Japanese nationalism

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Japanese nationalism (

In

Meiji period beginnings 1868–1912

During the final days of the

The Meiji Constitution of 1889 defined allegiance to the State as the citizen's highest duty. While the constitution itself contained a mix of political Western practices and traditional Japanese political ideas, government philosophy increasingly centered on promoting social harmony and a sense of the uniqueness of the Japanese people (kokutai).

Basis of economic growth

The extreme disparity in economic and military power between Japan and the Western colonial powers was a great cause for concern for the early

Main article: State Shinto

In developing the modern concepts of

Japanese emperor

claimed direct descent from Amaterasu. The emperor himself was therefore sacred, and all proclamations of the emperor had thus a religious significance.

After the Meiji Restoration, the new imperial government needed to rapidly modernize the polity and economy of Japan, and the Meiji oligarchy felt that those goals could only be accomplished through a strong sense of national unity and cultural identity, with State Shinto as an essential counterweight to the imported Buddhism of the past, the Christianity and other Western philosophies of the present.^{[citation needed]}

In 1890, the Imperial Rescript on Education was issued, and students were required to ritually recite its oath to "offer yourselves courageously to the State" as well as protect the Imperial family. The practice of emperor worship was further spread by distributing imperial portraits for esoteric veneration. All of these practices used to fortify national solidarity through patriotic centralized observance at shrines are said to have given pre-war Japanese nationalism a tint of mysticism and cultural introversion.^[3]

The

hakko ichiu (八紘一宇) philosophy became popular during the Second Sino-Japanese War. This came to be regarded by militarists

as a doctrine that the emperor was the center of the phenomenal world, lending religious impetus to ideas of Japanese territorial expansion.

Education

Main article: Education in the Empire of Japan

The principal educational emphasis from the Meiji period was on the great importance of traditional national political values, religion, and morality. The Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890 promoted a return to traditional Confucian values in the hierarchal nature of human relations, with the State superior to the Individual, and the Emperor superior to the State. The Japanese state modernized organizationally but preserved its national idiosyncrasies. The attitude reinforced from 1905 was that Japan was to be a powerful nation, equal at least to the Western powers. During the Shōwa period, the educational system was used for supporting the militarized state and preparing future soldiers.

The government published official textbooks for all levels of students and reinforced that with cultural activities, seminars, etc. Emphasis on the texts such as the Kokutai-no-shugi in schools was intended to emphasize the "uniqueness of Japan" from ancient centuries. These cultural courses were supplemented with military and survival courses against foreign invasion.

Apart from indoctrination in nationalism and religion, children and school students received military drills (survival,

Imperial Youth Federation

; college students were trained, and some recruited, for home defense and regular military units. Young women received first aid training. All of these actions were said to be taken to ensure Japan's safety and protect against larger and more dangerous countries.

Nationalist politics

Origin of nationalist structures and parties

Main article: Empire of Japan

In 1882, the Japanese Government organized the

Teiseito (Imperial Gubernative Party), one of the first nationalist parties in the country. Starting from the Russo-Japanese War, Japan adopted the moniker "Empire of Japan" ("Dai Nippon Teikoku"), acquiring a colonial empire, with the acquisition of the Ryukyus (1879), Formosa (1895), the Liaodong Peninsula and Karafuto (1905), the South Seas Mandate islands (1918–19) and Joseon

(Korea) (1905–10).

The wars against China and Russia were modern and demanded a nationalist expression of patriotic sentiment. From this period, the Yasukuni Shrine (founded in 1869) was converted into a focus for nationalist sentiment and received state patronage until the end of World War II. Yasukuni was dedicated to those Japanese and non-Japanese who had lost their lives serving Japan, and includes all war deaths from domestic and overseas conflicts from 1869 to 1945 (and none from any conflicts since 1945), but also civilians (women and students) and civil administration in colonies and occupied territories.

Between 1926 and 1928, the central government organized the "Peace Preservation Department" (an anti-subversive police section) and prosecuted all local Soviet-sponsored communists who proposed a socialist form of government. The Japanese Army organized the Kempeitai (military police service). Dissent was controlled by the usage of political and press repression, with the Peace Preservation Law permitting police to restrict freedom of expression and freedom to assemble.

From 1925 to 1935, the Nippon Shimbun [ja] (日本新聞) promoted nationalist ideology and sought to influence the Japanese political landscape. In spite of a relatively small overall circulation, it had wide readership among right-wing politicians and advocated the concept of the divine right of the emperor by vigorously attacking Tatsukichi Minobe's “emperor organ theory”.^[4][5]

Realities of political power

Kyokujitsu-ki (the sun-with rays-flag) was the ensign of the Imperial Japanese Navy; it is now employed by the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force

ships.

Since the Meiji restoration, the central figure of the state was the

national myths

, history, and dogma — thus obtaining a "national consensus". Democratic institutions were installed in 1890 with the promulgation of a constitution and continued to acquire legitimacy until the 1920s when they fell into disrepute.

Concerns that irresponsible political parties could have too great an influence over vital military affairs introduced a rule that the Army alone should nominate the Army Minister in civilian government. This permitted the army to have a de facto veto over civilian governments by having the power to refuse to nominate a candidate. This policy was introduced in law in 1900 but abolished in 1913. It was reintroduced in 1936, cementing military influence over the government after that time.

The political system of Japan became subverted by the military throughout the 1930s from repeated attempted coups, and independent militarist interventions. The invasion of Manchuria after elements in the army manufactured an incident to justify a takeover was accomplished without instruction from the Tokyo government. This showed the impotence of the civilian government to have any influence over the impulses of the army. Governments become increasingly passive, allowing agency and direction of the state to fall to disparate competing elements of the army. The role of the emperor remained highly prestigious, with various factions competing to advocate their interpretation of what the emperor "truly" wanted.

After the war, scrutiny of the emperor's role in the war and militarism intensified. For many historians such as

Tokyo tribunal was the predominant factor in the campaign to diminish in retrospect the role played by the emperor during the war. They argue that the post-war view focused on the imperial conferences and missed the numerous "behind the chrysanthemum curtain" meetings where the real decisions were made between Hirohito, his chiefs of staff, and the cabinet. For Fujiwara, "the thesis that the Emperor, as an organ of responsibility, could not reverse cabinet decision, is a myth fabricated after the war."^[6]

Political ideas

During the 1920s, right-wing nationalist beliefs became an increasingly dominant force. State support for Shinto encouraged a belief in the mythological history of Japan and thus led to mysticism and cultural chauvinism. Some secret societies took up

Violent coups took place, and the Kwantung Army made, in effect unilaterally, the decision to invade Manchuria. This was then treated as a fait accompli by Government and Emperor. ^{[citation needed]}

Doctrines

The

The economic doctrines of the "

The Japanese theorists, such as Saneshige Komaki, concerned with Mainland Asia, knew the geostrategic theory of Halford Mackinder, expressed in the book Democratic Ideas and Reality. He discussed why the 'World Island' of Eurasia and Africa was dominant, and why the key to this was the 'Central Land' in Central Asia. This is protected from sea attack, by deserts and mountains, and is vulnerable only on its west side, and to advanced technology from Europe.

Mackinder declared that: "Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; Who rules the heartland commands the World-Island; Who rules the World-Island commands the World". These central Asiatic lands included: all of the Soviet Union, except the Pacific coast, west of the

These geopolitical ideas coincided with the theories of Lieutenant Colonel

The press and other communication media were managed under the

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Shiragiku (the chrysanthemum)

The shiragiku (lit. "white chrysanthemum") or more common chrysanthemum flower was much used as an imperial symbol. It alludes to the Chrysanthemum Throne, the traditional seat of Japanese emperors.

Banzai

The traditional cheer was given to the Emperor and other dignitaries, or on special commemorations, was Tenno Heika Banzai (天皇陛下万歳 or 萬歲, 'long live the Emperor') or the shortened form, Banzai.

The latter term, which means "ten thousand years," is an expression of Chinese origin (万歳) adopted by the Japanese in the

• Flag of Japan
• Rising Sun Flag
• Z flag
• Good Luck Flag (signed war banner)
• Five-point star badge (Imperial Japanese Army symbol)
• Cherry blossom badge (with or without anchor) (Imperial Japanese Navy symbol)
• Hachimaki headband
• Senninbari ("One-thousand stitch belt")
• Kimigayo (His Imperial Majesty's Reign)
• Umi Yukaba
• Yasukuni Shrine

Post-war developments

Part of a series on
Conservatism in Japan
Ideologies Capitalist Fiscal State Corporate  Nationalist Minzoku Populist Shōwa Statism Ultra Neo Paternalistic Religious State Shinto Ultra
Principles Anti-communism Asian values Authority Bushido Discipline Duty Elitism Aristocracy Meritocracy Familialism Filial piety Heroism Hierarchy Kokutai Law and order Loyalty Militarism Monarchism Patriotism Racism Shinto Social order Sovereignty Tradition
History 1955 System Abenomics Anti-Comintern Pact CIA activities Empire Emperor system Tenkō Peace Preservation Law Red Purge Red Scare Satsuma Rebellion U.S.-Japan Security Treaty
Intellectuals Etō Fukuda Hasuda Hirata Hyakuta Kanokogi Kobayashi Masaki Mayuzumi Minobe Mizushima Mishima Miyake Nishibe Ōen Oh Ōkawa Oshikawa Sakurai Shiga Sono Sugiyama Tadayuki Watsuji
Works Hagakure (1716) Bushido: The Soul of Japan (1899) The Book of Tea (1906) "Shinmin no Michi" (1941) An Investigation of Global Policy (1943) ”The Japan That Can Say No” (1989) The Dignity of the Nation (2005)
Politicians Abe Akao Asō Fukuda Hashimoto Hatoyama Hiranuma Inada Ishihara Kawamura Kiichirō Koike Koizumi Konoe Nakagawa Nakasone Sugita Tojo (Hideki) Tojo (Yuko)
Parties Active Conservative Party of Japan Democratic Party for the People Greater Japan Patriotic Party Happiness Realization Party Japan First Party Japan Innovation Party Liberal Democratic Party Metropolitan Citizens First Association Restoration Political Party Party of Do it Yourself Defunct Constitutional Government Association Imperial Rule Assistance Association Japan Renewal Party Japan Restoration Party New Conservative Party Party for Japanese Kokoro Party of Hope People's New Party Sunrise Party Your Party
Organisations Active Dentsu Ganbare Nippon Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform Nippon Kaigi Seikijuku Zaitokukai Defunct Black Dragon Society Genyōsha Kenkokukai Kokuryūkai Sakurakai Tatenokai
Media Bungei Shunjū Fuji Television Japanese Culture Channel Sakura Sankei Shimbun Shokun! Shufu no Tomo Shūkan Shinchō Yomiuri Shimbun
Movements Action Conservative Movement Anti-Americanism Green Kaikaku hoshu [ja] Minzoku-ha Netto-uyoku National essentialism Nihon shugi Trumpism
Related topics Anti-Chinese sentiment Anti-Korean sentiment Nobility Daimyo Kazoku Kuge Samurai Culture of Japan Hakkō ichiu Historical negationism Kokugaku Nihonjinron Politics in Japan Pro-Americanism (postwar) Uyoku dantai Yamato nadeshiko Yasukuni Shrine Zaibatsu
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In February 1946, General Douglas MacArthur was set the task of drafting a model constitution to serve as a guide for the Japanese people. The U.S. intention was to ensure that the sources of Japanese militarism were rooted out through fundamental reforms of the Japanese government, society, and economic structure. Perhaps the most lasting effect that came out of this constitution is Article 9 that reads:

"Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. To accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as another war potential, will never be maintained. The right to belligerency of the state will not be recognized."^[7]

With the renunciation of war and military power, Japan looked to the United States for security. As the Cold War began, the United States fostered a closer relationship with Japan due to the latter's strategic location in respect to the USSR. Japan became, as stated by the Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, an "unsinkable aircraft carrier" for the United States.^[8] Ensuing from this close relationship with the United States, Japan hoped that in time their country would become the "third leg in a triangle involving two superpowers." While the mainstream Japanese politics maintained a pro-American attitude, scholars noted that the nationalist 'Other' during post-war Japan was the United States.^[9][10] Left-wing nationalists criticized the United States's military presence whilst the conservative nationalists criticized the imposed military limitation by the United States.^[10] China later substituted the United States as the nationalist Other in contemporary Japanese politics .^[10] In academia, some scholars argue that postwar Japanese intellects and politicians constructed the mono-ethnic identity through public discourses and education.^[11] Japanese elites' tendency towards homogeneity and ethnic nationalism is from their desire to differentiate postwar Japanese identity from pre-war imperialist identity and multi-ethnic identity that include formerly colonized ethnic groups.

Since the 1960s, economic growth in the Japanese miracle periods started to mitigate public distrust towards the central government.^[12] Japanese economic progress after World War II undermined the appeal of pre-war militarist nationalism, showing a path to prosperity was possible without colonies. The 1970s witnessed Japan's adoption of three fundamental tenets that would seek to define and direct Japanese internationalism, all concerning the need for Japanese initiatives in fostering a liberal internationalism. Some criticism points out that politicians in the 1970s selectively remembered the past, preferring narratives of Japan as atomic weapon victim to consciously and unconsciously alienate Japan from its undesired aggressive past.^[13] Some scholars note the apolitical nature of the 1964 Tokyo Olympics and the 1970 Osaka World Exposition, which allow politicians to forge Japan as peaceful and internationalist for a unified national identity.^[12][13]

The rather implicit elite advocacy of conservative nationalism has become more salient since the 1990s, where regional competitions from Asian tigers, and later China, created economic anxieties which reflected in political divisions.^[9] Many scholars have pointed out that the liberal internationalism has started to turn into conservative revisionist nationalism since the 1990s.^[9] The clashes of nationalism and the contemporary rise of ultra-nationalism, accompanied by military expansions and historical revisionism, are the hot topics of current academic discussions on post-war Japanese nationalism. The illiberal turn of nationalism started with new right-wing movements that created history textbooks from revisionist perspectives, which denies Japanese imperialist atrocities, including 'comfort women' issues and Nanjing Massacre.^[14] Their emergences can be seen as a direct discontent towards pacifists' low posture to former colonized countries ^[15] but also motivated by economic anxiety in globalization.^[14] Although right-wing movements surfaced in the 1990s, the Japanese public still remain largely pacific.^[16][17]

Since the 2000s, xenophobic online posts and nationalist claims against foreigners, mostly Chinese and Koreans, have risen due to anxieties over economic growth, regional competition, and globalization.

Uyoku dantai

In 1996, the

Openly revisionist, Nippon Kaigi is considered "the biggest right-wing organization in Japan".^[23][24]

Nationalist right-wing and far-right political parties

• Greater Japan Patriotic Party (1951–present)
• Liberal Democratic Party (1955–present)
• National Socialist Japanese Workers' Party (1982–present)
• Japan Nation Party (1988–present)
• Ishin Seitō Shimpū (1995–present)
• Sunrise Party (2010–2012)
• Japan Restoration Party (2012–2014)
• Japan Innovation Party (2014–2016)
• Party for Japanese Kokoro (2014–2018)
• Nippon Ishin no Kai (2015–present)
• Japan First Party (2016–present)
• Kibō no Tō (2017–2018, 2018–2021)
• Sanseitō (2020–present)
• Conservative Party of Japan (2023–present)

Bibliography

• Behr, Edward. The Last Emperor
  ISBN 0-553-34474-9
  , Bantam, 1987
• Newman, Joseph. Goodbye Japan, published in New York, 1942
• Moore, Frederick. With Japan's Leaders, published in New York, 1942
• Whitney Hall, John. Japanese Empire, Vol.20, 1967.
• Emmott, Bill. "Japan's English Lessons" Foreign Policy, 140 (2004)
• Kase, Yuri. "Japan's Nonnuclear Weapons Policy on the Changing Security Environment" World Affairs, 165.3 (2003)
• Lincoln, Edward. "Japan: Using Power Narrowly" Washington Quarterly, 27.1 (Winter 2003/2004)
• Ozawa, Terutomo. "The New Economic Nationalism and the Japanese Disease": The Conundrum of Managed Economic Growth" Journal of Economic Issues, v30 (1996)
• Pyle, Kenneth B. The Japanese Question: Power and Purpose in a New Era, (Washington, D.C.)

References