Jean Bodin

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Jean Bodin
absolute sovereignty

Jean Bodin (French:

papal authority over governments and there was evidence he may have converted to Protestantism during his time in Geneva.[2][3][4] Known for his theory of sovereignty, he favoured the strong central control of a national monarchy
as an antidote to factional strife.

Towards the end of his life he wrote a dialogue among different religions, including representatives of Judaism, Islam and natural theology in which all agreed to coexist in concord, but was not published. He was also an influential writer on demonology[5] as his later years were spent during the peak of the early modern witch trials.

Life

Bodin was successively a friar, academic, professional lawyer, and political adviser. An excursion as a politician having proved a failure, he lived out his life as a provincial magistrate.

Early life

Bodin was born near

Carmelite monastery of Angers, where he became a novice friar. Some claims made about his early life remain obscure. There is some evidence of a visit to Geneva in 1547–48 in which he became involved in a heresy
trial. The records of this episode, however, are murky and may refer to another person.

Paris and Toulouse

He obtained release from his vows in 1549 and went to Paris. He studied at the university, but also at the humanist-oriented Collège des Quatre Langues (now the Collège de France); he was for two years a student under Guillaume Prévost, a little-known magister in philosophy.[6] His education was not only influenced by an orthodox Scholastic approach but was also apparently in contact with Ramist philosophy (the thought of Petrus Ramus).

Later, in the 1550s, he studied

Bishop of Angers. Bodin had a plan for a school on humanist principles in Toulouse, but failed to raise local support. He left in 1560.[7][8]

The Wars of Religion and the politiques

From 1561, he was licensed as an attorney of the Parlement of Paris. His religious convictions on the outbreak of the Wars of Religion in 1562 cannot be determined, but he affirmed formally his Catholic faith, taking an oath that year along with other members of the Parlement.[9] He continued to pursue his interests in legal and political theory in Paris, publishing significant works on historiography and economics.

Bodin became a member of the discussion circles around the

politiques faction of political pragmatists.[10]

Under Henry III

After the failure of Prince François' hopes to ascend the throne, Bodin transferred his allegiance to the new king Henry III. In practical politics, however, he lost the king's favor in 1576–7, as delegate of the Third Estate at the Estates-General at Blois, and leader in his Estate of the February 1577 moves to prevent a new war against the Huguenots.[11] He attempted to exert a moderating influence on the Catholic party, and also tried restrict the passage of supplemental taxation for the king. Bodin then retired from political life; he had married in February 1576. His wife, Françoise Trouillart, was the widow of Claude Bayard, and sister of Nicolas Trouillart who died in 1587; both were royal attorneys in the Provost of Laon and attorneys in the Bailiwick of Vermandois, and Bodin took over the charges.[12]

Bodin was in touch with

Elizabeth I of England. On this visit, Bodin saw the English Parliament.[14] He brushed off a request to secure better treatment for English Catholics,[15] to the dismay of Robert Persons, given that Edmund Campion was in prison at the time.[16] Bodin saw some of Campion's trial,[14] he is said also to have witnessed Campion's execution in December 1581,[17] making the hanging the occasion for a public letter against the use of force in matters of religion.[18] Bodin became a correspondent of Francis Walsingham; and Michel de Castelnau passed on to Mary, Queen of Scots a prophecy supposed to be Bodin's, on the death of Elizabeth, at the time of the Babington Plot.[19]

Prince François became Duke of Brabant in 1582, however, and embarked on an adventurer's campaign to expand his territory. The disapproving Bodin accompanied him, and was trapped in the Prince's disastrous raid on Antwerp that ended the attempt, followed shortly by the Prince's death in 1584.[20]

Last years

In the wars that followed the death of Henry III (1589), the

Henry of Navarre
by placing another king on the throne. Bodin initially gave support to the powerful League; he felt it inevitable that they would score a quick victory.

He died, in Laon, during one of the many plague epidemics of the time.[7]

Books

Bodin generally wrote in French, with later Latin translations.[21] Several of the works have been seen as influenced by Ramism, at least in terms of structure.

Bodin wrote in turn books on history, economics, politics, demonology, and natural philosophy;[22] and also left a (later notorious) work in manuscript on religion (see under "Religious tolerance"). A modern edition of Bodin's works was begun in 1951 as Oeuvres philosophiques de Jean Bodin by Pierre Mesnard [fr], but only one volume appeared.

Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem

In France, Bodin was noted as a historian for his Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1566) (Method for the easy knowledge of history). He wrote, "Of history, that is, the true narration of things, there are three kinds: human, natural and divine". This book was one of the most significant contributions to the ars historica of the period, and distinctively put an emphasis on the role of political knowledge in interpreting historical writings.[7] He pointed out that the knowledge of historical legal systems could be useful for contemporary legislation.

The Methodus was a successful and influential manual on the writing of technical history.

Francesco Patrizzi.[24] It also expanded the view of historical "data" found in earlier humanists, with the immediacy of its concerns for the social side of human life.[25]

Bodin rejected the biblical

Four Monarchies model, taking an unpopular position at the time,[26] as well as the classical theory of a Golden Age for its naiveté.[27]
He also dropped much of the rhetorical apparatus of the humanists.

Economic thought: the Reply to Malestroit

The Réponse de J. Bodin aux paradoxes de M. de Malestroit (1568) was a tract, provoked by theories of Jean de Malestroit, in which Bodin offered one of the earliest scholarly analyses of the phenomenon of inflation, unknown prior to the 16th century. The background to discussion in the 1560s was that by 1550 an increase in the money supply in Western Europe had brought general benefits.[28] But there had also been appreciable inflation. Silver arriving via Spain from the South American mine of Potosí, together with other sources of silver and gold, from other new sources, was causing monetary change.

Bodin was after

economic migration, and consumption that he saw as profligate.[33]

The Theatrum

The Theatrum Universae Naturae is Bodin's statement of natural philosophy. It contains many particular and even idiosyncratic personal views, for instance that

Problems of Bodin became attached to some Renaissance editions of Aristotelian

problemata in natural philosophy. Further, Damian Siffert compiled a Problemata Bodini, which was based on the Theatrum.[37]

Les Six livres de la République

Bodin's best-known work was "The Six Books of the Republic" (Les Six livres de la République), written in 1576.

Machiavelli would have granted the sovereign the right to act for the benefit of his state without moral consideration, and Protestant theorists advocated a popular government, or at least an elective monarchy
. Bodin's classical definition of sovereignty is: "la puissance absolue et perpetuelle d'une République" (the absolute and perpetual power of a Republic). His main ideas about sovereignty are found in chapter VIII and X of Book I, including his statement "The sovereign Prince is accountable only to God".

The Six livres were an immediate success and were frequently reprinted. A revised and expanded Latin translation by the author appeared in 1586. With this work, Bodin became one of the founders of the pragmatic inter-confessional group known as the

resistance theory, it was an effective counter-attack against the monarchomach position invoking "popular sovereignty".[39]

The structure of the earlier books has been described as Ramist in structure. Book VI contains astrological and numerological reasoning.[40] Bodin invoked Pythagoras in discussing justice and in Book IV used ideas related to the Utopia of Thomas More.[41] The use of language derived from or replacing Niccolò Machiavelli's città (Latin civitas) as political unit (French cité or ville) is thoughtful; Bodin introduced republic (French république, Latin respublica) as a term for matters of public law (the contemporary English rendering was commonweal(th)).[42] Bodin, although he referred to Tacitus, was not writing here in the tradition of classical republicanism. The Ottoman Empire is analysed as a "seigneurial monarchy".[43] The Republic of Venice is not accepted in the terms of Gasparo Contarini: it is called an aristocratic constitution, not a mixed one, with a concentric structure, and its apparent stability was not attributable to the form of government.[44]

The ideas in the Six livres on the importance of climate in the shaping of a people's character were also influential, finding a prominent place in the work of

climatic determinism. Based on the assumption that a country's climate shapes the character of its population, and hence to a large extent the most suitable form of government, Bodin postulated that a hereditary monarchy
would be the ideal regime for a temperate nation such as France. This power should be "sovereign", i.e., not be subject to any other branch, though to some extent limited by institutions like the high courts (Parlement) and representative assemblies (États). Above all, the monarch is "responsible only to God", that is, must stand above confessional factions.

The work soon became widely known. Gaspar de Anastro made a Spanish translation in 1590.[45] Richard Knolles put together an English translation (1606); this was based on the 1586 Latin version, but in places follows other versions. It appeared under the title The Six Bookes of a Common-weale.[46][47][48]

De la démonomanie des sorciers

Title page of De la démonomanie des sorciers (1580)

Bodin's major work on

sorcery and the witchcraft persecutions was "Of the Demon-mania of the Sorcerers" (De la démonomanie des sorciers), first issued in 1580, with ten editions published by 1604.[49] In it he elaborates the influential concept of "pact witchcraft" based on a deal with the Devil[50] and the belief that the evil spirit would use a strategy to impose doubt on judges to look upon magicians as madmen and hypochondriacs deserving of compassion rather than chastisement.[51]

The book relates histories of sorcerers,

Cornelius Agrippa, and the perceived traffic in "sorceries" carried out along the Spanish Road, running along eastern France for much of its length.[57]

He wrote in extreme terms about procedures in sorcery trials, opposing the normal safeguards of justice.[58] This advocacy of relaxation was aimed directly at the existing standards laid down by the Parlement of Paris (physical or written evidence, confessions not obtained by torture, unimpeachable witnesses).[59] He asserted that not even one witch could be erroneously condemned if the correct procedures were followed, because rumours concerning sorcerers were almost always true. Bodin's attitude has been called a populationist strategy typical of mercantilism.[60][61][vague]

The book was influential in the debate over witchcraft; it was translated into German by Johann Fischart (1581),[62][63] and in the same year into Latin by François Du Jon as De magorum dæmonomania libri IV.[64] It was quoted by Jean de Léry, writing about the Tupinamba people of what is now Brazil.[65]

One surviving copy of the text, located in the University of Southern California's Special Collections Library, is a rare presentation copy signed by Bodin himself, and is one of only two known surviving texts that feature such an inscription by the author.[66] The USC Démonomanie dedication is to a C.L. Varroni, thought to be a legal colleague of Bodin's.

Views

Law and politics

Bodin became well known for his analysis of sovereignty, which he took to be indivisible, and to involve full legislative powers (though with qualifications and caveats). With François Hotman (1524–1590) and François Baudouin (1520–1573), on the other hand, Bodin also supported the force of customary law, seeing Roman law alone as inadequate.[67][68]

He hedged the absolutist nature of his theory of sovereignty, which was an analytical concept; if later his ideas were used in a different, normative fashion, that was not overtly the reason in Bodin.

passive resistance to authority was justified.[71]

Bodin's work on political theory saw the introduction of the modern concept of "state" but was in the fact on the cusp of usage (with that of

Public office belonged to the commonwealth, and its holders had a personal responsibility for their actions.[73] Politics is autonomous, and the sovereign is subject to divine and natural law, but not to any church; the obligation is to secure justice and religious worship in the state.[74]

Bodin studied the balance of liberty and authority.

theocratic,[77] and misunderstood by the absolutists who followed him.[40]

Where Aristotle argued for six types of state, Bodin allowed only monarchy, aristocracy and democracy. He advocated, however, distinguishing the form of state (constitution) from the form of government (administration).[78] Bodin had a low opinion of democracy.[79]

Families were the basic unit and model for the state;[80] on the other hand John Milton found in Bodin an ally on the topic of divorce.[81] Respect for individual liberty and possessions were the hallmark of the orderly state, a view Bodin shared with Hotman and George Buchanan.[82] He argued against slavery.[83]

In matters of law and politics, Bodin saw religion as a social prop, encouraging respect for law and governance.[84]

On change and progress

He praised printing as outshining any achievement of the ancients.

Protestant Reformation was driven by economic and political forces is attributed to him.[86] He is identified as the first person to realize the rapid rate of change of early modern Europe.[87]

In physics, he is credited as the first modern writer to use the concept of

physical laws to define change,[88] but his idea of nature included the action of spirits. In politics, he adhered to the ideas of his time in considering a political revolution in the nature of an astronomical cycle: a changement (French) or simply a change (as translated 1606) in English;[89] from Polybius Bodin took the idea of anacyclosis, or cyclic change of constitution.[90] Bodin's theory was that governments had begun as monarchical, had then been democratic, before becoming aristocratic.[91]

Religious tolerance

Public position

In 1576, Bodin was engaged in French politics, and then argued against the use of compulsion in matters of religion, if unsuccessfully. Wars, he considered, should be subject to statecraft, and matters of religion did not touch the state.

Bodin argued that a state might contain several religions; this was a very unusual position for his time, if shared by

Trial of the Knights Templar was an example of unjustified persecution, similar to that of the Jews and medieval fraternities.[93]

Private position in the Colloquium

In 1588, Bodin completed in manuscript a Latin work Colloquium heptaplomeres de rerum sublimium arcanis abditis (Colloquium of the Seven about Secrets of the Sublime). It is a conversation about the nature of truth between seven educated men, each with a distinct religious or philosophical orientation - a natural philosopher, a Calvinist, a Muslim, a Roman Catholic, a Lutheran, a Jew, and a skeptic.[94] Because of this work, Bodin is often identified as one of the first proponents of religious tolerance in the western world. Truth, in Bodin's view, commanded universal agreement; and the Abrahamic religions agreed on the Old Testament (Tanakh).[95] Vera religio (true religion) would command loyalty to the point of death; his conception of it was influenced by Philo and Maimonides.[96] His views on free will are also bound up with his studies in Jewish philosophy.[97] Some modern scholars have contested his authorship of the text. The "Colloquium of the Seven regarding the hidden secrets of the sublime things" offers a peaceful discussion with seven representatives of various religions and worldviews, who in the end agree on the fundamental underlying similarity of their beliefs.

Bodin's theory, as based in considerations of harmony, resembles that of

Nathan der Weise.[105]

The Colloquium was one of the major and most popular manuscripts in clandestine circulation in the early modern period, with more than 100 copies catalogued.

Jacob Thomasius and Hermann Conring, some years later did editorial work on the manuscript. Henry Oldenburg wanted to copy it, for transmission to John Milton and possibly John Dury,[110] or for some other connection in 1659.[111] In 1662 Conring was seeking a copy for a princely library.[112] It was not to be published in full until 1857, by Ludwig Noack, from manuscripts collected by Heinrich Christian von Seckenberg.[113]

Personal religious convictions

Bodin was influenced by philosophic Judaism to believe in the annihilation of the wicked 'post exacta supplicia'.[114]

19th-century author Eliphas Levi esteemed Bodin as a student of Jewish esoterism: "The Kabalist Bodin who has been considered erroneously of a feeble and superstitious mind, had no other motive in writing his Demonomania than that of warning people against dangerous incredulity. Initiated by the study of the Kabalah into the true secrets of Magic, he trembled at the danger to which society was exposed by the abandonment of this power to the wickedness of men."[115]

Cultural and universal history and geography

Bodin was a polymath, concerned with universal history which he approached as a jurist. He belonged to an identifiable French school of antiquarian and cultural history, with Lancelot Voisin de La Popelinière, Louis Le Caron, Louis Le Roy, Étienne Pasquier and Nicolas Vignier.[116]

Bodin's theory of the "Frankish Gauls", proposing a non-German genealogy for France, was still being reviled by

Leon Poliakov discussed this in The Aryan Myth:[117]

Etymological speculation and childish word games of this kind have been rife in western history ever since the Fathers of the Church, but it was the humanists of the Renaissance who first utilized them in the service of a new born chauvinism. It may be remarked, furthermore, that Bodin's theory attributes to the Frankish Gauls certain virtues which were unknown to the enslaved Gauls.

Historical disciples included

A. C. Crombie as philosophical historians with contemporary concerns; Crombie also links Bodin with Francis Bacon, as rational and critical historians.[121] Both Bodin and Machiavelli treat religion as situated historically.[122]

Bodin drew largely on

Vaticinium Eliae or three periods of 2000 years for universal history, to which he had little commitment, though indicating its connection with the three climate regions and their predominance.[127]

The "south-eastern" theory depended for its explanation on Bodin's climate theory and astrology: it was given in the Methodus, and developed in Book VI of the Six Livres. He made an identification of peoples and geographical sectors with planetary influences, in Book V of the Six Livres.

Hippocratic tradition; but not in the conventional way of Ptolemy. It has been suggested that he took them from a follower of Cardano, Auger Ferrier.[129]

Reception

Bodin's conception of sovereignty was widely adopted in Europe. In a form simplified and adapted by others, such as the French jurists Charles Loyseau (1564–1627) and Cardin Le Bret (1558–1655), it played an important role in the development of absolutism.[130]

In France

Influentially, Bodin defended an orderly

Montaigne and Lipsius with those of Bodin.[136] Charles Loyseau in the years 1608-10 published absolutist works with the emphasis on orderliness in society, going much beyond Bodin's writing of thirty years earlier, a trend that continued into the 17th century.[137]

As a demonologist, his work was taken to be authoritative and based on experience as witch-hunting practitioner. As historian, he was prominently cited by Nicolas Lenglet Du Fresnoy in his 1713 Methode pour etudier l'Histoire.[138] Montesquieu read Bodin closely; the modern sociology hinted at in Bodin, arising from the relationship between the state apparatus on the one hand, and society on the other, is developed in Montesquieu.[139]

In Germany

Bodin's rejection of the Four Monarchies model was unpopular, given the German investment in the Holy Roman Emperor as fourth monarch,[140] the attitude of Johannes Sleidanus. The need to accommodate the existing structure of the Empire with Bodin as theorist of sovereignty led to a controversy running over nearly half a century; starting with Henning Arnisaeus, it continued unresolved to 1626 and the time of Christopher Besoldus. He drew a line under it, by adopting the concept of composite polyarchy, which held sway subsequently.[141] Leibniz rejected Bodin's view of sovereignty, stating that it might amount only to territorial control, and the consequence drawn by writers in Bodin's tradition that federalism was chimeric.[142]

In England

Generally, the English took great interest in the French Wars of Religion; their literature came into commonplace use in English political debate,

Walter Ralegh, and to Gabriel Harvey who reported they were fashionable in Oxford. His ideas on inflation were familiar by 1581.[145] Somerville makes the point that not all those who discussed sovereignty in England at this period necessarily took their views from Bodin: the ideas were in the air at the time, and some such as Hadrian à Saravia and Christopher Lever had their own reasoning to similar conclusions.[146] Richard Hooker had access to the works, but doesn't reference them.[147] John Donne cited Bodin in his Biathanatos.[148]

Bodin's view of parallelism of French and English monarchies was accepted by Ralegh.

mixed monarchy.[151] Bodin influenced the controversial definitions of John Cowell, in his 1607 book The Interpreter, that caused a furore in Parliament during 1610.[152] Edward Coke took from Bodin on sovereignty; and like him opposed the concept of mixed monarchy.[153]

While Bodin's ideas on authority fitted with the theory of

Michael Hudson. John Milton used Bodin's theory in defending his anti-democratic plan for a Grand Council, after Oliver Cromwell's death.[156]

Richard Knolles in the introduction to his 1606 translation commended the book as written by a man experienced in public affairs.[160] William Loe complained, in preaching to Parliament in 1621, that Bodin with Lipsius and Machiavelli was too much studied, to the neglect of Scripture.[161] Richard Baxter on the other hand regarded the reading of Bodin, Hugo Grotius and Francisco Suárez as a suitable training in politics, for lawyers.[162]

Bodin's views on witchcraft were taken up in England by the witch-hunter

Discoverie of Witchcraft (1584).[165] Later Francis Hutchinson
was his detractor, criticising his methodology.

In Italy

Bodin mentioned on the title page of Fabio Albergati's Discorsi politici, in 1602. Albergati wrote against Bodin from 1595, comparing his political theories unfavourably with those of Aristotle.[166]

In Italy Bodin was seen as a secular historian like Machiavelli. At the time of the Venetian Interdict, Venetians agreed with the legislative definition of sovereignty. In particular Paolo Sarpi argued that Venice's limited size in territorial terms was not the relevant point for the actions it could undertake on its own authority.[167]

Later Giambattista Vico was to take Bodin's cultural history approach noticeably further.[168]

The Papacy

Works of Bodin were soon placed on the

Charles Du Moulin in particular.[170] Other works followed in 1593.[171] All his work was placed on the Index in 1628; the prohibition on the Theatrum continued into the 20th century.[172] Venetian theologians were described as followers of Machiavelli and Bodin by Giovanni Amato.[173]

Bellarmine's Tractatus de potestate summi pontificis in temporalibus reiterated, against Bodin's sovereignty theory, an indirect form of the traditional

Jakob Keller, in an apologetical work on behalf of limited justifications for tyrannicide, treated Bodin as a serious opponent on the argument that subjects can only resist a tyrant passively, with views on the Empire that were offensive.[175]

In Spain

In 1583, Bodin was placed on the Quiroga Index.[176] Against tyrannicide, Bodin's thought was out of step of conventional thinking in Spain at the time.[177] It was recognized, in an unpublished dialogue imagined between Bodin and a jurist of Castile, that the government of Spain was harder than that of France, the other major European power, because of the more complex structure of the kingdom.[178]

Bodin's view of witchcraft was hardly known in Spain until the 18th century.[179]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Howell A. Lloyd, Jean Bodin, Oxford University Press, 2017, p. 36.
  2. ^ Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History. Columbia University Press. 1963.
  3. .
  4. .
  5. ^ England), James I. (King of (1603). Daemonologie. Edinburgh 1597. A. Hatfield for R. Waldgrave.
  6. ^ (in French) Jacobsen, p. 55, p. PA55, at Google Books
  7. ^ a b c Turchetti, Mario (2006-12-12). "Jean Bodin". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  8. ^ Robert Alan Schneider, Public life in Toulouse, 1463-1789: from municipal republic to cosmopolitan city (1989), pp. 56–7; Google Books.
  9. ^ Kuntz, p. xxi; Google Books.
  10. ^ Kuntz, Introduction p. xxii. Google Books.
  11. ^ Mack P. Holt, The Duke of Anjou and the Politique Struggle During the Wars of Religion (2005), p. 85; Google Books.
  12. ^ (in French) Jacobsen, p. 47, p. PA47, at Google Books
  13. ^ "Waad, William" . Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885–1900.
  14. ^ a b Purkiss, p. 196 note 14; Google Books
  15. ^ Thomas M. McCoog, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541-1588: "our way of proceeding?" (1996), p. 156; Google Books.
  16. ^ Richard Dutton, Alison Findlay, Richard Wilson, Theatre and Religion: Lancastrian Shakespeare (2003), p. 120; Google Books.
  17. ^ Leonard F. Dean, Bodin's "Methodus" in England before 1625, Studies in Philology Vol. 39, No. 2 (Apr., 1942), pp. 160-166; note on p. 160.
  18. ^ Kuntz, pp.xxiii–xxiv; Google Books
  19. ^ John Bossy, Under the Molehill: An Elizabethan Spy Story (2001), p. 110 and note.
  20. ^ (in French) Jacobsen, p. 49, p. PA49, at Google Books
  21. ^ Trevor-Roper, p. 114.
  22. S2CID 143299403
    .
  23. ^ Denys Hay, Annalists and Historians, pp. 129-31.
  24. ^ Hay, p. 170.
  25. ^ Lawrence Manley, Convention, 1500-1750 (1980), p. 214; Internet Archive.
  26. ^ Trevor-Roper, p. 137.
  27. ^ Breisach, p. 182.
  28. ^ Holt, p. 194.
  29. ^ Davies.
  30. ^ Elliott, p. 62.
  31. ^ Bodin J., La Response de Joan Bodin a M. De Malestroit, 1568. Cited in European Economic History: Documents and Reading, p. 22. (1965). Editors: Clough SB, Moiide CG.
  32. ^ Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean, p. 521.
  33. ^ Elliott, pp. 65-6.
  34. ^ Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 386 note.
  35. ^ Rose, p. 274.
  36. ^ Paolo Rossi, Logic and the Art of Memory: The Quest for a Universal Language, (English translation, 2000), p. 79–80.
  37. ^ Ann Blair, The Problemata as a Natural Philosophical Genre, in Grafton and Siraisi (ed.) Natural Particulars (1999).
  38. ^ Les six liures de la republique de I. Bodin. Paris: Chez Iacques du Puys, libraire iuré, à la Samaritaine. 1577. Retrieved February 10, 2018 – via Internet Archive.
  39. ^ Kelley, p. 309.
  40. ^ a b Rose, p. 277.
  41. ^ Mazzotta, p. 177-8.
  42. ^ Bock, Skinner and Viroli eds, Machiavelli and Republicanism, p. 71.
  43. ^ Peter Burke, European Renaissance p 214.
  44. ^ Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (1986), p. 50; Google Books.
  45. ^ J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares (1986), p. 182.
  46. ^ The Six Bookes of a Commonweale Written by I. Bodin, a Famous Lawyer and a man of great Experience in matters of State, Out of French and Latine Coplet done into English by Richard Knolles. London: Impensis G. Bishop. 1606. Retrieved February 10, 2018 – via Internet Archive.
  47. required.)
  48. ^ Rose, p. 288 note 26.
  49. ^ 1580 ed. of De la Demonomanie des Sorciers
  50. ^ Purkiss, p. 64.
  51. .
  52. E. M. Butler
    , The Fortunes of Faust (1998), p. 7.
  53. ^ E. M. Butler, Myth of the Magus, p. 129.
  54. ^ Sarah Ferber, Demonic Possession and Exorcism in Early Modern France (2004), p. 30.
  55. ^ Ferber, p.118.
  56. ^ s:The Book of Were-Wolves/Chapter V
  57. ^ Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (2009), p. 68 and p. 78.
  58. ^ Pennethorne Hughes, Witchcraft (1969), p. 181.
  59. ^ Barbara L. Bernier, The Praxis of Church and State in the (Under)Development of Women's Religion from France to the New World (PDF) p. 676–7 of article.
  60. S2CID 31013297
    .
  61. ^ https://www.researchgate.net/publication/246957308_Inflation_and_witchcraft_The_case_of_Jean_Bodin%7C"Inflation and Witchcraft - The Case of Jean Bodin," by Gunnar Heinsohn and Otto Steiger
  62. ^ Peter Burke, European Renaissance, p. 137.
  63. ^ (in German) online text.
  64. ^ (in French) BVH page
  65. ^ Purkiss, p. 252.
  66. ^ Bodin, Jean; Du Puys, Jacques (2000-01-01). De La Démonomanie Des Sorciers: a Monseignevr M. Chrestofle de Thou Cheualier Seigneur de Coeli, premier President en la Cour de Parlement, & Conseiller du Roy en son priué Conseil. A Paris: Chez Iacques du Puys Libraire Iuré.[permanent dead link]
  67. ^ General Crisis, p. 124
  68. ^ Elliott, p. 92.
  69. ^ Glenn Burgess, Ancient Constitution p. 123.
  70. ^ Holt, p. 160.
  71. ^ Elliott, p. 224.
  72. ^ Ball etc. Political Innovation, p. 120.
  73. ^ Wernham, p. 502.
  74. ^ Wernham, p. 490.
  75. ^ Isaiah Berlin, Freedom and Betrayal, p. 29.
  76. ^ Nicholas Henshall, The Myth of Absolutism (1992), pp. 126-127, p. 204.
  77. ^ Rose, p. 276.
  78. ^ Wernham, p. 503-4.
  79. ^ Sheldon Wolin (2003), Tocqueville, Between Two Worlds, pp. 59-60.
  80. ^ Kelley, p. 72.
  81. ^ Hill, Milton and the English Revolution, p. 123.
  82. ^ Wernham, p. 506.
  83. ^ Peter Gay, The Enlightenment 2: The Science of Freedom (1996), p. 408; David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (1966), pp. 111-114.
  84. ^ . Retrieved 2015-09-04. In the Republique, at least, religion captures Bodin's attention because of its influence on the sovereign's capacity to keep the peace. A false religion is nevertheless useful because it 'doth yet hold men in fear and awe, both of the laws and of the magistrates [...]' (IV, 7, 539). If fear of hellfire lends credibility to the law, then religion is a welcome ally [...] In other words, Bodin advances a social-prop theory of religion. The utility of religion does not hinge upon its truth.
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  179. ^ Ankarloo and Henningsen (editors), Early Modern European Witchcraft, p. 34.

References

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  • Varacalli, Thomas F.X. "Coronaeus and Relationship between Philosophy and Doctrine in Jean Bodin's Colloquium" Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 20, no. 3 (Summer 2017): 122–146.
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External links