Japan Socialist Party

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Japan Socialist Party
日本社会党
Nippon shakai-tō or Nihon shakai-tō
International affiliationSocialist International[4]
Colors  Blue
Party flag

^ A: Right Socialist Party of Japan
^ B: Left Socialist Party of Japan

The Japan Socialist Party (日本社会党, Nihon Shakai-tō,

socialist and progressive[3] political party in Japan that existed from 1945 to 1996. The party was founded as the Social Democratic Party of Japan by members of several proletarian parties that existed before World War II, including the Social Mass Party, the Labour-Farmer Party, and the Japan Labour-Farmer Party. The party represented the Japanese left after the war, and was a major opponent of the right-wing Liberal Democratic Party.[3]

The JSP was briefly in power from 1947 to 1948. From 1951 to 1955, the JSP was divided into the

conservative parties merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), establishing the so-called 1955 System, which allowed the party to near-continuously hold power since. The JSP was the largest opposition party but was incapable of forming government. Nonetheless, the JSP managed to hold about one third of the seats in the National Diet during this period, preventing the LDP from revising the Constitution of Japan.[5][6][7]

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the JSP under the leadership of Takako Doi earned a record-high number of seats. However, the establishment and electoral success of new conservative parties in the mid-1990s took the JSP by surprise and its share of seats in the National Diet decreased significantly. The party was formally dissolved in 1996. Its successor is the Social Democratic Party, a minor party holding two parliamentary seats, one each in the Houses of Representatives and Councillors as of 2022.[8]

Two

Japanese prime ministers, Tetsu Katayama and Tomiichi Murayama
, were members of the JSP.

History

1940s

Nagatacho
, the Social & Cultural Center (社会文化会館)

social democrats opposed this proposal, but the internal motion to change the party's name was ultimately adopted.[citation needed
]

The party became the largest political party in the first general election under the

Citizens' Cooperation Party. Katayama's coalition fell in February 1948, in large part due to inexperience and subsequent poor performance in leading government.[11] Hitoshi Ashida succeeded Katayama as prime minister of a new coalition with the Democrats. In October 1948, just seven months after taking office, Ashida resigned due to his alleged involvement in the Showa Denko corruption scandal. In 1958, he was acquitted of all charges.[12] The confusion and disarray caused by the corruption scandal were part of what allowed Shigeru Yoshida and the Liberal Party to return to government.[citation needed
]

In the period following the end of World War II, the JSP played a key role in the drafting of the new Japanese constitution, adding progressive articles related to issues such as health, welfare and working conditions.

red" between 1948 and 1950, frustrating leftist attempts to hold on to state power.[16]

1950s

The Showa Denko scandal not only brought the downfall of the cabinet, but also led to an acrimonious schism between the left and right halves of the Socialist Party amid mutual recriminations, as one of the main targets of the investigation had been Right Socialist faction leader

socialist revolution.[17] Both parties claimed to be the true Socialist Party of Japan and refused to recognize the legitimacies of their rivals. The faction farthest to the left formed a small independent party, the Worker-Farmers Party (Rodōsha-Nōmin Tō), espousing Maoism from 1948 until it rejoined the JSP in 1957.[citation needed
]

In 1955, the two splinter parties begrudgingly set aside their differences and re-merged. This was a "shotgun wedding" of sorts that happened under duress as it became increasingly clear that all of the conservative parties, with U.S. backing, were in the process of merging to form what would become the

Kishi Nobusuke to revise the Constitution of Japan in order to eliminate the anti-war "Peace Clause" in Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. By the end of the 1950s, a narrative emerged in the media that the Socialist Party would eventually gain a majority due to ongoing social trends such as increasing urbanization and industrialization.[citation needed
]

1960s

The party split again in 1960 because of internal disagreement over how to conduct the ongoing

Communist Party of Japan in doing so.[18] On 24 January 1960, the right-most elements of the party led by Suehiro Nishio (a part of the old Right Socialist Party of Japan), broke away to form the Democratic Socialist Party, leaving the JSP slightly weakened.[19]

A further blow came in the fall of 1960 when the energetic JSP party chairman

Inejiro Asanuma was assassinated by a right-wing youth, Otoya Yamaguchi, during a televised election debate.[20] Asanuma had been a charismatic figure who had been able to hold the antagonistic left and right factions of the party together through the force of his personality.[20] Asanuma's untimely death deprived the party of his adroit leadership, and thrust Saburō Eda into the leadership role instead.[20] A centrist, Eda rapidly took the party in a more centrist direction, far faster than the left socialists were ready to accept.[20] This led to growing infighting within the party, and drastically damaged its ability to present a cohesive message to the public.[21]

In particular, Eda earned the enmity of the party's left-wing due to his ambitious platform of "structural reform" (構造改革, kōzō kaikaku) and his related "Eda Vision" of socialism.

U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, which had achieved massive size and forced the resignation of conservative prime minister Nobusuke Kishi. Eda and his allies viewed these protests as having been an unalloyed success in having allowed the JSP to play a leading role in fomenting a mass movement. Eda's "structural reform" platform called for a combination of parliamentary pressure tactics and Anpo-style extra-parliamentary mass movements that would gradually move Japan toward socialism by forcing the government into a series of piecemeal concessions.[23] Above all, Eda and his fellow structural reformers hoped to broaden the base of the JSP beyond a hard core of labor unionists, leftist student activists, and Marxist intellectuals to encompass people from many walks of life, in order to dramatically increase the party's potential supporters at the polls.[24]

In an effort to build popular support for his reform program, Eda announced his "New Vision of Socialism", better known by its nickname, the "Eda Vision", in July 1962.[25] Eda declared that "[s]ocialism must be defined in sunny and cheerful terms that are easily understandable to the masses. I believe that 'socialism' is that which allows human potential to blossom to its fullest extent. The main four accomplishments that humankind has achieved so far are America's high standard of living, the Soviet Union's thoroughgoing social welfare system, England's parliamentary democracy, and Japan's peace constitution. I believe that if we can integrate these, we can give birth to a broad-based socialism."[25]

The "Eda Vision" of a more moderate form of socialism was received enthusiastically in the mainstream Japanese press, and polled well in public opinion polls.

orthodox Marxist left-wing factions in the JSP, who had already chafed against the moderate tone of Eda's "structural reform" platform. In particular, they could not accept praise of what they viewed as the "imperialist" United States and Great Britain, and the "deviationist" and "Stalinist" Soviet Union.[26] At the 22nd Party Congress in November 1962, the left-wing of the JSP revolted, and succeeded in persuading a majority of party members present to adopt an "Eda Vision Criticism Resolution" that renounced the "Eda Vision" as antithetical to core party principles.[26] Eda was forced to resign his position as Secretary General, and thereafter the party returned to a more dogmatically Marxist platform which emphasized the urban working classes as the party's main political base.[26]

Thereafter, a younger generation of reform-minded activists became disillusioned and began to drift away from the party.

Japan Communist Party, began to eat away at the JSP's urban working class base.[26] The Socialists slipped in the polls in the 1967 election, lost more ground in the 1968 Upper House election, and suffered a crushing repudiation in 1969, when they lost 51 seats in the National Diet.[27]

1970s

In some regions, the party continued to perform well at the local level and by the 1970s many areas were run by JSP (or JSP-backed) mayors and governors, who supported environmental protection initiatives and introduced new social welfare programs.[28][29][30][31][32][33][34]

Meanwhile, Saburō Eda continued his efforts to reform the party and expand its base. Eda ran numerous times for the post of party chairman, but was unsuccessful, although he did serve a second stint as Secretary General from 1968 to 1970. Nevertheless, Eda remained popular among the broader Japanese public and in the mid-1970s conservative prime minister Kakuei Tanaka said at a press conference, "If the Japan Socialist Party were ever to make Eda its Chairman again, a general election would be terrifying. They would drastically expand their seats in the Diet."[35] Eda could never overcome the undying animosity his "Eda Vision" had won him from his party's left-wing.[citation needed]

In 1976, Eda lost his reelection bid and was booted from the Diet. Blaming his loss on his party's dogmatic, doctrinaire Marxism and desperate for reform, he attempted to resign from the JSP but the party refused to accept his resignation and voted to expel him instead. The following year, Eda and Hideo Den (田英夫) led a small group of JSP Dietmembers to split from the JSP and form a new party called the Socialist Democratic Federation (社会民主連合).[36][37]

1980s

In July 1986, under party chairman Masashi Ishibashi, the JSP suffered a disastrous double defeat in both houses of the National Diet in the simultaneously held 1986 Japanese general election and 1986 Japanese House of Councillors election. Losing in a rout to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under popular prime minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the JSP's seats in the lower house fell from 112 to a new all-time low of 85 and its share of the popular vote dropped from 19.5 percent to 17.2 percent. This defeat led the party to elect Takako Doi as party chair, making her the first woman to ever lead a Japanese political party. Doi was popular with the Japanese public led the JSP to an electoral comeback with an impressive showing in the 1990 Japanese general election, winning 136 seats and 24.4 percent of the vote. Some electoral districts had more than one successful socialist candidate. Doi's decision to put up more than one candidate for each of the 130 districts represented a controversial break with the past because unlike their LDP counterparts many party candidates did not want to run against each other; however, the great majority of the 149 socialist candidates who ran were successful, including seven of eight women.[citation needed]

Doi, a university professor of constitutional law before entering politics, had a tough, straight-talking manner that appealed to voters tired of the evasiveness of other politicians. Many women found her a refreshing alternative to submissive female stereotypes and in the late 1980s the public at large in opinion polls voted her their favorite politician (the runner-up in these surveys was equally tough-talking conservative LDP member

Shintarō Ishihara); however, Doi's popularity was of limited aid to the party, as the powerful Shakaishugi Kyokai (Japan Socialist Association), which was supported by a contingent of the party's 76,000-strong membership, remained committed to orthodox Marxism, impeding Doi's efforts to promote what she called perestroika and a more moderate program with greater voter appeal.[citation needed
]

In 1983, Doi's predecessor as chairman

U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. It advocated strict limitations on military spending (no more than 1 percent of GNP annually), a suspension of joint military exercises with United States forces, and a reaffirmation of the three non-nuclear principles (no production, possession, or introduction of nuclear weapons into Japanese territory).[citation needed
]

Doi expressed support for balanced ties with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (

social welfare." Delegates also elected Doi to a third term as party chairwoman.[citation needed
]

Because of the party's self-definition as a class-based party and its symbiotic relationship with the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan (Sōhyō), the public-sector workers' confederation, few efforts were made to attract non-union constituencies. Although some Sōhyō unions supported the Japanese Communist Party, the party remained the representative of Sohyo's political interests until the merger with private-sector unions and the Japanese Trade Union Confederation (Rengō) in 1989. Because of declining union financial support during the 1980s, some party Diet members turned to dubious fund-raising methods. One was involved in the Recruit affair. Like other parties, it sold large blocks of fund-raising party tickets and the LDP even gave individual party Diet members funds from time to time to persuade them to cooperate in passing difficult legislation.[citation needed]

1990s

As part of the fallout of the

Kōmeitō, Democratic Socialist Party and Socialist Democratic Federation) and the Democratic Reform Party, the political arm of the Rengō trade union federation, together with the JSP. In 1994, the JSP and the New Sakigake Party decided to leave the non-LDP coalition. The minority Hata cabinet lasted only a few weeks.[citation needed
]

The JSP then formed a grand coalition (dai-renritsu) government with the LDP and the New Party Sakigake under JSP Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, who was leader of the party from 1993 to 1996. Most of the other parties from the anti-LDP coalition, now forced back into opposition, united to form the New Frontier Party (NFP), which overtook the JSP as second largest political party in Japan. The JSP suffered a defeat in the 1995 Japanese House of Councillors election. In January 1996, the New Socialist Party of Japan split off from the JSP, Murayama resigned as Prime Minister, and the JSP changed its name from the JSP to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as an interim party for forming a new party.[citation needed]

An illustration of the history of JSP

Ideology

The JSP is generally regarded as having been a progressive "

Marxists in favour of scientific socialism. By contrast, the so-called "rightists" were in favour of social democracy and aimed at establishing a welfare state.[42]

The JSP supported a neutralist

Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan.[5][6] Japan's left-wing liberalism emerged as a "peace movement" and was largely led by the JSP.[43] The party was generally the mainstay of the "Kakushin" (radical-liberal forces) camp.[44]

After

The JSP opposed Shintoist social conservatism, and was politically friendly with Christianity in the United States. There were quite a few Christians in the JSP. Former Japanese Prime Minister Tetsu Katayama was also a Christian.[47]

The party interacted with the

anti-communist dictatorship, including Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo-hwan, and allied with South Korean liberals, including Kim Dae-jung.[49]

Leaders

No. Photo Name
(Birth–death)
Constituency / title Term of office Election results Prime Minister (term)
Took office Left office
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan (1946–1950)
1 Tetsu Katayama
(1887–1978)
Rep for
Kanagawa 3rd
28 September 1946 16 January 1950 Yoshida 1946–47
himself 1947–48
Ashida 1948
Yoshida 1948–54
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan, Right (1951–1955)
Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
19 January 1951 12 October 1955 Yoshida 1948–54
Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Chair of the Japanese Socialist Party, Left (1951–1955)
Suzuki Mosaburō

(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
18 January 1951 12 October 1955 Yoshida 1948–54
Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan, Unified (1955–1996)
2
Suzuki Mosaburō

(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
12 October 1955 23 March 1960 Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Ishibashi 1956–57
Kishi 1957–60
3
Inejiro Asanuma

(1898–1960)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
23 March 1960 12 October 1960
(assassinated)
1960
Inejirō Asanuma – 228
Jōtarō Kawakami – 206
Ikeda 1960–64
Saburō Eda
(1907–1977)
(acting)
Cou for
Okayama at-large
12 October 1960 6 March 1961
4 Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
6 March 1961 6 May 1965
Satō 1964–72
5
Kouzou Sasaki

(1900–1985)
Rep for
Miyagi 1st
6 May 1965 19 August 1967
January 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 295
Saburō Eda – 276
December 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 313
Saburō Eda – 274
6 Seiichi Katsumata
(1908–1989)
Rep for
Shizuoka 2nd
19 August 1967 4 October 1968
7 Tomomi Narita
(1912–1979)
Rep for
Kagawa 1st
30 November 1968 26 September 1977
1970
Tomomi Narita – 207
Saburō Eda – 148
Tanaka K. 1972–74
Miki 1974–76
Fukuda T. 1976–78
8 Ichio Asukata
(1915–1990)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
13 December 1977 7 September 1983
1981
Ichio Asukata – 39379
Sanji Mutō – 14721
Shōichi Shimodaira – 3425
Ōhira 1978–80
Ito 1980 (Acting)
Suzuki Z. 1980–82
Nakasone 1982–87
9 Masashi Ishibashi
(1924–2019)
Rep for
Nagasaki 2nd
7 September 1983 8 September 1986
10 Takako Doi
(1928–2014)
Rep for
Hyogo 2nd
9 September 1986 31 July 1991
1986
Takako Doi – 58670
Tetsu Ueda – 11748
Takeshita 1987–89
Uno 1989
Kaifu 1989–91
11 Makoto Tanabe
(1922–2015)
Rep for
Gunma 1st
31 July 1991 19 January 1993
1991
Makoto Tanabe – 46363
Tetsu Ueda – 36358
Miyazawa 1991–93
12 Sadao Yamahana
(1936–1999)
Rep for
Tokyo 11th
19 January 1993 25 September 1993
Hosokawa 1993–94
(coalition)
13 Tomiichi Murayama
(b. 1924)
Rep for
Ōita 1st
25 September 1993 19 January 1996
1993
Tomiichi Murayama – 65446
Masatoshi Ito – 18075
1996
Tomiichi Murayama – 57591
Tadatoshi Akiba – 10440
Hata 1994
himself 1994–96
Hashimoto 1996–98
(coalition, confidence and supply)
Successor party: Social Democratic Party (centre-left to left-wing)

Election results

General election results

House of Representatives
Election Leader Seats Position Constituency votes Status
No. ± Share Number %
1946 Tetsu Katayama
92 / 468
19.6% 3rd 9,924,930 17.90% Opposition
1947 Tetsu Katayama
143 / 466
Increase 51 30.7% Increase 1st 7,176,882 26.23% JSP-DP-NCP coalition
(until 1948)
Opposition
(since 1948)
1949 Tetsu Katayama
48 / 466
Decrease 95 10.3% Decrease 3rd 4,129,794 13.50% Opposition
1952 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
111 / 466
Increase 63 23.8% Increase 2nd 7,507,842 21.24% Opposition
1953 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
138 / 466
Increase 27 29.6% Steady 2nd 9,194,547 26.57% Opposition
1955 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
156 / 467
Increase 18 33.4% Steady 2nd 10,812,905 29.21% Opposition
1958 Mosaburō Suzuki
166 / 467
Increase 10 35.5% Steady 2nd 13,093,993 32.94% Opposition
1960 Saburō Eda
145 / 467
Decrease 21 31.0% Steady 2nd 10,887,134 27.56% Opposition
1963 Jōtarō Kawakami
144 / 467
Decrease 1 30.8% Steady 2nd 11,906,766 29.03% Opposition
1967 Kōzō Sasaki
140 / 486
Decrease 4 28.8% Steady 2nd 12,826,104 27.88% Opposition
1969 Tomomi Narita
90 / 486
Decrease 50 18.5% Steady 2nd 10,074,101 21.44% Opposition
1972 Tomomi Narita
118 / 491
Increase 28 24.0% Steady 2nd 11,478,142 21.90% Opposition
1976 Tomomi Narita
123 / 511
Increase 5 24.1% Steady 2nd 11,713,009 20.69% Opposition
1979 Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Decrease 16 20.9% Steady 2nd 10,643,450 19.71% Opposition
1980 Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Steady 0 20.9% Steady 2nd 11,400,748 19.31% Opposition
1983 Masashi Ishibashi
112 / 511
Increase 5 21.9% Steady 2nd 11,065,083 19.49% Opposition
1986 Masashi Ishibashi
85 / 512
Decrease 27 16.6% Steady 2nd 10,412,584 17.23% Opposition
1990 Takako Doi
136 / 512
Increase 51 26.6% Steady 2nd 16,025,472 24.39% Opposition
1993 Sadao Yamahana
70 / 511
Decrease 66 13.7% Steady 2nd 9,687,589 15.43% JSP-Komeito-JRP-JNP-DSP-NPS-DRP-SDF coalition
(until 1994)
LDP–JSP–NPS coalition
(until 1996)

Councillors election results

Election Leader No. of
seats total
No. of
seats won
No. of
National votes
% of
National vote
No. of
Prefectural votes
% of
Prefectural vote
Japanese Socialist Party era
1947 Tetsu Katayama
47 / 250
3,479,814 16.4% 4,901,341 23.0%
1950 Tetsu Katayama
61 / 250
36 / 125
4,854,629 17.3% 7,316,808 25.2%
1953 Mosaburō Suzuki
66 / 250
28 / 125
5,559,875 20.7% 6,870,640 24.5%
1956 Mosaburō Suzuki
80 / 250
49 / 127
8,549,940 29.9% 11,156,060 37.6%
1959 Mosaburō Suzuki
85 / 250
38 / 127
7,794,754 26.5% 10,265,394 34.1%
1962 Jōtarō Kawakami
66 / 250
37 / 127
8,666,910 24.2% 11,917,675 32.8%
1965 Kōzō Sasaki
73 / 251
36 / 127
8,729,655 23.4% 12,346,650 32.8%
1968 Tomomi Narita
65 / 250
28 / 126
8,542,199 19.8% 12,617,680 29.2%
1971 Tomomi Narita
66 / 249
39 / 125
8,494,264 21.3% 12,597,644 31.2%
1974 Tomomi Narita
62 / 250
28 / 130
7,990,457 15.2% 13,907,865 26.0%
1977 Ichio Asukata
56 / 249
27 / 126
8,805,617 17.3% 13,403,216
1980 Ichio Asukata
47 / 250
22 / 126
7,341,828 13.1% 12,715,880
1983 Ichio Asukata
44 / 252
22 / 126
7,590,331 16.3% 11,217,515
1986 Takako Doi
41 / 252
20 / 126
9,869,088 12,464,579
1989 Takako Doi
68 / 252
45 / 126
19,688,252 35.1% 15,009,451 26.4%
1992 Takako Doi
71 / 252
22 / 126
7,981,726 17.8% 7,147,140 15.8%
1995 Tomiichi Murayama
37 / 252
16 / 126
6,882,919 16.9% 4,926,003 11.9%

See also

References

Citations

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  2. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
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  14. ^ "Occupation and Reconstruction of Japan, 1945–52". Retrieved 26 January 2021. By late 1947 and early 1948, the emergence of an economic crisis in Japan alongside concerns about the spread of communism sparked a reconsideration of occupation policies. This period is sometimes called the 'reverse course.'
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  39. . After the merger of the conservative and center-left camp in 1955, and the formation of the conservative LDP and the center-left JSP (Japan Socialist Party), the LDP upheld the position of the ruling party until 1993.
  40. . Sanbetsu was closely tied to the Japan Communist Party and the far left wing of the Japan Socialist Party.
  41. ^ Japan. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 1989. p. 4. ... Confederation) and Zenrokyo (the National Labor Union Consultative Council), were also formed, representing unions associated with the Japan Communist Party and a far-left faction of the Japan Socialist Party, respectively.
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  43. . ... of the debate is the left/liberal "peace movement" currently led by Japanese academics, including legal scholars, and more recently by students, but which until the end of the Cold War was spearheaded by the Japan Socialist Party.
  44. . The constitution was defended by the JSP, the mainstay of kakushin (radical-liberal forces), ...
  45. . After Takako Doi became party leader, the JSP established a European-style democratic socialism line.
  46. left-liberal
    reforms to its credit.
  47. ^ American Assembly; Willard Long Thorp, eds. (1964). Japan's School Curriculum for The 2020s: Politics, Policy, and Pedagogy. Prentice-Hall. p. 17. It is no accident that Japanese radical liberalism and democratic socialism were both closely connected in their beginnings with the Christian movement in Japan. The first Japanese Socialist Party was born in an Americansponsored Christian church in Tokyo, and the majority of its members were Christians with intimate American connections.
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Bibliography