Italian governorate of Montenegro

Coordinates: 42°23′22″N 18°55′23″E / 42.38944°N 18.92306°E / 42.38944; 18.92306
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Governorate of Montenegro
  • Governatorato del Montenegro (Italian)
  • Гувернаторат за Црну Гору (Serbian)
1941–1943
Flag of
Roman Catholicism
Sunni Islam
GovernmentGovernorate
Governor 
• 1941
Serafino Mazzolini[a]
• 1941–1943
Alessandro Pirzio Biroli
• 1943
Curio Barbasetti di Prun
Prime Minister 
• July 1941
Sekula Drljević[1]
Head of the National Committee 
• 1942–1943
Blažo Đukanović
Historical eraWorld War II
18 April 1941
12 July 1941
13 July 1941
• Independence canceled
24 July 1941
• Governorate established
3 October 1941
12 September 1943
Population
• 1941
411,000
CurrencyYugoslav dinar
Italian lira
Preceded by		 Succeeded by
Kingdom of Yugoslavia
German-occupied territory of Montenegro
Today part ofMontenegro
Serbia
Part of a series on the
History of Montenegro
Coat of arms of Montenegro
Prehistory
Middle Ages and early modern
Modern and contemporary
Topics

The Italian governorate of Montenegro (

Fascist Italy during World War II. Although the Italians had intended to establish a quasi-independent Montenegrin kingdom, these plans were permanently shelved after a popular uprising in July 1941.[2][3][4] Following the Italian surrender in September 1943, the territory of Montenegro was occupied by German
forces which withdrew in December 1944.

Background

Prior to the creation of the

Serb population in those areas.[9]

After 1929, the

Serbo-Croatian: Komunistička partija Jugoslavije, KPJ) advocated that Royal Yugoslav Army reservists demobilise, refuse military discipline, and even desert. In October of that year, the KPJ national conference heavily criticised this action by the Montenegrin branch of the party, and re-oriented the KPJ toward defending the country against "imperialist attackers".[12]

History

Invasion

Main article: Invasion of Yugoslavia

In April 1941, as part of the

9th Army, which had its headquarters in Albania.[15] The 9th Army was also responsible for those parts of Kosovo[8] and western Macedonia annexed to Albania.[3]

Initial occupation

On 17 April, the commander of the XVII Corps, Generale di Corpo d'Armata (Lieutenant General)

Fascist Roman salute was made compulsory. Arrangements were made to form Fascist Party organisations, and strict censorship was imposed.[15] Italian bureaucrats were tasked to supervise the finances of public bodies, insurance companies and banks, and all schools were ordered closed until the end of 1941.[18]

On their arrival in Cetinje, the Italian forces had been met by the group of separatists known as "

Greens" (Serbo-Croatian: Zelenaši), who called themselves the "Committee for the Liberation of Montenegro". This group was encouraged by the Italians to form a council to advise the occupation authorities, which was established by Mazzolini on 18 May.[19] The "Interim Advisory Committee" was "symbolically vested with civil powers", but the Italian military remained the real decision-makers. The committee was to work alongside the Italian military authorities, who replaced the Zeta Banovina government, but appointed committees for various towns and re-activated the pre-existing bureaucracy. The Committee really only drew support from the "Greens",[15] who overestimated what the Italians were offering for their collaboration.[20] On 22 May, the "Interim Advisory Committee" was dissolved, but the former Yugoslav civil service authorities remained at their posts after they swore an oath of allegiance to Italy. On 19 June, Mazzolini was appointed as "High Commissioner", responsible to the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for matters of civil administration in the occupied territory.[17]

Alliance coat of arms of King Victor Emanuel III and Queen Elena of Montenegro

The Italians were "friendly and lenient" towards the Montenegrins.[19]

Initially, the Italians intended that Montenegro would become an "independent" state closely allied with Italy,

Kingdom of Italy the area of Kotor (Italian: Cattaro), where there was a small population of Dalmatian Italians,[21] creating the Province of Cattaro inside the Governorate of Dalmatia
.

The English historian

Prince Michael of Montenegro never accepted the offered crown, pledging loyalty to his nephew King Peter II of Yugoslavia
.

The Italians were relying heavily on information provided by a group of

House of Petrović-Njegoš, that had ruled Montenegro for centuries prior to the union with the Kingdom of Serbia in 1918. They also believed that all members of the "Greens" who had opposed union with Serbia in 1918 wanted full independence for Montenegro, rather than a Montenegrin unit within a federal Yugoslavia.[14] In reality, the "Greens" consisted of two factions, one led by Krsto Popović and one by Sekula Drljević. Popović sought a fully independent Montenegro, but was willing to consider a separate entity within a federal Yugoslavia depending on the outcome of the war, and his group included some members of the Montenegrin Federalist Party. Drljević rejected the idea of the re-formation of Yugoslavia after the war, and was willing to work with the Italians to achieve independence.[22]

Dissatisfaction

The

Milovan Đilas, arrived in Montenegro from Belgrade to start the communist struggle against the occupying forces.[26][27]

Declaration of independence

Drljević and his colleagues were able to convince the Italians that if they created an independent Montenegro with Italian support, there would be little opposition.

Karađorđević dynasty, and the Yugoslav constitution of 1931. It would also proclaim that Montenegro was a sovereign and independent state ruled by a constitutional monarchy.[17] When the members of the National Assembly realised that the declaration would result in a union of the Italian monarchy with Montenegro, and offered no real independence to the new state, nearly all of the delegates returned to their towns and villages.[20]

No member of the

Victor Emmanuel III.[28] The declaration was passed by acclamation on 12 July.[17]
Initially there were manifestations of approval in the main cities of Montenegro, but in the country's interior the feelings were different.

Uprising

Main article: Uprising in Montenegro (1941)

On 13 July 1941, there was a general uprising against the Italians, initiated by the Montenegrin branch of the KPJ. The event that triggered the uprising was the proclamation on the previous day of a restored Kingdom of Montenegro headed by an Italian regent and led by Montenegrin separatist Drljević and the "Greens".[27][29] The insurgents also included large numbers of Serb nationalists known as "Whites" (bjelaši), who "stood for close ties to Serbia",[29] and former Yugoslav Army officers, some of whom had recently been released from prisoner-of-war camps. Officers were in command with the communists doing the organisation and providing political commissars.[30] Serbs fleeing the Ustaše terror in Herzegovina played a significant part in the uprising.[31] The rebels seized control of small towns and villages in the early phase of the uprising. Amidst the worst of the fighting during the successful attack he led on Berane, then-Captain Pavle Đurišić distinguished himself,[32][33] and emerged as one of the main commanders of the uprising.[34] During the attack on Berane, Đurišić fought alongside communist insurgent forces.[35] The other main commanders included the former Yugoslav Army officers Colonel Bajo Stanišić and Major Đorđije Lašić.[36] The Italians were caught completely unprepared, and within a few days, Cetinje had been completely isolated from the rest of the occupied territory, and the occupation force had to call for support from its higher headquarters in Albania. The Italian Foreign Minister, Count Galeazzo Ciano was shocked by the uprising, and was concerned about the ability of the Italian Army to suppress it.[20]

The uprising was premature,

Chetnik movement in Yugoslavia. Outside of coordination provided by KPJ members, the nationalists did not necessarily work together, even with those in the neighbouring district. Their motivation for fighting was mainly to protect their families.[37]

A split then developed between the communist leaders of the uprising and the nationalists that had participated.[38] The nationalists recognized that the uprising had been defeated and wanted to stop fighting, unlike the Partisans who were determined to continue the struggle.[29] During the autumn the nationalists contacted the Italians and offered to assist them to fight the Partisans.[29] Subsequently, the nationalists, including Đurišić who was popular in his own Vasojević clan of northern Montenegro, withdrew into the hinterland.[39] The focus of the nationalists such as Đurišić was to avoid provoking the Italians but to protect the mountain villages if they were attacked.[40] In northern Montenegro, there was a marked distinction between the communists and nationalists, with the nationalists having closer ties with Serbia and a "frontier" mentality towards Muslims. The communists wanted to continue with the revolution by turning against their class enemies, whilst Ustaše manipulation of the Muslims in the Sandžak and the expulsion of Serbs from the areas annexed by Albania combined to make Đurišić and his Chetniks impatient to continue with the uprising by turning on the Muslims and Albanians in the region.[41] The uprising continued to a reduced extent until December 1941.[30]

As a result of the uprising, the Italians decided to abolish Mazzolini's position as High Commissioner. On 3 October 1941, the territory was retitled the Governatorato del Montenegro, and Biroli was appointed governor with responsibility for both military and civil affairs. On 1 December, the XIV Corps was redesignated the Command of the Troops of Montenegro.[3]

Chetnik commanders for Montenegro

In early November 1941, a split developed between the Chetniks and Partisans in the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. The leader of the Chetniks in that territory was Mihailović, who wouldo enjoy the support of the

Ravna Gora.[45][46][47] In contrast, historians Matteo J. Milazzo, Jozo Tomasevich and Sabrina P. Ramet consider the document to be authentic and attribute the instructions to Mihailović.[48][49][50]

Despite his possession of these instructions, Đurišić initially had very little influence on the non-communist elements of the Montenegrin resistance and was unable to develop an effective strategy against the Italians or Partisans in the first few months after his return to Montenegro. In early 1942, his Chetnik detachment became more active, especially in eastern Montenegro and the Sandžak against local Muslims.[51]

"Leftist errors"

Main article:
Leftist errors (Yugoslavia)

The Partisans occupied Kolašin in January and February 1942, and turned against all real and potential opposition, killing about 300 of the population and throwing their mangled corpses into pits they called the "dogs' cemetery". Due to this and other examples of communist terror, the Montenegrin population turned against the Partisans. Đurišić soon recaptured Kolašin and held it as a Chetnik bastion until May 1943.[52] According to other sources, the number of persons killed in Kolašin at that time was between 16 and 38.[53]

Collaboration with Italians

In the autumn of 1941, the nationalists contacted the Italian occupation forces offering to assist the Italians to fight the Partisans.

19th Infantry Division Venezia. On 6 March, an agreement was signed between Stanišić and Biroli. These agreements related to Chetnik action against the Partisans, for which they would receive arms and supplies from the Italians.[29] The Italian's primary aim in entering into these agreements was to minimise their own losses.[56] Initially, Stanišić referred to his forces as the "Montenegrin National Army", and claimed to be the Chetnik commander for both Montenegro and Herzegovina. In late February or early March, Mihailović sent one of his agents to join Stanišić, who began to coordinate his activities with the other significant Chetnik leaders in Montenegro.[57] On 9 March, a large group of former Royal Yugoslav Army officers met at Cetinje and elected Blažo Đukanović to command all nationalist forces in Montenegro. The election of Đukanović was accepted by Mihailović, and may have even been suggested by him.[29]

German mountain forces in Montenegro, June 1943

Between March and June 1942, the power of the Chetniks increased in Montenegro due to a combination of factors. Their agreements with the Italians was the first of these, along with the arms and supplies that accompanied the agreements. The other factor was the weakening of the Partisans, which was mainly caused by the impact of the "left errors".[58] During this period, Stanišić's Chetniks fought the Partisans in the Nikšić area alongside the Italians, and Đurišić's Chetniks did likewise in the Kolašin district of northern Montenegro. In May, Đurišić's Chetniks defeated the Durmitor Partisan Detachment, which was the last large Partisan unit remaining in Montenegro.[57] On 24 July 1942, a comprehensive agreement was reached between Đukanović and Biroli, which expanded the areas covered and ensured that the Chetniks in Montenegro could bear the brunt of the fighting against the Partisans. Specifically, the Đukanović-Biroli agreement stated that "the Chetniks were to continue uncompromising struggle against the Communists and were to cooperate with the Italian authorities in the restoration and maintenance of law and order". It mandated the creation of three "flying detachments" of 1,500 men each, commanded by Đurišić, Stanišić and the separatist leader Popović, and covered pay, rations, arms and support for their families. These detachments were already in existence and had been integrated with Italian forces during operations against the Partisans in June. The agreement also endorsed the pre-existing Committee of Montenegrin Nationalists led by Đukanović. The agreement stated that the nationalists had no political agenda except fighting communism and maintaining law and order and the well-being of the Montenegrin population.[56] The conclusion of the agreement obligated Đukanović's Committee to do everything in its power to preserve order and to fight anyone opposing the Italian occupiers.[59] Tomasevich states that given Mihailović had been in Montenegro for two months prior to this agreement being concluded, it is fair to assume that he knew about and was satisfied with it,[56] and Milazzo states that these accommodations with the Italians were sought with Mihailović's personal approval.[57] This agreement was consistent with Mihailović's aim of having an "army-in-waiting", that could turn against the occupiers, and with the support of the Western Allies, bring him to power. He had taken a similar approach with the "legalised Chetniks" in German-occupied Serbia.[60]

The Chetniks were important to the Italian occupiers as they controlled the hinterland and allowed the Italians to concentrate on maintaining law and order in the larger towns and on the major routes in the occupied territory. From June 1942 until around April 1943, the Chetniks controlled a very large part of the occupied territory. In addition to the 3,000 Chetniks in the two "flying detachments", the Montenegrin Chetniks had several times that number who were not "legalised" by the Italians, but were engaged in fighting the Partisans. Popović, the Montenegrin separatist leader and commander of the third "flying detachment", had been collaborating with the Italians from the time of the invasion, and continued to do so, having reached a fragile understanding with the Chetniks during the first half of 1942. Both the Chetniks and separatists tried to get as much support as possible from the Italians, which included the importation of food for the population who supported them.[60]

Šahovići conference

Between 30 November and 2 December 1942, Chetniks from Montenegro and Sandžak met at a conference in the village of Šahovići near Bijelo Polje. Three Chetnik commanders, Zaharije Ostojić, Đorđije Lašić and Pavle Đurišić represented Mihailović, and the proceedings bore an official stamp.[61] The conference was dominated by Đurišić and its resolutions expressed extremism and intolerance, as well as an agenda which focused on restoring the pre-war status quo in Yugoslavia implemented in its initial stages by a Chetnik dictatorship. It also laid claim to parts of the territory of Yugoslavia's neighbours.[62]

Italian capitulation

Main article:
Capitulation of Italy
capitulation of Italy
in September 1943

On 3 September 1943 (but not made public until the 8th), the Italians concluded an armistice with the Allies, leaving 17 divisions stranded in Yugoslavia. All divisional commanders refused to join the Germans. Two Italian infantry divisions joined the Montenegrin Partisans as complete units, while another joined the Albanian Partisan forces. Other units surrendered to the Germans to face imprisonment in Germany or summary execution. Others surrendered themselves, arms, ammunition and equipment to Croatian forces or to the Partisans, simply disintegrated, or reached Italy on foot via Trieste or by ship across the Adriatic.[63] Territory of former Italian governorate of Montenegro was placed under Nazi Germany occupation.

Demographics

By 31 July 1941, the population of the occupied territory was estimated at 411,000.[64]

Geography

The occupied territory of Montenegro was far smaller in area than pre-Yugoslav Montenegro. At its core was a small area running south into the Sandžak from Berane, including the towns of

Albania, including Bar, a strip of land north of Lake Scutari, the town of Ulcinj, an area northeast of Podgorica along the Yugoslav-Albanian border, and a significant amount of the Andrijevica district including Plav and Gusinje.[65]

Western and central Kosovo

Ibar River valley were incorporated into the German-occupied territory of Serbia, including the towns of Kukavica, Podujevo and Medveđa, and the Trepča zinc mines. Also included in the German-occupied territory of Serbia was the eastern Sandžak, incorporating Novi Pazar. In addition to the modifications to the western border mentioned above, some of the western Sandžak, Foča and Čajniče were included in the NDH.[65]

Administration

The territory was initially under military occupation, but the Italians initially intended to make Montenegro a so-called independent state with close links to Italy, and appointed Mazzolini as a commissioner to handle civil affairs. After the abortive declaration of independence and the suppression of the resulting uprising, Biroli was appointed governor of the territory,[3] which was known as the Governorate of Montenegro (Italian: Governatorato del Montenegro)[3][66] Biroli and his successor Count Curio Barbasetti di Prun were in full control of all military and civil matters in the territory.[3] For purposes of civil administration, the existing districts and municipalities of the Yugoslav system were retained "to avert administrative chaos", with Italians replacing authority at the Banovina level. [15]

Administrative map of the Italian Governate of Montenegro (1941)

Districts

The administration consisted of the following districts, which retained the pre-existing Yugoslav civil service.[15] (Note: italics indicates only part of the old Yugoslav district was within the governate.)

Italian Governors in Montenegro

Heads of National Administrative Committees

Heads of various National collaborationist Administrative Committees within Italian governorate of Montenegro.

  • Sekula Drljević (12 July 1941 – 3 October 1941, de jure) (as the President of the Governing Committee)
  • Blažo Đukanović (24 July 1942 – 19 October 1943) (as the Head of the National Committee)

Occupation forces

The 13 July – 12 August uprising was suppressed by

22nd Infantry Division Cacciatori delle Alpi. The Cacciatori delle Alpi division was re-deployed to the NDH in September 1941, but the rest remained as a strengthened occupation force until December 1941, during which they fought off local attacks.[67]

From 1 December 1941

VI Corps to form Army Group East,[68] but the deployment of the occupying forces did not change significantly for the remainder of the Italian occupation.[3] The uprising and later developments showed that the Italians were not able to effectively impose their rule outside of the larger cities.[71]

Garrison formations[67][70]
Occupation zone Period Division Notes
Northern zone
 48th Infantry Division Taro
December 1941 – August 1942
 included Čekanje and Bar in the Southern zone
151st Infantry Division Perugia
August 1942 – September 1943
 included Čekanje and Bar in the Southern zone
Eastern zone
 19th Infantry Division "Venezia"
December 1941 – September 1943
 HQ: Berane
Southern zone
 5th Alpine Division Pusteria
December 1941 – August 1942
 HQ: Pljevlja, with garrisons at Nova Varoš, Priboj, and in the NDH at Foča, Goražde and Višegrad
1st Alpine Division Taurinense
August 1942 – September 1943
 as above, less Višegrad garrison which was replaced by German forces in December 1942
Kotor zone
 18th Infantry Division Messina
December 1941 – February 1942
 HQ: Castelnuovo
155th Infantry Division Emilia
February 1942 – May 1943
—
23rd Infantry Division Ferrara
May 1943 – September 1943
—
Northwestern zone
6th Alpine Division Alpi Graie
March – November 1942
 between Danilovgrad, Nikšić and Šavnik

The occupation was a significant drain on the Italians as, despite the strategic importance of the adjacent Bay of Kotor as a naval base, and Montenegro's position on the route into the central Balkans, it was a food-deficit area into which they had to import 1,200–1,500 metric tons of foodstuffs every month.[72]

Religion

The predominant religion in Montenegro was

Joanikije Lipovac. Lipovac was killed in the aftermath of the war by the Partisans after trying to flee Yugoslavia in 1945.[73] The Catholic Church was divided into two dioceses, the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Bar and the Roman Catholic Diocese of Skopje
.

Notes

  1. ^ as High Commissioner

References

  1. ^ Roberts 2007, p. 353.
  2. ^ Rodogno 2006, pp. 134–136.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i Tomasevich 1975, p. 103.
  4. ^ Lemkin 2008, p. 590.
  5. ^ Morrison 2009, p. X.
  6. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 10.
  7. ^ a b Morrison 2009, p. 49.
  8. ^ a b c d e f Pars pro toto
  9. ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 13.
  10. ^ Tanner 1997, p. 133.
  11. ^ Pajović 1977, p. 104.
  12. ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 83.
  13. ^ a b c d Tomasevich 2001, p. 138.
  14. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2007, p. 72.
  15. ^ a b c d e f Rodogno 2006, p. 101.
  16. ^ Burgwyn 2005, p. 87.
  17. ^ a b c d e Rodogno 2006, p. 102.
  18. ^ Rodogno 2006, pp. 101–102.
  19. ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 139.
  20. ^ a b c d e Milazzo 1975, p. 43.
  21. ^ Rodogno, Davide (2003). Il nuovo ordine mediterraneo. Turin: Bollati Boringhieri.
  22. ^ Morrison 2009, p. 52.
  23. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 139–140.
  24. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2007, p. 73.
  25. ^ Fleming 2002, p. 131.
  26. ^ a b Rodogno 2006, p. 53.
  27. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2007, p. 74.
  28. ^ "Photos of the "Reggenza" creation, showing Italian and Montenegrin authorities under the King of Italy and the King of Montenegro paintings". Archived from the original on 2019-02-12. Retrieved 2019-02-11.
  29. ^ a b c d e f g h Tomasevich 1975, p. 209.
  30. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2007, p. 76.
  31. ^ Milazzo 1975, p. 11.
  32. ^ Caccamo & Monzali 2008, p. 186.
  33. ^ Đilas 1980, p. 150.
  34. ^ Pavlowitch 2007, p. 75.
  35. ^ Morrison 2009, p. 56.
  36. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2007, pp. 75–76.
  37. ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 156.
  38. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 140–142.
  39. ^ Pavlowitch 2007, pp. 75–78.
  40. ^ Karchmar 1987, p. 386.
  41. ^ Pavlowitch 2007, pp. 78–79.
  42. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 144–145.
  43. ^ Milazzo 1975, p. 46.
  44. ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 170.
  45. ^ Karchmar 1987, p. 397.
  46. ^ Pavlowitch 2007, pp. 79–80.
  47. ^ Malcolm 1994, p. 179.
  48. ^ Milazzo 1975, p. 64.
  49. ^ Tomasevich 1975, pp. 256–261.
  50. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 145.
  51. ^ Milazzo 1975, p. 47.
  52. ^ Pavlowitch 2007, pp. 104–106.
  53. ^ Pavlićević 2014, p. 186.
  54. ^ Milazzo 1975, p. 81.
  55. ^ Milazzo 1975, pp. 81–82.
  56. ^ a b c Tomasevich 1975, p. 211.
  57. ^ a b c Milazzo 1975, p. 82.
  58. ^ Tomasevich 1975, pp. 210–211.
  59. ^ Tomasevich 1975, pp. 211–212.
  60. ^ a b Tomasevich 1975, p. 212.
  61. ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 171.
  62. ^ Pavlowitch 2007, p. 112.
  63. ^ Thomas & Mikulan 1995, p. 12.
  64. ^ Rodogno 2006, p. 418.
  65. ^ a b Rodogno 2006, pp. 100–101.
  66. ^ Pavlowitch 2007, p. 113.
  67. ^ a b Thomas & Mikulan 1995, pp. 11–12.
  68. ^ a b Thomas & Mikulan 1995, p. 10.
  69. ^ Thomas & Mikulan 1995, p. 11.
  70. ^ a b Rodogno 2006, p. 433.
  71. ^ Milazzo 1975, p. 44.
  72. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 138–139.
  73. ^ Velkonija 2003, p. 214.

Bibliography

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