James Craig, 1st Viscount Craigavon
Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
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In office 7 June 1921 – 24 November 1940 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Sir Edward Carson | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | J. M. Andrews | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Personal details | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
Born | 3rd (Militia) Royal Irish Rifles | 8 January 1871||||||||||||||||||||||||
Battles/wars | Second Boer War | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
James Craig, 1st Viscount Craigavon
Early life
Craig was born at
He was educated at Merchiston Castle School in Edinburgh, Scotland; his father had taken a conscious decision not to send his sons to any of the more fashionable public schools. After school he began work as a stockbroker, eventually opening his own firm in Belfast.
Military career
Craig enlisted in the 3rd (
Service in South Africa is said to have made Craig far more politically aware and "had given him a heightened awareness of the Empire and a pride in Ulster's place in it".[6]
Politics
Leader of Ulster opposition to Irish Home Rule
On his return to Ireland, having received a £100,000 legacy from his father's will, he turned to politics. Following his brother Charles who had successfully stood as an Irish Unionist in a by-election in South Antrim the previous month, in March 1903 by-election Craig attempted to secure the unionist seat of North Fermanagh. Unlike his brother, he narrowly failed to defeat his Russellite rival (Edward Mitchell). He had to wait until the 1906 General Election to win his first seat, East Down (the constituency he represented until returned from Mid Down in 1918).[6] Already he was playing a leading organisational role for Irish Unionism in Ulster.
In 1905, he had co-founded the
In 1912, Craig helped orchestrate
In January 1913, unable to prevent passage of the
In April 1914, Craig supported
"Did not the Irish Republican Army march in the footsteps of the gentleman who is now the King's Prime Minister in Northern Ireland? I shall be told your treason was of the conditional type. You knew and Sir Edward Carson knew you would never be obliged to make good in the flesh your promises to the mob. And you were right in that. For you and the ringleaders in rebellion, there was to be the Government Bench and the profitable post of a law lord. For Casement, Pearse, Connolly and the rest there was a bullet at dawn and a grave of quick lime. That is how justice is administered...When treason prospers men do not call it treason. Treason has prospered with you. You have achieved place and power by treason."[12]
On women's suffrage
In 1912, Craig broke with other Irish MPs, both unionist and
When in the spring of 1914, Carson, seeming to overrule Craig, made it clear that a potentially divisive endorsement of votes for women was not a political option for unionism, Dorothy Evans, organiser in Belfast for Women's Social and Political Union declared an end to "the truce" that the organisation had "held in Ulster".[14] In the months that followed WSPU militants were implicated in a series of outrages against property that, in addition to arson attacks on Unionist-owned buildings and on male recreational and sports facilities,[15] included forced entry into Craig's home.[16]
On 3 April 1913 police raided the flat in Belfast Evans was sharing with local activist Midge Muir, and found explosives. In court, five days later, the pair created uproar when they demanded to know why the gun-runner Craig was not appearing on the same charges.[14]
Wartime government service
Following the
After the
Proponent of a devolved Belfast administration
Craig persuaded his fellow Unionists and the British Government that if exclusion, and thus partition, was to be the solution to the challenge posed by the Catholic-majority desire for Irish self government, it should apply to only six of the nine Ulster counties. In three, Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan, he argued Sinn Féiners would make government "absolutely impossible for us".[17] He also led Ulster Unionists in accepting that the six counties—Northern Ireland as they were to become—should have their own home-rule parliament in Belfast.
Writing to Prime Minister
To make such assurance against British pressure for Irish unity doubly sure, in November 1921 Craig suggested to Lloyd George that Northern Ireland's status be changed to that of a Crown dominion outside of the United Kingdom. Although in signing the Anglo-Irish Treaty, only weeks later the Prime Minister conceded Southern Ireland precisely this Canada-style form of statehood, to Craig he replied that he was not willing to give "the character of an international boundary" to "a frontier based neither upon natural features nor broad geographical considerations".[21]
Lloyd George was nonetheless persuaded in October 1920 to secure that still unsettled frontier by endorsing Craig's proposal for a new "volunteer constabulary ... raised from the loyal population" and "armed for duty within the six county area only".[22] Into this Ulster Special Constabulary former UVF units were "incorporated en masse".[23]
Prime Minister of Northern Ireland
In the 1921 Northern Ireland general election, the first ever, Craig was elected to the newly created Northern Ireland House of Commons as one of the members for County Down. On 7 June 1921, Craig was appointed the first Prime Minister of Northern Ireland by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.[24] The House of Commons of Northern Ireland assembled for the first time later that day.[25] By 1932 opposition to some of Craig’s policies became more direct. Opposition leader Cahir Healy pointed out the sectarian nature of the Prime Minister's rule:
We know how it began. He began by interning 500 Nationalists, many of them from the most peaceful parts of the Six Counties, but not a single man of his own gunmen in Belfast were interned. He began by gerrymandering local government areas, even in places where the Nationalists in relation to the Protestants were as two and a quarter to one. They were left without any control of the local councils. He drove the Nationalists out of every public position where it was possible to do so, and he made, and continues to make, public appointments on sectarian and political grounds, totally ignoring merit. That is how he began and that is how he continues.[26]
In April 1934, in response to George Leeke's question regarding the Protestant nature of the Unionist dominated parliament, Craig famously replied:
The hon. Member must remember that in the South they boasted of a Catholic State. They still boast of Southern Ireland being a Catholic State. All I boast of is that we are a Protestant Parliament and a Protestant State. It would be rather interesting for historians of the future to compare a Catholic State launched in the South with a Protestant State launched in the North and to see which gets on the better and prospers the more. It is most interesting for me at the moment to watch how they are progressing. I am doing my best always to top the bill and to be ahead of the South.[27]
This speech is often misquoted, intentionally or otherwise, as: "
Later that year, speaking in the House of Commons at Stormont on 21 November 1934 in response to an accusation that all government appointments in Northern Ireland were carried out on a religious basis, he replied: "... it is undoubtedly our duty and our privilege, and always will be, to see that those appointed by us possess the most unimpeachable loyalty to the King and Constitution. That is my whole object in carrying on a Protestant Government for a Protestant people. I repeat it in this House".[29]
He was made a
Craig had made his career in British as well as Northern Irish politics; but his premiership showed little sign of his earlier close acquaintance with the British political world. He became intensely parochial, and suffered from his loss of intimacy with British politicians in 1938, when the British government concluded agreements with Dublin to end the
Craig had a dual Irish-British self-identity, saying in a 1929 parliamentary debate that "We are Irishmen ... always hold that Ulstermen are Irishmen and the best of Irishmen – much the best".[33]
Personal life
His wife,
Craigavon was succeeded as second viscount by his elder son, James (1906–1974). His estate was valued at £3,228, 2s., 6d. effects in England: probate, 20 March 1941, CGPLA NIre., £24, 138 9s. 9d.: probate, 3 March 1941, CGPLA NIre.[citation needed]
Craig had a keen interest in Ulster Agriculture and was vice-president of Listooder and District Ploughing Society (the oldest in Ireland) from November 1906 until November 1921 and continued to present the all-Ireland cup class until 1926.[35]
Arms
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See also
- Belfast Blitz
- The Emergency
- List of Northern Ireland Members of the House of Lords
- Craigavon– The 'New Town' named after Craig
Notes
- ISBN 9780717110780.
- ^ "No. 27168". The London Gazette. 23 February 1900. p. 1256.
- ^ "No. 27171". The London Gazette. 6 March 1900. p. 1528.
- ^ "The War – Embarcation of Troops". The Times. No. 36078. London. 1 March 1900. p. 7.
- ^ "No. 27475". The London Gazette. 19 September 1902. p. 6024.
- ^ a b c UK Parliament (2022). "James Craig (1871-1940)". UK Parliament. Retrieved 13 September 2022.
- S2CID 155598026.
- ^ a b Gordon, Lucy (1989). The Ulster Covenant. Belfast: Ulster society.
- from the original on 29 August 2012. Retrieved 29 September 2012.
- ^ Biggs-Davidson (1973). p. 79.
- ^ Stewart, A.T.Q. (1967). The Ulster Crisis. London: Faber and Faber. pp. 119, 177.
- ^ Reid, Gerard (1999), Great Irish Voices, Irish Academic Press, Dublin, pp. 260, ISBN 0-7165-2674-3
- JSTOR 1394778.
- ^ a b Kelly, Vivien (1996). "Irish Suffragettes at the time of the Home Rule Crisis". 20th Century, Contemporary History. 4 (1). Archived from the original on 18 February 2020. Retrieved 8 March 2020 – via History Ireland.
- ISBN 9781909556065.
- S2CID 145344160.
- ^ Hansard (Vol 127, cc 925-1036 925), House of Commons, 29 March 1920
- ^ Sir James Craig in a letter to Lloyd George, quoted in F.S.L Lyons (1971), Ireland since the Famine. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London. p. 696
- ^ Hansard, 29 March 1920, Government of Ireland Bill, p. 980
- ^ "Despair in Ireland", The Times, 7 October 1920
- ^ Follis, Bryan A. (1995), A State Under Siege: The Establishment of Northern Ireland 1920- 1925, Oxford: Clarendon Press, pp65-66.
- ISBN 1-85182-792-7.
- ISBN 978-0-7171-1202-9.
- ^ "Belfast Gazette" (1). 7 June 1921.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - ^ "NI Hansard HC vol.1 cc.1–10". Stormont Papers. 7 June 1921. Archived from the original on 21 August 2017. Retrieved 23 April 2019.
- ^ Reid, pg 253.
- A Protestant Parliament for a Protestant People", or "A Protestant State for a Protestant People".
- ^ Mulholland, Marc. "Why Did Unionists Discriminate?, academia.edu; accessed 4 September 2017.
- ^ Northern Ireland Parliamentary Debates; Vol. 17, columns 73 & 74 Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine; accessed 4 September 2017.
- ISBN 978-0-233-97514-6.
- ^ "Churchill was asked to invade 'Nazi' Ireland during Second World War". 21 March 2010. Archived from the original on 30 August 2017. Retrieved 8 July 2017.
- ^ Jonathan Bardon. "Extracts from an article, "The Belfast Blitz, 1941"". BELFAST BLITZ. Archived from the original on 3 February 2015. Retrieved 19 January 2015.
- ^ Walker, Brian (2012). A Political History of Two Islands: From Partition to Peace. Palgrave MacMillan. p. 26.
- ^ "Clarence 10". william1.co.uk. Archived from the original on 8 April 2017. Retrieved 2 February 2017.
- ^ Callum Bowsie (31 January 2021). "History of the oldest ploughing society in Ireland – Listooder & Dist". No. Farming Life. Newsletter. pp. 47–49.
- ^ "Grants and Confirmations of Arms Volume M". National Library of Ireland. p. 202. Retrieved 24 August 2022.
References
External links
- Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Viscount Craigavon
- "Archival material relating to James Craig, 1st Viscount Craigavon". UK National Archives.
- Alexander Thom and Son Ltd. 1923. p. – via Wikisource. . . Dublin: