Józef Piłsudski
Chief of State of Poland | |
---|---|
In office 22 November 1918 – 14 December 1922 | |
Prime Minister | |
Preceded by | Regency Council |
Succeeded by | Gabriel Narutowicz (as President) |
Prime Minister of Poland | |
In office 2 October 1926 – 27 June 1928 | |
President | Ignacy Mościcki |
Deputy | Kazimierz Bartel |
Preceded by | Kazimierz Bartel |
Succeeded by | Kazimierz Bartel |
Personal details | |
Born | Józef Klemens Piłsudski 5 December 1867 Zułów , Vilna Governorate, Russian Empire (now Lithuania) |
Died | 12 May 1935 Warsaw, Poland | (aged 67)
Political party | Independent |
Other political affiliations | Polish Socialist Party (1893–1918)[c] |
Spouses | |
Children | |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance | |
Branch/service | |
Years of service |
|
Rank | Marshal of Poland |
Battles/wars | |
Józef Klemens Piłsudski
Seeing himself as a descendant of the culture and traditions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Piłsudski believed in a multi-ethnic Poland—"a home of nations" including indigenous ethnic and religious minorities. Early in his political career, Piłsudski became a leader of the Polish Socialist Party. Believing Poland's independence would be won militarily, he formed the Polish Legions. In 1914, he predicted a new major war would defeat the Russian Empire and the Central Powers. After World War I began in 1914, Piłsudski's Legions fought alongside Austria-Hungary against Russia. In 1917, with Russia faring poorly in the war, he withdrew his support for the Central Powers, and was imprisoned in Magdeburg by the Germans.
Piłsudski was Poland's Chief of State from November 1918, when Poland regained its independence, until 1922. From 1919 to 1921 he commanded Polish forces in six wars that re-defined the country's borders. On the verge of defeat in the Polish–Soviet War in August 1920, his forces repelled the invading Soviet Russians at the Battle of Warsaw. In 1923, with a government dominated by his opponents, in particular the National Democrats, Piłsudski retired from active politics. Three years later he returned to power in the May Coup and became the strongman of the Sanation regime. He focused on military and foreign affairs until his death in 1935, developing a cult of personality that has survived into the 21st century.
Although some aspects of Piłsudski's administration, such as imprisoning his political opponents at Bereza Kartuska, are controversial, he remains one of the most influential figures in Polish 20th-century history and is widely regarded as a founder of modern Poland.
Early life
Piłsudski was born 5 December 1867 to the
Józef was not an especially diligent student when he attended the Russian
In 1885 Piłsudski started
Siberian exile
While being transported in a prisoners' convoy to Siberia, Piłsudski was held for several weeks at a prison in Irkutsk.[17] During his stay, another inmate insulted a guard and refused to apologize; Piłsudski and other political prisoners were beaten by the guards for their defiance and Piłsudski lost two teeth. He took part in a subsequent hunger strike until the authorities reinstated political prisoners' privileges that had been suspended after the incident.[18] For his involvement, he was sentenced in 1888 to six months' imprisonment. He had to spend the first night of his incarceration in 40-degree-below-zero Siberian cold; this led to an illness that nearly killed him and health problems that would plague him throughout life.[19]
During his exile, Piłsudski met many
Polish Socialist Party
In 1892 Piłsudski returned from exile and settled in Adomavas Manor near
On 15 July 1899, while an underground organizer, Piłsudski married a fellow socialist organizer, Maria Juszkiewiczowa, née Koplewska.[27][28][29] According to his biographer Wacław Jędrzejewicz, the marriage was less romantic than pragmatic. Robotnik's printing press was housed in their apartment first in Vilnius, then in Łódź. A pretext of regular family life made them less suspect. Also, Russian law protected a wife from prosecution for the illegal activities of her husband.[30] The marriage deteriorated when, several years later, Piłsudski began an affair with a younger socialist,[24] Aleksandra Szczerbińska. Maria died in 1921; in October that year, Piłsudski married Aleksandra. By then, the couple had two daughters, Wanda and Jadwiga.[31]
In February 1900 Piłsudski was imprisoned at the
Armed resistance
In the early 1900s, almost all parties in Russian Poland and Lithuania took a conciliatory position toward the Russian Empire and aimed at negotiating within it a limited autonomy for Poland. Piłsudski's PPS was the only political force prepared to fight the Empire for Polish independence and to resort to violence to achieve that goal.[5]
On the outbreak of the
In the fall of 1904, Piłsudski formed a paramilitary unit (the
Russian Revolution
During the
Piłsudski instructed the PPS to boycott the elections to the
Prelude to World War I
Piłsudski anticipated a coming European war[40] and the need to organize the leadership of a future Polish army. He wanted to secure Poland's independence from the three empires that partitioned Poland out of political existence in the late 18th century. In 1906 Piłsudski, with the connivance of the Austrian authorities, founded a military school in Kraków for the training of paramilitary units.[38] In 1906 alone, the 800-strong paramilitaries, operating in five-man teams in Congress Poland, killed 336 Russian officials; in subsequent years, the number of their casualties declined, and the paramilitaries' numbers increased to some 2,000 in 1908.[38][41] The paramilitaries also held up Russian currency transports that were leaving Polish territories. On the night of 26/27 September 1908, they robbed a Russian mail train that was carrying tax revenues from Warsaw to Saint Petersburg.[38] Piłsudski, who took part in this Bezdany raid near Vilnius, used the obtained funds to finance his secret military organization.[42] The funds totaled 200,812 rubles was a fortune for the time and equaled the paramilitaries' entire takes of the two preceding years.[41]
In 1908, Piłsudski transformed his paramilitary units into an "
World War I
At a meeting in Paris in 1914, Piłsudski presciently declared that for Poland to regain independence in the impending war, Russia must be beaten by the Central Powers (the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires) and the latter powers must in turn be beaten by France, Britain, and the United States.[40][44]
At the outbreak of war, on 3 August in Kraków Piłsudski formed a small
Piłsudski's strategy was to send his forces north across the border into
On 27 August 1914 Piłsudski established the
Piłsudski decreed that Legions' personnel were to be addressed by the French Revolution-inspired "Citizen" (Obywatel), and he was referred to as "the Commandant" ("Komendant").[52] Piłsudski enjoyed extreme respect and loyalty from his men, which would remain for years to come.[52] The Polish Legions fought against Russia, at the side of the Central Powers, until 1917.[53]
In August 1914 Piłsudski had set up the
In mid-1916, after the Battle of Kostiuchnówka, in which the Polish Legions delayed a Russian offensive at a cost of over 2,000 casualties,[55] Piłsudski demanded that the Central Powers issue a guarantee of independence for Poland. He supported that demand with his own proffered resignation and that of many of the Legions' officers.[56] On 5 November 1916 the Central Powers proclaimed the independence of Poland, hoping to increase the number of Polish troops that could be sent to the Eastern Front against Russia, thereby relieving German forces to bolster the Western Front.[42][57]
Piłsudski agreed to serve in the
In the aftermath of a July 1917 "
On 8 November 1918, three days before the Armistice, Piłsudski and his colleague, Colonel Kazimierz Sosnkowski, were released by the Germans from Magdeburg and soon placed on a train bound for the Polish capital, Warsaw – the collapsing Germans hoping that Piłsudski would create a force friendly to them.[47]
Rebuilding Poland
Head of state
On 11 November 1918, Piłsudski was appointed
On 14 November 1918, Piłsudski was asked to supervise provisionally the running of the country. On 22 November he officially received, from the new government of Jędrzej Moraczewski, the title of Provisional Chief of State (Tymczasowy Naczelnik Państwa) of renascent Poland.[6] Various Polish military organizations and provisional governments (the Regency Council in Warsaw; Ignacy Daszyński's government in Lublin; and the Polish Liquidation Committee in Kraków) supported Piłsudski. He established a coalition government that was predominantly socialist and introduced many reforms long proclaimed as necessary by the Polish Socialist Party, such as the eight-hour day, free school education and women's suffrage, to avoid major unrest. As head of state, Piłsudski believed he must remain separated from partisan politics.[14][47]
The day after his arrival in Warsaw, he met with old colleagues from his time working with the underground resistance, who addressed him socialist-style as "Comrade" (Towarzysz) and asked for his support for their revolutionary policies. He refused it and supposedly answered:
"Comrades, I took the red tram of socialism to the stop called Independence, and that's where I got off. You may keep on to the final stop if you wish, but from now on let's address each other as 'Mister' [rather than continue using the socialist term of address, 'Comrade']!"[6]
However, the authenticity of this quote is disputed.[61][62] Piłsudski declined to support any party and did not form any political organization of his own; instead, he advocated creating a coalition government.[14][63]
First policies
Piłsudski set about organizing a Polish army out of Polish veterans of the German, Russian, and Austrian armies. Much of former Russian Poland had been destroyed in the war, and systematic looting by the Germans had reduced the region's wealth by at least 10%.[64] A British diplomat who visited Warsaw in January 1919 reported: "I have nowhere seen anything like the evidence of extreme poverty and wretchedness that meet one's eye at almost every turn."[64] In addition, the country had to unify the disparate systems of law, economics, and administration in the former German, Austrian, and Russian sectors of Poland. There were nine legal systems, five currencies, and 66 types of rail systems (with 165 models of locomotives), each needing to be consolidated.[64]
Biographer Wacław Jędrzejewicz described Piłsudski as very deliberate in his decision-making: Piłsudski collected all available pertinent information, then took his time weighing it before arriving at a final decision. He held long working hours, and maintained a simple lifestyle, eating plain meals alone at an inexpensive restaurant.[64] Though he was popular with much of the Polish public, his reputation as a loner (the result of many years' underground work) and as a man who distrusted almost everyone led to strained relations with other Polish politicians.[24]
Piłsudski and the first Polish government were distrusted in the West because he had co-operated with the Central Powers from 1914 to 1917 and because the governments of Daszyński and Moraczewski were primarily socialist.
Piłsudski often clashed with Dmowski for viewing the Poles as the dominant nationality in renascent Poland, and attempting to send the
Piłsudski's major foreign policy initiative was a proposed federation (to be called "Międzymorze" (
Polish–Soviet War
In the aftermath of World War I, there was unrest on all Polish borders. Regarding Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said: "All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente—on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany." The situation was different in the east, of which Piłsudski said that "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far."[75] In the east, Polish forces clashed with Ukrainian forces in the Polish–Ukrainian War, and Piłsudski's first orders as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, on 12 November 1918, were to provide support for the Polish struggle in Lviv.[76]
Piłsudski was aware that the Bolsheviks would not ally with an independent Poland and predicted that war with them was inevitable.[77] He viewed their advance west as a major problem, but he also considered the Bolsheviks less dangerous for Poland than their White opponents.[78] The "White Russians", representatives of the old Russian Empire, were willing to accept limited independence for Poland, probably within borders similar to those of the former Congress Poland. They objected to Polish control of Ukraine, which was crucial for Piłsudski's Intermarium project.[79] This contrasted with the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed the partitions of Poland null and void.[80] Piłsudski speculated that Poland would be better off with the Bolsheviks, alienated from the Western powers, than with a restored Russian Empire.[78][81] By ignoring the strong pressures from the Entente Cordiale to join the attack on Lenin's struggling Bolshevik government, Piłsudski probably saved it in the summer and the fall of 1919.[82]
After the
The Bolshevik leadership framed the Polish actions as an invasion, successfully generating popular support for their cause at home.[85] The Soviets then launched a counter-offensive from Belarus, and counterattacked in Ukraine, advancing into Poland[84] in a drive toward Germany to encourage the Communist Party of Germany in their struggles for power.[86] The Soviets announced their plans to invade Western Europe; Soviet Communist theoretician Nikolai Bukharin, writing in Pravda, hoped for the resources to carry the campaign beyond Warsaw "straight to London and Paris".[87] Soviet commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky's order of the day for 2 July 1920 read: "To the West! Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration. March upon Vilnius, Minsk, Warsaw!"[88] and "onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland!"[47]
On 1 July 1920, in view of the rapidly advancing Soviet offensive, Poland's parliament, the Sejm, formed a
"Miracle at the Vistula"
Piłsudski's plan called for Polish forces to withdraw across the
Piłsudski's plan was criticized as "amateurish" by high-ranking army officers and military experts, quick to point out Piłsudski's lack of formal military education. However, the desperate situation of the Polish forces persuaded other commanders to support it. When a copy of the plan was acquired by the Soviets, Western Front commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky thought it was a ruse and disregarded it.[94] Days later, the Soviets were defeated in the Battle of Warsaw, halting the Soviet advance in one of the worst defeats for the Red Army.[84][93] Stanisław Stroński, a National Democrat Sejm deputy, coined the phrase "Miracle at the Vistula" (Cud nad Wisłą)[95] to express his disapproval of Piłsudski's "Ukrainian adventure". Stroński's phrase was adopted as praise for Piłsudski by some patriotically- or piously minded Poles, who were unaware of Stroński's ironic intent.[93][96]
While Piłsudski had a major role in crafting the war strategy, he was aided by others, notably Tadeusz Rozwadowski.[97] Later, some supporters of Piłsudski would seek to portray him as the sole author of the Polish strategy, while his opponents would try to minimize his role.[98] On the other hand, in the West, the role of General Maxime Weygand of the French Military Mission to Poland was, for a time, exaggerated.[47][98][99]
In February 1921, Piłsudski visited Paris, where, in negotiations with French President Alexandre Millerand, he laid the foundations for the Franco-Polish alliance, which would be signed later that year.[100] The Treaty of Riga, ending the Polish-Soviet War in March 1921, partitioned Belarus and Ukraine between Poland and Russia. Piłsudski called the treaty an "act of cowardice".[101] The treaty and his secret approval of General Lucjan Żeligowski's capture of Vilnius from the Lithuanians marked an end to this incarnation of Piłsudski's federalist Intermarium plan.[14] After Vilnius was occupied by the Central Lithuanian Army, Piłsudski said that he "could not help but regard them [Lithuanians] as brothers".[102] In parliament, Piłsudski once said: "I cannot not reach out to Kaunas. .. I cannot disregard those brothers who consider the day of our triumph a day of shock and mourning."[103] On 25 September 1921, when Piłsudski visited Lwów (now Lviv) for the opening of the first Eastern Trade Fair (Targi Wschodnie), he was the target of an unsuccessful assassination attempt by Stepan Fedak, acting on behalf of Ukrainian-independence organizations, including the Ukrainian Military Organization.[104]
Retirement and coup
The Polish
Two days later, on 16 December 1922, Narutowicz was shot dead by a right-wing painter and art critic,
Piłsudski criticized General Stanisław Szeptycki's proposal that the military should be supervised by civilians as an attempt to politicize the army, and on 28 June, he resigned his last political appointment. The same day, the Sejm's left-wing deputies voted for a resolution, thanking him for his work.[112] Piłsudski went into retirement in Sulejówek, outside Warsaw, at his country manor, "Milusin", presented to him by his former soldiers.[113] There, he wrote a series of political and military memoirs, including Rok 1920 (The Year 1920).[6]
Meanwhile, Poland's economy was a shambles.
In government
Piłsudski had no plans for major reforms; he quickly distanced himself from the most radical of his left-wing supporters and declared that his coup was to be a "revolution without revolutionary consequences".[14] His goals were to stabilize the country, reduce the influence of political parties (which he blamed for corruption and inefficiency) and strengthen the army.[14][118] His role in the Polish government over the subsequent years has been called a dictatorship or a "quasi-dictatorship".[119]
Internal politics
Piłsudski's coup entailed sweeping limitations on parliamentary government, as his
The culmination of his dictatorial and supralegal policies came in the 1930s, with the imprisonment and trial of political opponents (the
Piłsudski became increasingly disillusioned with democracy in Poland.
Piłsudski's regime began a period of national stabilization and of improvement in the situation of
During the 1930s, a combination of developments, from the
In the military sphere, Piłsudski was praised for his plan at the Battle of Warsaw in 1920, but was criticized for subsequently concentrating on personnel management and neglecting modernization of military strategy and equipment.[14][143] According to his detractors, his experiences in World War I and the Polish-Soviet War led him to over-estimate the importance of cavalry, and to neglect the development of armor and air forces.[143] His supporters, on the other hand, contend that, particularly from the late 1920s, he supported the development of these military branches.[144] Modern historians concluded that the limitations on Poland's military modernization in this period was less doctrinal than financial.[145]
Foreign policy
Piłsudski sought to maintain his country's independence in the international arena. Assisted by his protégé, Foreign Minister Józef Beck, he sought support for Poland in alliances with western powers, such as France and Britain, and with friendly neighbors such as Romania and Hungary.[146] A supporter of the Franco-Polish Military Alliance and the Polish–Romanian alliance, part of the Little Entente, Piłsudski was disappointed by the policy of appeasement pursued by the French and British governments, evident in their signing of the Locarno Treaties.[147][148][149] The Locarno treaties were intended by the British government to ensure a peaceful handover the territories claimed by Germany such as the Sudetenland, the Polish Corridor, and the Free City of Danzig (modern Gdańsk, Poland) by improving Franco-German relations to such extent that France would dissolve its alliances in eastern Europe.[150] Piłsudski aimed to maintain good relations with the Soviet Union and Germany,[147][148][149] and relations with Germany and the Soviet Union during Piłsudski's tenure could, for the most part, be described as neutral.[147][151] Under Piłsudski, Poland maintained good relations with neighboring Romania, Hungary and Latvia, but were strained with Czechoslovakia, and worse with Lithuania.[152]
A recurring fear of Piłsudski was that France would reach an agreement with Germany at the expense of Poland. In 1929, the French agreed to pull out of the Rhineland in 1930, five years earlier than what the Treaty of Versailles called. The same year, the French announced plans for the Maginot Line along the border with Germany, and construction of the Maginot line began in 1930. The Maginot line was a tacit French admission that Germany would be rearming beyond the limits set by the Treaty of Versailles in the near-future and that France intended to pursue a defensive strategy.[153] At the time Poland signed the alliance with France in 1921, the French were occupying the Rhineland and Polish plans for a possible war with Reich were based on the assumption of a French offensive into the north German plain from their bases in the Rhineland. The French pullout from the Rhineland and a shift to a defensive strategy as epitomized by the Magniot line completely upset the entire basis of Polish foreign and defense policy.[154]
In June 1932, just before the Lausanne Conference opened, Piłsudski heard reports that the new German chancellor Franz von Papen was about to make an offer for a Franco-German alliance to the French Premier Édouard Herriot which would be at the expense of Poland.[155] In response, Piłsudski sent the destroyer ORP Wicher into the harbour of Danzig.[155] Though the issue was ostensibly about access rights for the Polish Navy in Danzig, the real purpose of sending Wircher was as a way to warn Herriot not to disadvantage Poland in a deal with Papen.[155] The ensuring Danzig crisis sent the desired message to the French and improved the Polish Navy's access rights to Danzig.[155]
Poland signed the
Economic policy
Despite coming from a socialist background and initially implementing socialist reforms, Piłsudski's regime followed the conservative free-market economic tradition of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth throughout its existence. Poland had one of the lowest taxation rates in Europe, with 9.3% of taxes as a distribution of national income. Piłsudski's regime was also heavily dependent on foreign investments and economies, with 45.4% of Polish equity capital controlled by foreign corporations. After the Great Depression, the Polish economy crumbled and failed to recover until Ignacy Mościcki's government introduced economic reforms with more government interventions with an increase in tax revenues and public spending after Piłsudski's death. These interventionist policies saw Poland's economy recover from the recession until the USSR and the German invasion of Poland in 1939.[165]
Religious views
Piłsudski's religious views are a matter of debate. He was baptised Roman Catholic on 15 December 1867 in the church of Powiewiórka (then Sventsiany deanery). His godparents were Joseph and Constance Martsinkovsky Ragalskaya.[166] On 15 July 1899, at the village of Paproć Duża, near Łomża, he married Maria Juskiewicz, a divorcée. As the Catholic Church did not recognise divorces, she and Piłsudski had converted to Protestantism.[167] Pilsudski later returned to the Catholic Church to marry Aleksandra Szczerbińska. Piłsudski and Aleksandra could not get married as Piłsudski's wife Maria refused to divorce him. It was only after Maria's death in 1921 that they were married, on 25 October the same year.[168][169]
Death
By 1935, unbeknown to the public, Piłsudski had for several years been in declining health. On 12 May 1935, he died of
The Communist Party of Poland immediately attacked Piłsudski as a fascist and capitalist,[171] though fascists themselves did not see him as one of them.[172] Other opponents of the Sanation regime were more civil; socialists (such as Ignacy Daszyński and Tomasz Arciszewski) and Christian Democrats (represented by Ignacy Paderewski, Stanisław Wojciechowski and Władysław Grabski) expressed condolences. The peasant parties split in their reactions (Wincenty Witos voicing criticism of Piłsudski, but Maciej Rataj and Stanisław Thugutt being supportive), while Roman Dmowski's National Democrats expressed a toned-down criticism.[171]
Condolences were officially expressed by senior clergy, including
Funeral
State funeral for Piłsudski was held in Warsaw and
In 1937, after a two-year display at
Legacy
I am not going to dictate to you what you write about my life and work. I only ask that you not make me out to be a 'whiner and sentimentalist.'
— Józef Piłsudski, 1908[181]
On 13 May 1935, in accordance with Piłsudski's last wishes,
After World War II, little of Piłsudski's political ideology influenced the policies of the Polish People's Republic, a de facto satellite of the Soviet Union.[187] For a decade after World War II, Piłsudski was either ignored or condemned by Poland's Communist government, along with the entire interwar Second Polish Republic. This began to change after de-Stalinization and the Polish October in 1956, and historiography in Poland gradually moved away from a purely negative view of Piłsudski toward a more balanced and neutral assessment.[188] After the 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union, Piłsudski once again came to be publicly acknowledged as a Polish national hero.[189] On the sixtieth anniversary of his death on 12 May 1995, Poland's Sejm adopted a resolution:
"Józef Piłsudski will remain, in our nation's memory, the founder of its independence and the victorious leader who fended off a foreign assault that threatened the whole of Europe and its civilization. Józef Piłsudski served his country well and has entered our history forever."[190]
Piłsudski continues to be viewed by most Poles as a providential figure in the country's 20th-century history.[191][192]
Several military units have been named for Piłsudski, including the
Piłsudski has been a character in numerous works of fiction, a trend already visible during his lifetime,[200] including the 1922 novel Generał Barcz (General Barcz) by Juliusz Kaden-Bandrowski.[201] Later works in which he is featured include the 2007 novel Ice (Lód) by Jacek Dukaj.[202] Poland's National Library lists over 500 publications related to Piłsudski;[203] the U.S. Library of Congress, over 300.[204] Piłsudski's life was the subject of a 2001 Polish television documentary, Marszałek Piłsudski, directed by Andrzej Trzos-Rastawiecki.[205] He was also the subject of paintings by artists such as Jacek Malczewski (1916) and Wojciech Kossak (leaning on his sword, 1928; and astride his horse, Kasztanka, 1928), as well as photos and caricatures.[206][207] He has been reported to be quite fond of the latter.[208]
Descendants
Both daughters of Marshal Piłsudski returned to Poland in 1990, after the Revolutions of 1989 and the fall of the Communist system. Jadwiga Piłsudska's daughter Joanna Jaraczewska returned to Poland in 1979. She married a Polish Solidarity activist Janusz Onyszkiewicz in a political prison in 1983. Both were very involved in the Solidarity movement between 1979 and 1989.[209]
Honours
Piłsudski was awarded numerous honours, domestic and foreign.
See also
- Józef Piłsudski's cult of personality
- List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s – 7 June 1926
- List of Poles
- Piłsudskiite (Piłsudczyk)
Notes
a. ^ Józef Klemens Piłsudski was commonly referred to without his middle name, as "Józef Piłsudski". A few English sources translate his first name as "Joseph", but this is not the common practice. As a young man, he belonged to underground organizations and used various pseudonyms, including "Wiktor", "Mieczysław" and "Ziuk" (the latter also being his family nickname). Later he was often affectionately called "Dziadek" ("Grandpa" or "the Old Man") and "Marszałek" ("the Marshal"). His ex-soldiers from the Legions also referred to him as "Komendant" ("the Commandant").
b. ^ Piłsudski sometimes spoke of being a Lithuanian of Polish culture.[210] For several centuries, declaring both Lithuanian and Polish identity was commonplace, but around the turn of the last century it became much rarer in the wake of arising modern nationalisms. Timothy Snyder, who calls him a "Polish-Lithuanian", notes that Piłsudski did not think in terms of 20th-century nationalisms and ethnicities; he considered himself both a Pole and a Lithuanian, and his homeland was the historic Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.[102]
c. ^ Polish Socialist Party – Revolutionary Faction from 1906 to 1909
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- ^ Rąkowski 2005, pp. 109–11.
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Pilsudskis seime kalbėjo; "Negaliu netiesti rankos Kaunui. .. negaliu nelaikyti broliais tų, kurie mūsų triumfo dieną laiko smūgio ir gedulo diena".
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- ^ Ideas into Politics: Aspects of European History, 1880–1950 R. J. Bullen, Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, A. B. Polonsky, Taylor & Francis, 1984, p. 138
- ISBN 978-3-11-083868-8.
- ISBN 978-1-4691-0600-7.
- ^ "Adolf Hitler attending memorial service of the Polish First Marshall Jozef Pilsudski in Berlin, 1935 – Rare Historical Photos". 3 December 2013.
- ^ Humphrey 1936, p. 295.
- ^ Kowalski, Waldemar (2017). "Piłsudski pośród królów - droga marszałka na Wawel". dzieje.pl Portal Historyczny (in Polish). Polish Press Agency. Retrieved 7 January 2023.
- ^ Watt 1979, p. 338.
- ^ To, Wireless (26 June 1937). "Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop; Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal's Body". The New York Times. Retrieved 14 December 2009.
- ^ Lerski 1996, p. 525.
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- ^ Jabłonowski & Stawecki 1998, p. 13.
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grupa pułkowników, zespół wywodzących się z wojska najbliższych współpracowników Marszałka, takich jak płk Sławek czy płk Prystor; ich koncepcje różniły się wyraźnie od stanowiska zajmowanego przez prezydenta.
- ISSN 2391-7601.
- S2CID 220737108.
- ^ Charaszkiewicz 2000, p. 56
- ^ Władyka 2005, pp. 285–311; Żuławnik, Małgorzata & Mariusz 2005.
- ^ Roshwald 2002, p. 60.
- ^ Translation of Oświadczenie Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 12 maja 1995 r. w sprawie uczczenia 60 rocznicy śmierci Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego. (MP z dnia 24 maja 1995 r.). For Polish original online, see here [1].
- ISBN 978-1-137-05205-6.
- ISBN 978-963-7326-61-5.
- ^ "Polish Armoured Train Nr. 51 ("I Marszałek")". PIBWL (Prywatny Instytut Badawczy Wojsk Lądowych). Archived from the original on 7 May 2018. Retrieved 30 May 2006.
- ^ "De ce Batalionul 634 Infanterie din Piatra-Neamț se numește "Mareşal Józef Piłsudski"?". ziarpiatraneamt.ro (in Romanian). 6 December 2021.
- ^ "Kopiec Józefa Piłsudskiego". Pedagogical University of Kraków (in Polish). Archived from the original on 7 July 2007. Retrieved 18 September 2007.
- ^ "Józef Piłsudski Institute of America Welcome Page". Józef Piłsudski Institute of America. Archived from the original on 15 June 2006. Retrieved 26 May 2006.
- ^ "Józef Piłsudski Academy of Physical Education in Warsaw". Polish Ministry of Education and Science. Archived from the original on 23 September 2005. Retrieved 30 May 2006.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-4422-5281-3.
- ^ "House and home: Piłsudski's old manor opens as museum". Retrieved 16 August 2020.
- ISBN 978-83-947379-1-7.
- ISSN 2353-1908.
- ISSN 2300-2514.
- ^ "Piłsudski (keyword)". National Library Of Poland. Retrieved 15 January 2008.
- ^ "Library of Congress Online Catalog". Retrieved 20 December 2007.
- ISBN 978-3-03910-529-8.
- ISBN 978-83-7188-228-9.
- ISBN 978-83-86678-97-6.
- ISBN 9788389599070.
Piłsudski... bardzo lubił karykatury na swój temat.
- ^ Lachowicz, Teofil. Karkowska, Julita (ed.). "Droga na szczyty". Nowy Dziennik (in Polish). Archived from the original on 23 July 2011. Retrieved 24 July 2011.
- ^ Davies 1986, p. 139.
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Further reading
- This is only a small selection. See also National Library in Warsaw lists Archived 11 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
- Czubiński, Antoni, ed. (1988). Józef Piłsudski i jego legenda [Józef Piłsudski and His Legend]. Warsaw: Państowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. ISBN 978-83-01-07819-5.
- ISBN 978-0-19-280126-5.
- ISBN 978-0-8179-1791-3.
- Garlicki, Andrzej (1981). "Piłsudski, Józef Klemens". Polish Biographical Dictionary (Polski Słownik Biograficzny) vol. XXVI (in Polish). Wrocław: Polska Akademia Nauk. pp. 311–324.
- Hauser, Przemysław (1992). "Józef Piłsudski's Views on the Territorial Shape of the Polish State and His Endeavours to Put them into Effect, 1918–1921". Polish Western Affairs (2). Dorosz, Janina (transl.). Poznań: Komisja Naukowa Zachodniej Agencji Prasowej: 235–249. ISSN 0032-3039.
- ISBN 978-83-88736-25-4.
- OCLC 65700731.
- Piłsudski, Józef; Gillie, Darsie Rutherford (1931). Joseph Pilsudski, the Memories of a Polish Revolutionary and soldier. Faber & Faber.
- Piłsudski, Józef (1972). Year 1920 and its Climax: Battle of Warsaw during the Polish-Soviet War, 1919–1920, with the Addition of Soviet Marshal Tukhachevski's March beyond the Vistula. New York: Józef Piłsudski Institute of America. ASIN B0006EIT3A.
- Reddaway, William Fiddian (1939). Marshal Pilsudski. London: Routledge. OCLC 1704492.
- Rothschild, Joseph (1967). Pilsudski's Coup d'État. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-02984-1.
- Wandycz, Piotr S. (1970). "Polish Federalism 1919–1920 and its Historical Antecedents". East European Quarterly. 4 (1). Boulder, Colorado: 25–39. ISSN 0012-8449.
- Wójcik, Włodzimierz (1987). Legenda Piłsudskiego w Polskiej literaturze międzywojennej (Piłsudski's Legend in Polish Interwar Literature). Warsaw: Śląsk. ISBN 978-83-216-0533-3.
- Zimmerman, Joshua D. Jozef Pilsudski: Founding Father of Modern Poland (Harvard University Press, 2022) online review
External links
- A site dedicated to Józef Piłsudski and the prewar Poland Archived 17 August 2015 at the Wayback Machine (in Polish)
- Józef Piłsudski Institute of America (in English and Polish)
- Bibuła – Book by Józef Piłsudski (in Polish)
- Historical media – Recording of short speech by Piłsudski from 1924 (in Polish)
- Newspaper clippings about Józef Piłsudski in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW