Ivan Ilyin
Ivan Ilyin | |
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20th-century philosophy | |
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Ivan Alexandrovich Ilyin (
As an ardent
Despite battling chronic illness, Ilyin was prolific, authoring over 40 books and numerous articles in Russian and German. His works predominantly revolved around religion and Russia, although he diverged from
Remaining true to
Ilyin's views on Russia's social structure and world history influenced some
Early life
Ivan Ilyin was born in an aristocratic family claiming
Ivan Ilyin was brought up in the center of Moscow in
Under influence of
Before the revolution
In January 1911,
In 1913 it appears that the couple broke with their relatives and met with Leo Tolstoy, according to Konstantin Krylov.[20] Ilyin was known as being extremely intolerant towards Andrei Bely, who called him "mentally insane".[22][23] For six weeks in 1914 Ilyin and his wife paid visits to Sigmund Freud.
During the July Crisis, Ilyin was forced to leave and his writings were confiscated at the outbreak of the First World War. After returning from Vienna, Ilyin was obsessed with psychoanalysis, diagnosing everything and everyone in Freudian terms, reducing every personal problem to neurotic symptoms, and according to one observer, psychoanalyzing every little gesture of those around him.[24] The two became pioneers of the psychoanalytic movement in Russia.[25][26] He began to develop a career as a writer and public figure.[27]
World War I and the Russian Revolution
After the breakout of World War I, Evgeny Trubetskoy, once a member of the
At first, Ilyin perceived the February Revolution as the liberation of the people. Along with many other intellectuals, he generally approved of it and supported the Russian Provisional Government. However, he was gradually disappointed and by the time the October Revolution had completed, viewed it as a catastrophe.[30] The Moscow State Conference convened by Kerensky's Second Government was attended by actual and former Duma members, representatives of all major political parties, commercial and industrial organizations, the unions, army and academic institutions.[31] Ilyin warned the audience, about 2,600 people, "The revolution turned into self-interested plundering of the state". In the autumn, he wrote under the pseudonym Justus "Where is revolutionary democracy going?", "Mr. Kerensky's refusal", "What to expect?", "Nightmare", and "Who are they?"[21]
In February 1918 Ilyin gave a public lecture on patriotism: the lack among the Russian people of a mature
On 19 May, Ilyin received two degrees. Even in the preface, Ilyin notes that Hegel is primarily an intuitionist (and not a logician or, even more so, a rationalist), and in the future, all of Ilyin's thought is based on this idea.
He was an opponent of the Russian spelling reform of 1918 and continued to use pre-reform spelling.
Ilyin became a professor of law in Moscow University. As was customary among Russian religious thinkers, he lectured at the Moscow higher women's courses.[12] He was imprisoned between 11 and 24 August, but released with the help of Ivan Yakovlev's son. On 19 December, Ilyin received a summons to appear at a meeting of the Revolutionary Tribunal (non-recognition of Soviet power).[33] In 1919 Ilyin wrote: "In Moscow, the winter is fierce, there is no firewood, we are hungry. They have already taken me to Cheka three times – and tried in a tribunal "for preparing an armed uprising".[19]
Ilyin's ability to hate, despise, insult ideological opponents was particularly pronounced.
Emigration
The
In 1924, the Russian All-Military Union was founded; Ilyin met Pyotr Wrangel at Seeon Abbey, a center of anti-Bolshevik activities.[47][48] Wrangel was told to abandon his (military) adventures.[49] Ilyin became part of Wrangel's inner circle; not every Russian was charmed by Wrangel's personality.[50]
In July 1924 Ilyin visited Italy for his health; his portrait of Benito Mussolini was sympathetic but not uncritical.[10]
"... his policy is plastic, prominent: it consists of personal actions, bright, complete, original and often unexpected from the outside; but these personal actions are always at the same time the actions of the masses led by him, and, moreover, organized, and in the course of still being organized, actions. Mussolini has the gift of a political sculptor, the original, completing daring of the Michelangelo tradition.[51]
In his book On resisting evil by force (1925) Ilyin advocated the use of violence in the struggle against Bolshevism, which he regarded as
Between 1927 and 1930 Ilyin was a publisher and editor of the journal Russkiy Kolokol.[57] He actively published in right-wing conservative newspapers.[58][59]
During the
In 1932 only about 60,000 Russian emigrants were living in Germany and in Berlin the number of émigrés was 8,320.[62] The activity of the RSI gradually slowed down due to a decrease in the number of Russian-speaking students. There were difficulties in maintaining this large institution, and it was liquidated.[63] It became impossible to be employed as either a writer or a lecturer.[64]
1933 Hitler's first year in office
On 27 February, the Reichstag building was set on fire. Göring blamed a communist plot. The Reichstag Fire Decree on the next day restricted the rights of personal freedom, and freedom of expression, including the freedom of the press, the freedom to organize and assemble, the privacy of postal, telegraphic and telephonic communications. Shortly after the fire, a wave of arrests began about 1500 people – Communists, in particular, were affected.
Beginning on 7 April the
On 13 July, all German public employees were required to use the
Hitler salute. On 14 July, the Nazi Party was declared the only legal political party in Germany. Russian emigrants feared that Hitler, who on various occasions had spoken out strongly against foreigners, would begin persecuting them.
On 5 August, Ilyin's house was searched, his letters were examined, and he himself was taken away for interrogation, where he was asked about his source of income and for details of the people abroad with whom he corresponded. After the questioning, he was released, although required to sign a declaration. In September the
On the opening of the reorganized institute
In 1935, Ilyin spent much of the summer at a large
In his pamphlet "An attack on the Orthodox church" (December 1937) he accused
Switzerland
From 1940 Ilyin resided
At the end of his life, Ivan Alexandrovich managed to finish and publish a work on which he worked for more than 33 years Axioms of Religious Experience, and three volumes of philosophical and literary prose, originally written in German.
He died in a hospital on 21 December 1954. In 1956, his postwar articles were compiled into a two-volume anthology called Our Tasks. These short political essays (in a verbose and pious style) were not only very profound, but also truly prophetic.[89] It is about the future of Russia and its State, once freed of Communism.[90] He did not describe this future very clearly, it is something bright, good, but blurry, according to the literary critic Alexander N. Arkhangelsky.[91]
Family
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The Ilyin family owned a dairy farm 260 km from Moscow in Bolshye Polyany (Ryazan Governorate), where they spent the summers.[10] Ilyin had four brothers: Alexey, Alexander, Julius, and Igor. In 1905 Alexey joined the Socialist Revolutionary Party but died in 1913.[10] Alexander was a zemstvo warden but moved to America before the revolution.[92] Igor, a lawyer, was arrested on charges of "counter-revolutionary agitation" by Stalin's NKVD in the Moscow region. He was executed and buried at Butovo firing range.[93][94] In 1938/1955 Ilyin's wife, N.N. Ilyina, published "The Expulsion of the Normans from Russian history".[95] Her father was Julius Schweikert (1807-1876) a German physician and pioneer of homeopathy, who moved from Wittenberg to Moscow in 1832 and appointed in the Table of Ranks. Ilyin's cousin Mikhail Ilyin was an art historian, involved in the design of Dobryninskaya, a Moscow metro station.
Political writings
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In exile, Ivan Ilyin argued that Russia should not be judged by what he called the
"And so fairness in no way requires equality. It requires inequality based on the subject. Children should be sheltered and treasured; this gives them a variety of fair privileges. The weak must be pardoned. The tired deserves leniency. The weak-willed need more strictness. To the honest and sincere more trust should be given. The loose-lipped call for caution. From the gifted person, it is fair to require more. Heroes are worthy of honor, to which the non-hero should not lay claim. And in the same manner, in all things and forever ..."[99]
The other point was the wrong attitude towards private property among common people in Russia. Ilyin wrote that many Russians believed that private property and large estates are gained not through hard labor but through power and maladministration of officials. Therefore, the property becomes associated with dishonest behavior.[100]
History, Ilyin believes, shows that the Russian people have always been prone to property redistribution and waited only for an opportunity to realize their aspirations. This happened in 1917, when "the war with terrible setbacks shook confidence in the military command, and then in the throne".[101] After the abdication of the Emperor the people were at the mercy of left-wing parties, which "carried the unleashed soldier, sailor and peasant the right to disorder, the right to autocracy, the right to desert, the right to seize other people's property, all those disenfranchised, destructive, imaginary rights that the Russian commoner always dreamed of in his anarchist-bourgeois instinct and which were now given to him from above."[59]
Monarchism and the concept of legal consciousness
The key concept of Ilyin's legal philosophy was legal consciousness (правосозна́ние, pravosoznanie) which he understood as an ability of an individual and of the society as a whole to respect the law and to obey it willingly, to defer to authority, and to other citizens.[102] Ilyin derived the concept of law from the Hegelian idea of the spirit and asserted that:
"Law in its original, "natural" sense is nothing other than a necessary form of the spiritual being of a human. It indicates that order of equal, free self-sufficiency of each in which alone spiritual life is possible on earth."[10]
Legal consciousness, therefore, is "already given in embryo to each person".
Ilyin left an unfinished work on monarchy, which used Hegel's concept of world history. In it he wrote that each nation has its own unique, organic path of self-preservation. Ilyin praised the Russian monarchy of the XIX century which he deemed consistent with his ideas and not absolute but essentially limited by religious and moral norms, and criticized Nicholas II for his abdication, eventually leading to the abolition of monarchy in Russia.[104] On Monarchy and Republic was supposed to consist of twelve chapters but Ilyin died having written the introduction and seven chapters which were published in 1978.
Paul Valliere wrote that Ilyin can certainly be exonerated of the charge that he proposed to induce
One way to characterize Ilyin's political outlook is to apply the label that Ilyin's political mentor,
liberal conservative". One might object that Ilyin's call for an "ideologically liberal dictatorship" is a contradiction in terms because any talk of dictatorship negates liberalism. On the other hand, there is a cluster of liberal values at the core of Ilyin's political thought.[10]
Ilyin elaborated these views in writings that were eventually published posthumously. On the Essence of Legal Consciousness was written between 1916 and 1918 influenced by the writings of Novgorodtsev and Bogdan Kistyakovski and was published in 1956.[73]
Eurasianism
Drawing on historical, geographical, ethnographical, linguistic, musicological and religious studies, the
In March 1922 Lenin insisted on a final and speedy reprisal against the Russian Orthodox Church, which was considered a hotbed of internal "counter-revolution". The Politburo sought to remove Buddhism and other religions, as they believed that a lack of religion (State atheism) combined with urbanization would result in an increase in production.[111] In April 1925 League of Militant Atheists was formed under the ideology of the communist Party.
In October 1925 the Eurasianists held a congress in Prague with the intention of creating a seminar.[108] In the late 1920s, Eurasianists polarized and became divided into two groups: the left Eurasianists, who were becoming increasingly pro-Soviet and pro-communist and the classic right Eurasianists, who remained staunchly anti-communist and anti-Soviet.[112] The Eurasianists faded quickly from the Russian émigré community; N. Trubetzkoy and V.N. Ilyin left.[12][113] For Ivan Ilyin, however, eurasianism was "mental subterfuge".[114]
Ukraine
Ilyin's chauvinistic views on Ukraine were typical of Russian White émigrés.[115][e] Unlike Alfred Rosenberg, who was in favor of collaboration with the East Slavs against Bolshevism and offered them national independence, Ukrainian independence was anathema to him. In 1934, Ilyin stated he was "in no way sympathetic to either conversations or plans for the separation of Ukraine".[117] He saw it as one of the reasons he lost his job at the institute.[118]
In 1938, in a short but significant article, Ilyin wrote: "Little Russia and Great Russia are bound together by faith, tribe, historical destiny, geographical location, economy, culture and politics", and predicted: "History has not yet said its last word".[119][120]
Ilyin disputed that an individual could choose their nationality any more than
View on fascism
His 1928 article On Russian Fascism is about the fascist "method" of dealing with the Bolshevik plague.[122] Fascism is the Italian secular variation of the white movement. The Russian white movement is "more perfect" than fascism due to its religious component".[123]
Fascism emerged as a reaction to Bolshevism, as a concentration of state-protective forces on the right. During the onset of leftist chaos and leftist totalitarianism, this was a healthy, necessary and inevitable phenomenon. This concentration will continue, even in the most democratic states: in the hour of national danger, the healthy forces of the people will always concentrate in the direction of security and dictatorship. So it was in ancient Rome, so it was in new Europe, and so it will continue to be.[124]
Ilyin looked at Mussolini and Hitler as exemplary leaders who were saving Europe by dissolving democracy.[3]
On 17 May 1933, Ilyin published in the Paris newspaper "Vozrojdénie" an infamous article titled "National Socialism. A New Spirit" in support of the takeover of Germany by Nazis,[125] in which he accused Berliner Tageblatt, the Vossische Zeitung, and the Frankfurter Zeitung of being pro-Bolshevik newspapers. (Recently the Nazi book burnings had taken place.) Ilyin bitterly attacked the "Jewish bourgeois press" of Weimar Germany, which he accused of being pro-Soviet and never telling the truth about Russia.[64]
"I categorically refuse to view the events of the last three months in Germany from the point of view of German Jews... What is happening in Germany is a huge political and social upheaval... What did Hitler do? He stopped the process of Bolshevization in Germany and rendered the greatest service to the whole of Europe ... the liberal-democratic hypnosis of non-resistance was thrown off. While Mussolini leads Italy and Hitler leads Germany, European culture is given a reprieve."[126]
In September the Reich Chamber of Culture was established. When the Berlin Institute was placed under Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda in October not only the Jews but also Ilyin lost his job as head of the institute because of he refused to incorporate Nazi propaganda into his courses. Ilyin noted the Nazi government's assault on the civil rights of German Jews but did not regard those measures as a sufficient reason for calling the entire German fascist project into question.[10] When he was asked to join the anti-Jewish propaganda Ilyin refrained from following it.[117][83] This was followed by a ban on teaching activities. After that, he was arrested for all his printed works and completely banned from public speaking.[127] The initial support proved to be short-lived: he had fallen victim to Émigré denunciations, which prompted the search of his house by police and subsequent interrogation. In a letter to Ivan Shmelyov, dated 7 August 1934, Ilyin wrote: "At the beginning of July, I was dismissed along with all my other compatriots from the position I had occupied for 12 years — dismissed for being Russian patriot.[128]
On August 5, Ilyin's house was searched, his letters were looked over, and he was taken away for interrogation, where he was asked about his source of income and for details of the people abroad with whom he corresponded. Upon release, the German police required him to sign a declaration: "I am aware that if I "engage in politics", I will be sent to a concentration camp. To this I have added a distinct point, to the effect that the authorities themselves provide me with inducement through their anti-communist mission."[66]
Ilyin initially saw Adolf Hitler as a defender of civilization from Bolshevism and approved of the way Hitler had, in his view, derived his anti-communism and antisemitism from the ideology of the Russian Whites.[96]: 20 Ilyin's admiration for early fascism, his arguments for a strong state, organically connected to the people, and his assertion that "at the head of the state, there must be a single will" have inevitably produced comparisons with his German counterpart Carl Schmitt.[105][129]
In 1948, Ilyin in his work "On Fascism" gives a series of justifications for fascism and sums it up at the end of his work:
"Fascism is a complex phenomenon: it is multifaceted and historically speaking, far from exhausted. Within it, one finds elements of health and illness, old and new, protection and destruction. Therefore in an evaluation of fascism fair-mindedness and equanimity are needed. But its dangers must be considered in full.
Fascism arose as a reaction to Bolshevism, as a concentration of power guarding sovereignty against the Right. As leftist chaos and totalitarianism advanced, this was a healthy phenomenon, as well as necessary and unavoidable. And such a concentration will come about henceforth, even in the most democratic states: in an hour of national danger, the more vigorous forces of the people will always rally to the defense of sovereignty. Thus it was in ancient Rome and the new Europe, and so it shall be hereafter.
Standing against leftist totalitarianism, fascism was correct, as it sought just socio-political reform. This quest could be successful or unsuccessful: solving such problems is difficult, and first attempts might not have made any headway. But to meet the wave of socialist psychosis- through social and consequently anti-socialist measures- was imperative. These measures had long been imminent, and waiting any further was out of the question.
Finally, fascism was right since it derived from a healthy national-patriotic sensibility, without which a people can neither lay claim to its existence nor create a unique culture.[130]
He wrote in "On Fascism":
"The greatest mistake of fascism was the revival of idolatrous
A number of Ilyin's works
According to
... in a somewhat sensationalist op-ed in the New York Times, Timothy Snyder attempts to discover the ideological foundations of the current Russian regime. In doing so, he exaggerates the influence on Putin of books by Ivan Ilyin, the ideologist of the Whites, the counterrevolutionary émigrés of the 1920s and '30s.[140]
Paul Valliere, professor of Religion, at
Paul Robinson (University of Ottawa Faculty of Social Sciences), the author of the book "Russian Conservatism", points out if you want to find a fascist Ilyin, you can. But if you want to find a liberal one, you can do that too.[141] Ilyin considered that fascism had some positive characteristics, as well as some negative ones, but to be a Western European ideology and as such inappropriate for Russia.
Nevertheless, there are some problems with the approach used in the research on Il'in in "The Road to Unfreedom". Snyder uses quotes from the philosopher's work to show how Il'in's ideas fit into, or more accurately, provide a frame for Putin's regime. To accomplish this, he mixes Il'in's earliest works with very late ones. This is a very problematic choice, for Il'in, as Snyder has himself stated, drastically shifted his political opiniorens during his life. At the same time, serving the task of his book, Snyder in most cases gives no historical context to the quotes he provides and gives no explanation of where Il'in stands compared to other Russian-emigre thinkers of his time. This approach, I believe, causes misinterpretation in the worst case, or incomplete understanding of the legacy of Ivan Il'in in the best case.[142]
Contemporary German philosophers
According to Wolfgang Eilenberger, the author of "Time of the Magicians: The Great Decade of Philosophy, 1919-1929" at least three contemporary philosophers didn't believe in
- University of Freiburg. A year later, in April 1934, he resigned from the rectorship and stopped taking part in party meetings after the Night of the Long Knives but remained a member of the NSDAP until its dismantling at the end of World War II. After the war Hannah Arendt spoke on his behalf at a hearing, while Karl Jaspers spoke against him. In 1979 she described his decision as déformation professionnelle.
- Walter Benjamin criticized the Weimar Republic, liberal democracy in general, and the entire project of the enlightenment.[143]
- Ludwig Wittgenstein (who had been a classmate of Hitler in Linz in 1903/4[144]) was a monarchist in his early years, and never wrote about justice, equality, war, or any other classically political subject.[145] He shared Spengler's cultural pessimism.
- Oswald Spengler's ideas were undermining the Weimar Republic: anti-democratic, anti-liberal. At the same time, he was not a Nazi.[146]
- The controversial philosopher and jurist Carl Schmitt who joined the Nazi party on the same day as Heidegger presented his theories as an ideological foundation of the Nazi dictatorship and a justification of the Führer state concerning legal philosophy, particularly through the concept of auctoritas.
Influence
The Ilyins had no children and in 1954 Ilyin expressed the hope that his books would be saved from destruction.[128] Having been taught a severe personal lesson by having his Hegel dissertation manuscript, notes, and materials confiscated in Austria at the outbreak of the First World War (July Crisis), which then had to be rewritten or reconstructed, all the evidence suggests that Ilyin took care to retain and preserve his papers and his books for posterity.[73] Following the death of Ilyin's wife in 1963, Ilyin scholar Nikolai Poltoratzky had Ilyin's manuscripts and papers brought from Zurich to Michigan State University, where he was a professor of the Russian language.[147]
- The Archive would not be sold to nor bestowed upon Michigan State University, but would be provided to the University for temporary use;
- After the liquidation of the Communist regime in Russia, the Archive should be transferred to Moscow University.[73]
In the
In Russia's political culture today, Ilyin enjoys popularity among nationalists and authoritarians who admire his emphatic patriotism and his calls for strong state power in Russia.[10] Ilyin's views influenced Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Aleksandr Dugin, facing the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Analyses and forecasts of Ilyin made some of Russian scientists think that it was necessary to research the methodological basis of Ilyin's analyses and his curriculum vitae. As of 2005, 23 volumes of Ilyin's collected works have been published in Russia.[148]
The Russian filmmaker
Ilyin has been quoted by Russian President
Major works
Under Lenin, all of Ilyin's works were removed from libraries and destroyed; under Stalin, readers of his material were shot for reading and distributing his works; under Khrushchev and Brezhnev, they were imprisoned.[citation needed]
- Hegel's philosophy as a doctrine of the concreteness of God and man (Философия Гегеля как учение о конкретности Бога и человека, 2 vols., 1918; German: Die Philosophie Hegels als kontemplative Gotteslehre, 1946)
- Resistance to Evil By Force (О сопротивлениии злу силою, 1925)
- The Way of Spiritual Revival (1935)
- Foundations of Struggle for the National Russia (1938)
- The Basis of Christian Culture (Основы христианской культуры, 1938)
- About the Future Russia (1948)
- Axioms of Religious Experience (Аксиомы религиозного опыта, 2 volumes, 1953)
- On the Essence of Conscience of Law (О сущности правосознания, 1956)
- The Way to Insight (Путь к очевидности, 1957)
- The Singing Heart. The Book of Silent Contemplation 1958
- On Monarchy and Republic (О монархии и республики, 1978)
- Our Tasks (1948-1954). First published in Paris in 1956. In 1991, another edition of "Our Tasks" was published in Jordanville (USA), carried out by N.P. Poltoratsky.[1]
Portrayal
- Ilyin, played by Kirill Pirogov, appears in a key episode of the TV series Trotsky.
See also
- Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality
- Russian philosophy
- Alexandre Kojève
- Christian fascism
- Ruscism
- Putinism
References
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- ^ ISBN 978-0-52557446-0. Archived(PDF) from the original on 2022-03-14. Retrieved 2022-03-14. (184 pages)
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- ^ a b Philip T. Grier (1994) The Complex Legacy of Ivan Il'in, p. 182. In: Russian Thought After Communism: The Recovery of a Philosophical Heritage edited by James Patrick Scanlan
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Notes
- ^ His teacher Novgorodtsev was a prominent representative of liberalism in Russia, briefly imprisoned after signing to Vyborg Manifesto supporting Milyukov who did not trust the Tsar and his Manifesto and refused to co-operate in a government.
- ^ Ilyin's religious, rather than philosophical, attitude is already evident in the very title of his book. He considered Hegel's philosophy in depth, but his depth is not philosophical, but religious.[37]
- ^ Nachrichtenstelle im Reichsministerium des Innern to Auswärtige Amt, April 19, 1933. BA Berlin R58/3199, Bl. 22. The letter notes that the "methods and means through which the Comintern operates in Germany" were not revealed by the author.
- ^ Refusing to cooperate with the German Catholic or Evangelical Protestant church Ilyin was regarded by the Nazis as a Freemason.
- ^ In 1908 the historian Pavel Milyukov, a former schoolmate of Ilyin, considered the "Russia for Russians" slogan to have been "a slogan of disunity... [and] not creative but destructive."[116]
Further reading
- On the Essence of Legal Consciousness, Second Revised Edition. Ivan Aleksandrovich Il'in. Edited, Introduced, and Translated by: William E. Butler, Philip T. Grier and Paul Robinson 2023 ISBN 9781616196790
- Philip T. Grier (1994) The Complex Legacy of Ivan Il'in, p. 165-182. In: Russian Thought After Communism: The Recovery of a Philosophical Heritage edited by James Patrick Scanlan
- History of Russian Philosophy «История российской Философии» (1951) by ISBN 978-0-8236-8074-0sponsored by Saint Vladimir's Orthodox Theological Seminary.
- Putins brauner Philosoph by Robert Misik. In: Falter, 11 April 2022
- Bibliography on Russian Wikipedia
- Laruelle, M. (2022) Is Russia Fascist?: A Response to Yoshiko Herrera, Mitchell Orenstein, and Anton Shekhovtsov. Nationalities Papers, 1-4. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2022.82
- Laruelle, M. (2018) Is Russia Really "Fascist"? A Comment on Timothy Snyder
- Zakhartsev S.I. (2021) The Victory Day in the Great Patriotic War: What the Biography of the Philosopher I.A. Ilyin Hides // Russian Journal of Legal Studies (Moscow). Vol. 8. - N. 2. - P. 95-102. doi: 10.17816/RJLS66471
External links
- Ilyin: exile and patriot. History of life and works Special project of the portal "Culture.rf" about the biography of Ilyin, his scientific works and the return of his archive to Russia.
- Testament of the Philosopher Ilyin (2005), a documentary by Alexey Denisov
- Three speeches by Ilyin
- New York Times on Ilyin's reburial
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