|
1953 | 1,582,154 (5th) | 5.8 | 29 / 590
|
23
|
|
1958 | 1,407,718 (4th) | 4.8 | 24 / 596
|
5
|
|
1963 | 1,570,282 (6th) | 5.1 | 27 / 630
|
3
|
|
1968 | 1,414,036 (6th) | 4.5 | 24 / 630
|
3
|
|
1972 | 2,894,722 (4th) | 8.7 | 56 / 630
|
32
|
|
1976 | 2,238,339 (4th) | 6.1 | 32 / 630
|
24
|
|
1979 | 1,930,639 (4th) | 5.3 | 30 / 630
|
2
|
|
1983 | 2,511,487 (4th) | 6.8 | 42 / 630
|
12
|
|
1987 | 2,281,126 (4th) | 5.9 | 35 / 630
|
7
|
|
1992 | 2,107,037 (6th) | 5.4 | 34 / 630
|
1
|
Senate of the Republic | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1948 | 164,092 (8th) | 0.7 | 1 / 237
|
–
|
|
1953 | 1,473,645 (5th) | 6.1 | 9 / 237
|
8
|
|
1958 | 1,150,051 (5th) | 4.4 | 8 / 246
|
1
|
|
1963 | 1,458,917 (6th) | 5.3 | 15 / 315
|
7
|
|
1968 | 1,304,847 (5th) | 4.6 | 11 / 315
|
4
|
|
1972 | 2,766,986 (4th) | 9.2 | 26 / 315
|
15
|
|
1976 | 2,086,430 (4th) | 6.6 | 15 / 315
|
11
|
|
1979 | 1,780,950 (4th) | 5.7 | 13 / 315
|
2
|
|
1983 | 2,283,524 (4th) | 7.4 | 18 / 315
|
5
|
|
1987 | 2,121,026 (4th) | 6.5 | 16 / 315
|
2
|
|
1992 | 2,171,215 (6th) | 6.5 | 16 / 315
|
–
|
European Parliament
European Parliament | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1979 | 1,909,055 (4th) | 5.5 | 4 / 81
|
–
|
|
1984 | 2,274,556 (4th) | 6.5 | 5 / 81
|
1
|
|
1989 | 1,918,650 (4th) | 5.5 | 4 / 81
|
1
|
Regional elections
Regions of Italy | |||||
Election year | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1970 | 1,621,180 (5th) | 5.9 | 34 / 720
|
–
|
|
1975 | 1,950,213 (4th) | 6.4 | 40 / 720
|
6
|
|
1980 | 1,785,750 (4th) | 5.9 | 37 / 720
|
3
|
|
1985 | 2,087,404 (4th) | 6.5 | 41 / 720
|
4
|
|
1990 | 1,246,564 (5th) | 3.9 | 25 / 720
|
16
|
Symbols
-
1946–1972
Leadership
Secretaries
- Giacinto Trevisonno (1946–1947)
- Giorgio Almirante (1947–1950)
- Augusto De Marsanich (1950–1954)
- Arturo Michelini (1954–1969)
- Giorgio Almirante (1969–1987)
- Gianfranco Fini (1987–1990)
- Pino Rauti (1990–1991)
- Gianfranco Fini (1991–1995)
Presidents
- Valerio Borghese(1952–1954)
- Augusto De Marsanich (1954–1972)
- Gino Birindelli (1972–1973)
- Alfredo Covelli (1973–1976)
- Pino Romualdi (1976–1982)
- Nino Tripodi (1982–1987)
- Giorgio Almirante (1987–1988)
- Alfredo Pazzaglia (1990–1994)
Honorary Presidents
- Cesco Giulio Baghino (1990–1995)
Leaders in the Chamber of Deputies
- Giorgio Almirante (1946–1953)
- Giovanni Roberti (1953–1968)
- Giorgio Almirante (1968–1969)
- Ernesto De Marzio (1969–1976)
- Giorgio Almirante (1977)
- Alfredo Pazzaglia (1977–1990)
- Francesco Servello (1990–1992)
- Giuseppe Tatarella (1992–1994)
- Raffaele Valensise (1994–1995)
Leaders in the Senate
- Enea Franza (1953–1968)
- Augusto De Marsanich (1968–1972)
- Gastone Nencioni (1972–1977)
- Araldo Crollalanza (1977–1985)
- Michele Marchio (1985–1987)
- Cristoforo Filetti (1987–1992)
- Saverio Pontone (1992–1994)
- Giulio Maceratini (1994–1995)
See also
References
- ^ "Movimento sociale italiano-Destra nazionale (1972-1995); Msi". Archived from the original on 9 February 2017. Retrieved 7 February 2017.
- ^ "Gli iscritti ai principali partiti politici italiani della Prima Repubblica dal 1945 al 1991". Istituto Cattaneo (in Italian). Archived from the original on 10 November 2013. Retrieved 13 August 2011.
- ISBN 978-0-19-928470-2. Retrieved 17 July 2013.
- ISBN 978-0-521-84070-5. Retrieved 24 July 2013.
- ISBN 978-0-313-39181-1. Retrieved 27 July 2013.
- ^ Baldini, Gianfranco (2001). "Extreme Right Parties in Italy: An Overview" (PDF). Institut für Politikwissenschaft, Universität Mainz. Archived (PDF) from the original on 30 October 2012. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
- ISBN 9780415358279.
- ISBN 978-0-521-11695-4.
- ^ Davies & Lynch 2002.
- ISBN 9780415344616.
MSI (Movimento Sociale Italiano, Italian Social Movement), which presented itself until the early 1990s as the unashamed guardian of Italy's fascist legacy.
- S2CID 159107106.
- ISBN 978-1-47-251920-7.
- ISBN 978-1-85-728595-6.
- ^ Payne, Stanley G. (1 January 2022). "Antifascist after Fascism". First Things (January 2022). Retrieved 28 September 2022.
The Movimento Sociale Italiano, a significant minority party, once seemed the best candidate for neofascism, but moderated and mutated continuously to win votes. By the 1990s it had morphed into the Alleanza Nazionale, a relatively standard and anodyne center-right parliamentary group.
- ^ Roberts, Hannah (3 August 2022). "Italy confronts its fascist past as the right prepares for power". Politico. Retrieved 11 August 2022.
- ^ Winfield, Nicole (26 September 2022). "How a party of neo-fascist roots won big in Italy". AP News. Associated Press. Retrieved 30 September 2022.
- ^ a b c d Spotts & Wieser 1986, p. 96.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Fella & Ruzza 2009, pp. 13–16.
- ^ Davies & Lynch 2002, p. 328.
- ^ Ignazi 1998, p. 57.
- ^ Levy 1996, p. 188.
- ISBN 978-0-415-07224-3.
- ISBN 9788890230202.
- ^ Annuario dei movimenti politici (in Italian). 1961.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Atkins 2004, pp. 151–152.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, pp. 35–36.
- ^ a b Ignazi 1998, p. 158.
- ^ Ignazi 1998, p. 160.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-415-12280-1.
- ^ Sandro Setta (1990). "Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Augusto De Marsanich". Treccani.
- ^ a b c d Spotts & Wieser 1986, p. 97.
- ^ a b c Fella & Ruzza 2009, p. 142.
- ^ a b Gallego 1999, p. 4.
- ^ Spotts & Wieser 1986, pp. 97–98.
- ^ a b c d Ignazi 2003, p. 38.
- ^ a b Gallego 1999, pp. 7–8.
- ^ a b Spotts & Wieser 1986, p. 98.
- ISBN 9780674971530.
- ^ Fella & Ruzza 2009, p. 16.
- ^ a b Spotts & Wieser 1986, p. 99.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 41–42.
- ^ Ignazi 1998, p. 171.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 42.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, pp. 42–43.
- ^ a b Fella & Ruzza 2009, pp. 142–143.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 43.
- ^ Milesi, Chirumbolo & Catellani 2006, p. 69.
- ^ a b c Tripodi 1998.
- ISBN 978-0-7190-7048-8.
- ^ a b Ignazi 2003, p. 44.
- ^ Gallego 1999, p. 13.
- ^ "Mussolini is dead - For the moment". The Economist. Vol. 331, no. 7867. 11 June 1994. p. 46.
- ^ Cowell, Alan (2 June 1994). "Neo-Fascists of Italy Present Tough Diplomacy for Clinton". The New York Times. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
- ISBN 978-0-521-85683-6.
- ISBN 978-0-465-06877-7.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 36.
- ^ a b Ferraresi 1988, pp. 79–80.
- ^ La questione arabo-israeliana e il Msi filo-occidentalista negli anni 1967-73, Barbadillo, 1 June 2014
- ^ Le scelte del Msi e quella missione a Gerusalemme nel ' 73, il Corriere della Sera, 24 November 2006
- ^ Neofascisti una storia taciuta, Osservatorio Democratico, 13 November 2006
- ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 51: "The MSI was the reference for the European extreme right from the end of the war until the late eighties. Paradoxically, when the extreme right gained substantial popularity all over Europe, the MSI started to decline."
- ISBN 978-0-19-929131-1.
- ISBN 978-0-415-37200-8.
- ^ Macklin, Graham (2007). Very Deeply Dyed in Black. p. 107.
- ^ Tauber, Kurt P. (December 1959). "German Nationalists and European Union". 74 (4). Political Science Quarterly: 573–575.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - ^ Tauber, Kurt P. (December 1959). "German Nationalists and European Union". 74 (4). Political Science Quarterly: 581.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - ^ Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas (2003). Black Sun. New York University Press. p. 30.
- ^ Macklin, Graham (2007). Very Deeply Dyed in Black. pp. 136–139.
- ISBN 978-0-415-37200-8.
- ISBN 978-0-7546-4851-2.
- ISBN 978-0-7190-6446-3.
- ISBN 978-0-19-928643-0.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 52.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 37.
- ^ Ferraresi 1988, p. 73.
- ^ Ignazi 2003, pp. 36–37.
- ^ a b "Historical Archive of Elections". Ministry of the Interior (in Italian). Retrieved 13 August 2011.
- ISBN 978-88-080-6751-7
Bibliography
- Atkins, Stephen E. (2004). "Italian Social Movement (Movimento Sociale Italiano) (MSI) (Italy)". Encyclopedia of modern worldwide extremists and extremist groups. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-32485-7.
- Davies, Peter; Lynch, Derek (2002). The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-60952-9.
- Fella, Stefano; Ruzza, Carlo (2009). Re-inventing the Italian Right: Territorial Politics, Populism and 'post-fascism'. Routledge. ISBN 9781134286348.
- Ferraresi, Franco (1988). "The Radical Right in Postwar Italy". Politics & Society. 16 (1). Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications: 71–119. S2CID 153805679.
- ISSN 1133-8962.
- Guerra, Nicola, ed. (2021). "Il linguaggio politico della sinistra e della destra extraparlamentari negli anni di piombo". Italian Studies. 76 (4). Italian Studies - Taylor & Francis: 406–420. S2CID 236341889.
- Guerra, Nicola, ed. (2020). "Il linguaggio politico di piazza della destra radicale e dei movimenti neofascisti negli Anni di Piombo". Mediterranean Language Review: (17) 61–85.
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(help) - Guerra, Nicola, ed. (2020). "Il linguaggio degli opposti estremismi negli anni di piombo. Un'analisi comparativa del lessico nelle manifestazioni di piazza". Italian Studies. 75 (4). Italian Studies - Taylor & Francis: 1–17. .
- Ignazi, Piero (1998). "MSI/AN: A Mass Party with the Temptation of the Führer-Prinzip". In Ignazi, Piero; Ysmal, Colette (eds.). The organisation of political parties in Southern Europe. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 157–177. ISBN 978-0-275-95612-7.
- Ignazi, Piero (2003). "Italy: The Faded Beacon and the Populist Surge". Extreme right parties in Western Europe. Oxford University Press. pp. 35–61. ISBN 978-0-19-829325-5.
- Levy, Carl (1996). "From Fascism to 'Post-Fascists': Italian Roads to Modernity". In ISBN 978-0-521-47711-6.
- Milesi, Patrizia; Chirumbolo, Antonio; Catellani, Patrizia (2006). "Italy: The offspring of fascism". In Klandermans, Bert; ISBN 978-0-415-35827-9.
- Spotts, Frederic; Wieser, Theodor (1986). "The far right". Italy, a difficult democracy: a survey of Italian politics. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-31511-1.
- Tripodi, Paolo (1998). "The National Alliance and the evolution of the Italian right". The Contemporary Review. 272 (1589): 295–301. ISSN 0010-7565.
External links
- Movimento-sociale-italiano.org (unofficial website)