John Tyndall (far-right activist)
John Tyndall | |
---|---|
Chairman of the British National Party | |
In office 7 April 1982 – 27 September 1999 | |
Deputy | Richard Edmonds |
Preceded by | Party established |
Succeeded by | Nick Griffin |
Leader of the Greater Britain Movement | |
In office 1964–1967 | |
Preceded by | Position established |
Succeeded by | Position abolished (absorbed into National Front) |
Chairman of the National Front | |
In office 1972–1974 | |
Preceded by | John O'Brien |
Succeeded by | John Kingsley Read |
In office 1976–1980 | |
Preceded by | John Kingsley Read |
Succeeded by | Andrew Brons |
Personal details | |
Born | John Hutchyns Tyndall 14 July 1934 New National Front (1980–1982) (1982–2005) |
Spouse |
Valerie Dawn Olliff (m. 1977) |
Children | 1 |
John Hutchyns Tyndall (14 July 1934 – 19 July 2005) was a British
Born in
In 1967, Tyndall joined Chesterton's newly founded
Tyndall promoted a
Early life
1934–1958: Youth
John Tyndall was born in Stork Nest, Topsham Road in
Tyndall completed his
Around 1957–58, Tyndall decided to commit himself to his political cause full-time,
1958–1962: National Labour Party and the first British National Party
By his systematic attack on all European culture the Jew is polluting and destroying the European soul ... If the European soul is to be recovered in our country and throughout Europe, it can only be by the elimination of this cankerous microbe in our midst.
— Tyndall's views on Jews, published in the NLP journal[25]
In April 1958, Tyndall and Bean founded their own extreme-right group, the National Labour Party (NLP).[26] The group was based at Thornton Heath, Croydon and attracted its early membership from former LEL members living in south and east London.[27] According to the historian Richard Thurlow, the NLP promoted an "English" variant of Nazism and was more pronounced in its "explicit racism" than the LEL had been, focusing less on bemoaning the decline of the British Empire and more on criticising the arrival of non-white immigrants from former British colonies.[21]
The NLP began co-operating with another extreme-right group, the White Defence League, which had been established by Colin Jordan, a secondary school teacher.[28] Together the two groups embarked on a project of stirring up racial tensions among white Britons and black Caribbean immigrants in Notting Hill.[29] Tyndall briefly left the NLP and in his absence Bean and Jordan merged their respective groups into the British National Party (BNP) in 1960.[30] The BNP were racial nationalists, calling for the preservation of a "Nordic race"—of which the "British race" was considered a branch—by removing both immigrants and Jewish influences from Britain.[31] Tyndall soon joined this new BNP,[28] and became a close confidante of Jordan, who helped Tyndall to further embrace neo-Nazism.[32] Tyndall also developed a friendship with Martin Webster, who became a long-term comrade after watching Tyndall speak at a Trafalgar Square rally in 1962.[33]
In April 1961, Tyndall self-published his pamphlet, The Authoritarian State: Its Meaning and Function, which helped to cement his reputation within the
Within the BNP, Tyndall established an elite group known as Spearhead, members of which wore military-style uniforms inspired by those of the Nazis and underwent paramilitary and ideological training.
1962–1967: National Socialist Movement and Greater Britain Movement
Tyndall and Jordan then regrouped around twenty members of Spearhead and formed the
Although the British authorities had prohibited the American neo-Nazi
Jordan had been courting the French socialite Françoise Dior, but while he had been imprisoned, she entered a relationship with Tyndall and they were engaged to be married. On Jordan's release, Dior left Tyndall and instead married Jordan in October 1963.[51] This contributed to a growing personal feud between the two men, with Jordan accusing Tyndall and Webster of making obscene phone calls to Dior.[52] Tyndall was also angry at what he perceived as Jordan's deviation from orthodox Nazi thought and by the fact that Jordan's relationship with Dior had been attracting negative sensationalist press attention for the NSM.[53] In the spring of 1964 Tyndall and Webster tried to oust Jordan as the head of the NSM but failed.[53] In later years Tyndall expressed the view that his involvement in the NSM had been a "profound mistake", arguing that then he "still had a lot to learn" and that "when one sees one's nation and people in danger there is less dishonour in acting and acting wrongly than in not acting at all."[53]
Now based in Battersea,[54] Tyndall left Jordan and the NSM and formed his own rival, the Greater Britain Movement (GBM).[55] According to Tyndall, "the Greater Britain Movement will uphold and preach pure National Socialism".[56] According to the political scientist Stan Taylor, the GBM reflected Tyndall's desire for "a specifically British variant of National Socialism".[57] It called for the criminalisation of sexual relations and marriages between white Britons and non-whites and called for the sterilisation of those it deemed unfit to reproduce.[58] The group established its base in a run-down building in Notting Hill, with swastikas being sprayed onto the exterior and an image of Hitler decorating the interior.[59] Tyndall tried to convince the WUNS to accept his GBM as its British representative, but Rockwell—concerned not to encourage schismatic dissenters in his own American Nazi Party—sided with Jordan and the NSM.[60] Tyndall then established contact with Rockwell's main rival in the American neo-Nazi scene, the National States' Rights Party.[61]
Tyndall formed a publishing company, Albion Press,[62] and launched a new magazine which he titled Spearhead after his former paramilitary group.[63] Spearhead initially labelled itself "an organ of National Socialist opinion in Britain" and described Nazi Germany as "one of the greatest social experiments of our century".[64] According to the historian Alan Sykes, this magazine became "increasingly influential" in the British far-right.[65] The magazine advertised portraits of Hitler and swastika badges for sale.[64] Much of the material that Tyndall wrote for the journal was less openly neo-Nazi and extreme than his previous writings, something which may have resulted from caution surrounding the Race Relations Act 1965.[61] The GBM engaged in several stunts to raise publicity; in 1964 for instance Webster assaulted the Kenyan leader Jomo Kenyatta outside his London hotel while Tyndall hurled insults at him through a loudspeaker.[66] In 1965, the group staged a shooting incident at its Norwood headquarters, claiming that it had been an attack by anti-fascists.[67] In another instance they distributed stickers emblazoned with a portrait of Hitler and the slogan "he was right".[68] In 1966, several GBM members were arrested for carrying out arson attacks against synagogues.[57]
Later career
1967–1980: National Front
In the mid-1960s, there were five extreme-right groups operating in Britain and Tyndall believed that they could achieve more if they united.
The new NF initially excluded Tyndall and his GBM from joining, concerned that he might seek to mould it in a specifically neo-Nazi direction, although they soon agreed to allow both him and other GBM members to join on probation.[74] On entering, the former GBM soon became the most influential faction within the NF, with many of its members rapidly rising to positions of influence.[76] Tyndall became the party's vice chairman and remained loyal to Chesterton, who was the party's first chairman, for instance by supporting him when several members of the party directorate rebelled against his leadership in 1970.[77] Although remaining Tyndall's private property, Spearhead became the de facto monthly magazine of the NF.[77] Chesterton resigned as chairman in 1970 and was replaced by the Powellite John O'Brien.[78] In 1972, O'Brien and eight other members of the party's directorate resigned in protest at Tyndall's links to neo-Nazi groups in Germany.[79] This allowed Tyndall to take control as party chairman in 1972.[80]
According to Thurlow, under Tyndall the NF represented "an attempt to portray the essentials of Nazi ideology in more rational language and seemingly reasonable arguments",[81] functioning as an attempt to "convert racial populists" angry about immigration "into fascists".[82] Capitalising on anger surrounding the arrival of Ugandan Asian migrants in the country in 1972, Tyndall oversaw the NF during the period of its largest growth.[83] Membership of the party doubled between October 1972 and June 1973, possibly reaching as high as 17,500.[84]
Relations had apparently warmed between Tyndall and Jordan, for they met up after the latter was released from prison in 1968,
I do not believe that the survival of the white man will be found through the crest of political respectability because I believe that respectability today means one thing, it means your preparedness to be a lackey of the establishment ... I don't want respectability if that is what respectability means, preparedness to surrender my own race, to hell with respectability if that is what it is.
— Tyndall's views on electoral 'respectability'[94]
Encouraged by Webster and new confidante
Tyndall had grown distant from Webster over their differences and in the late 1970s began blaming him for the party's problems.
In June 1980, Tyndall founded the
1981–1989: Establishing the British National Party
John Tyndall was both [the BNPs] greatest asset and its greatest drawback. His persistence, rock-like reliability and leadership had kept the movement going, but with almost imperceptible growth since its 1982 foundation.
— John Bean[110]
In January 1981, Tyndall was contacted by far-right activist Ray Hill, who had become an informant for the anti-fascist magazine Searchlight. Hill suggested that Tyndall establish a new political party through which he could unite many smaller extreme-right groups. While Hill's real intention had been to cause a further schism among the British far-right and thus weaken it, Tyndall deemed his suggestion to be a good idea.[111] Tyndall made suggestions of unity to a number of other small extreme-right groups and together they established a Committee for Nationalist Unity (CNU) in January 1982.[112]
In March 1982 the CNU held a conference at
Tyndall was to be the leader of this new party, with the majority of its members coming from the NNF, although others were defectors from the NF,
By 1988, Searchlight reported that the party's membership had declined to around 1,000.
1990–1999: Growth of the British National Party
In the early 1990s, a paramilitary group known as Combat 18 (C18) was formed to protect BNP events from anti-fascist protesters.[127] Tyndall was displeased that by 1992, C18 was having an increased influence over the BNP's street activities.[128] Relations between the groups deteriorated such that by August 1993, activists from the BNP and C18 were physically fighting each other.[129] In December 1993, Tyndall issued a bulletin to BNP branches declaring C18 to be a proscribed organisation, furthermore suggesting that it may have been established by agents of the state to discredit the party.[130] To counter C18's influence, he secured the American white nationalist militant William Pierce as a guest speaker at the BNP's annual rally in November 1995.[131]
Immigration into Britain by non-Europeans ... should be terminated forthwith and we should organise a massive programme of repatriation and resettlement overseas of those peoples of non-European origin already resident in this country.
— The BNP's first policy on repatriation, 1982[114]
Tyndall had observed the electoral success achieved by
In the
Tyndall stood as the BNP candidate in the
After the BNP's poor performance at the 1997 general election, opposition to Tyndall's leadership grew.[137] His position was damaged by a lack of financial transparency in the party, with concerns being raised that large donations to the party had been used instead by Tyndall for personal expenses.[147] The modernisers challenged his control of the party, resulting in its first ever leadership election, held in October 1999. Tyndall was challenged by Nick Griffin, who offered an improved administration, financial transparency and greater support for local branches. 80% of party members voted, with two-thirds backing Griffin; Tyndall had secured only 411 votes, representing 30% of the total membership.[148] Tyndall accepted his defeat with equanimity and stood down as chairman.[149] He stated that he would become "an ordinary member", telling his supporters that "we have all got to pull together in the greater cause of race and nation".[150]
1999–2005: Final years
Tyndall remained a member of the BNP and continued to support it in the pages of Spearhead.[151] But Griffin sought to restrain Tyndall's ongoing influence in the party, curtailing the distribution of Spearhead among BNP members and instead emphasising his own magazine, Identity, which was established in January 2000.[152] To combat the influence of declining sales, Tyndall established the group 'Friends of Spearhead', whose members were asked to contribute £10 a month.[151]
By 2000, Tyndall was beginning to agitate against Griffin's leadership, criticising the establishment of the party's Ethnic Liaison Committee – which had one half-Turkish member (Lawrence Rustem) – as a move towards admitting non-whites into the party.[153] He was also critical of Griffin's abandonment of the party's idea of compulsory removal of migrants and non-whites from the country, believing that if they stayed in a segregated system then Britain would resemble apartheid-era South Africa, which he did not think was preferable.[154] His main criticisms were focused not on the party's changing direction, but on Griffin's character itself, portraying him as unscrupulous and self-centred.[155] Tyndall was determined to retake control of the party,[155] and in this was supported by a group of party hardliners.[156] During a proposed leadership challenge, Tyndall put forward his name, although withdrew it following the 2001 general election when Griffin led the BNP to a clear growth in electoral support.[157] Tyndall nevertheless believed that the BNP's electoral success had less to do with Griffin's reforms and more to do with external factors such as the 2001 Oldham riots.[155] In turn, Griffin criticised Tyndall in the pages of Identity, claiming that the latter was committed to "the sub-Mosleyite wackiness of Arnold Leese's Imperial Fascist League and the Big Government mania of the 1930s".[158] Griffin expelled Tyndall from the party in August 2003, but had to allow his return following an out-of-court settlement shortly after.[159]
Tyndall gave a speech at a BNP event in which he claimed that Asians and Africans had only produced "black magic, witchcraft, voodoo, cannibalism and Aids", also attacking the Jewish leader of the Conservative Party, Michael Howard, as an "interloper, this immigrant or son of immigrants, who has no roots at all in Britain". The speech was filmed by undercover investigator Jason Gwynne and included in a 2004 BBC documentary, The Secret Agent.[160] On 12 December 2004, these comments resulted in Tyndall being arrested on suspicion of incitement to racial hatred.[161] That month, Tyndall was again expelled from the BNP, this time permanently.[158] The police then charged him, although he was granted unconditional bail in April 2005.[162] Tyndall died of heart failure at his flat—52 Westbourne Villas in Hove—on 19 July 2005.[163] He had been due to stand trial at Leeds Magistrates' Court two days later.[164] He was survived by his wife and his daughter, Marina.[2]
Policies and views
Deep fascist roots, including indigenous [i.e. British] ones, had nourished Tyndall's political psyche. His political career, spanning over 40 years, saw him pass through a labyrinthine array of right-extreme organisations. Moreover, regardless of some cosmetic changes, his ideology had remained the same from start to finish.
— Historian Nigel Copsey, 2008[117]
Tyndall has been described as a
Tyndall later described his membership of these openly neo-Nazi groups as a "youthful indiscretion".[62] He expressed the view that while he regretted his involvement in them, he was not ashamed of having done so: "though some of my former beliefs were mistaken, I will never acknowledge that there was anything dishonourable about holding them."[14] As leader of the NF he continued to openly approve of Hitler's social and economic programme and well as his policies of German territorial expansion.[173] In his 1988 autobiography The Eleventh Hour, he stated that while he thought that "many of [Hitler's] intentions were good ones and many of his achievements admirable", he did not think "that it is right for a British movement belonging to an entirely different phase of history to model itself on the movement of Hitler".[174]
From open Hitler worship and barely disguised expression of such ideas in the National Socialist Movement, through the 'English' form of national socialism [i.e. Nazism] in the Greater British Movement, to the expression of such sentiments clothed in apparently respectable form in the National Front, Tyndall was to retain the basic extremist views which had always characterised his thought.
— Historian Richard Thurlow, 1987[175]
Following this shift away from overt allegiance to Nazism, Tyndall's supporters and detractors continued to dispute whether he remained a convinced Nazi.[176] Academic commentators consider that his basic ideological world-view did not change.[177] In 1981, Nigel Fielding stated that while Tyndall's views had "moderated remarkably", in the NF he had still "preserve[d] and defend[ed]" "those traits which were the hallmark" of earlier neo-Nazi groups.[62] Walker noted that in October 1975 Tyndall wrote articles for Spearhead which had clearly "returned to the language and ideology of the Nazi days",[178] and that another article printed the previous month was "pure Nazism in that it reflects exactly the mood and spirit of Mein Kampf."[179] The historian Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke stated that Tyndall simply "cloaked his former extremism in British nationalism",[180] while the journalist Daniel Trilling commented that "Tyndall's claim to have moderated his views was merely expedient".[181] On his death, The Guardian stated that Tyndall had remained "a racist, violent neo-Nazi to the end",[182] while Trilling described Tyndall as having had "a long pedigree in the most extreme and violent quarters of Britain's far right".[168]
The political scientist Nigel Copsey believed that Chesterton had been the "seminal influence" on Tyndall's thought.[169] Thurlow disagreed, arguing that Tyndall had been influenced less by Chesterton and Mosley and more by a third figure in Britain's "fascist tradition", Arnold Leese. Thurlow noted that Tyndall adopted Leese's "political intransigence… his refusal to compromise with political reality and his willingness to martyr himself for his beliefs".[42] According to Trilling, the "two guiding stars in… Tyndall's political universe" were Hitler and the British Empire.[15] In contrast to many of his contemporaries in the British far-right, Tyndall was "thoroughly indifferent" to the ideas of the Nouvelle Droite, a French extreme-right movement which had emerged in the 1960s. Whereas the Nouvelle Droite sought to move away from the approach adopted by the fascist movements of the 1930s and 1940s, Tyndall remained wedded to white racial nationalism, anti-Semitic conspiracy theories and nostalgia for the British Empire, all approaches generally repudiated by the Nouvelle Droite.[183]
Race and nationalism
Tyndall had "deeply entrenched"
Over the course of his career in far-right politics, Tyndall became less outspoken on race after his prosecution under the race relations legislation.[184] In the mid-1970s, Tyndall used Spearhead to claim that "the negro has a smaller brain and a much less complex cerebral structure" than white Europeans.[187] In 1988, Tyndall described his crime as having "dared to publish an honest and frank opinion on the relative merits of Whites and Negroes."[188] Tyndall argued that non-whites were unassimilable to Britain and that those living in Britain should be repatriated.[189] Tyndall strongly objected to interracial relationships and miscegenation and remarked in his book The Eleventh Hour: "I feel deeply sorry for the child of a mixed marriage, but I can have no sympathy whatever for the parents… They produced an offspring that will never wholly fit and will undoubtedly face a life much harder than the normal person born of pure race."[190][191] In contrast to his views on non-white migration, he spoke positively of white immigrants from Ireland, Poland, Hungary and the Baltic states, regarding them as being racially similar and sharing the "same basic culture" as the British and were thus easily able to assimilate "within a generation or two".[192]
My experience as a campaigner against the multi-racial idea in Britain and in favour of our country's centuries-old tradition of racial homogeneity has brought home to me beyond any doubt the fact that Jews are to be found at the forefront of opposition to British racial self-preservation.
— Tyndall's belief that Jews were behind multiracial Britain[193]
Tyndall was
Tyndall also engaged in
Governance
In the early 1960s, Tyndall espoused the idea of replacing Britain's liberal democratic government—which he regarded as a front for the Jewish world conspiracy—with an authoritarian system that he believed would be free of Jewish influence.
Tyndall believed that liberal democracy was damaging to British society, claiming that liberalism was a "doctrine of decay and degeneration".
Tyndall described his approach to the economy as "National Economics",
Under Tyndall, the NF alleged that internationalist institutions and organisations were part of the global Jewish conspiracy.[213] Under Tyndall's leadership, the BNP had overt anti-Europeanist tendencies,[214] and throughout the 1980s and 1990s he maintained the party's opposition to the European Economic Community.[215] Arguing that Britain should establish a White Commonwealth bloc, Tyndall called for a better relationship with South Africa and Rhodesia,[216] and urged those nations to permanently retain their systems of racial segregation.[217] He claimed that "power and responsibility" should not be given to the indigenous Africans living in these countries because they were "ill-fitted to use [it] wisely".[217] He expressed support for Hitler's lebensraum policy of territorial expansion and claimed that the British race required something similar.[218] In The Eleventh Hour, he called for the British to re-colonise parts of Africa.[212]
Social
During Tyndall's period of leadership the BNP promoted eugenics, calling for the forced sterilisation of those with genetically transmittable disabilities.[219] In party literature, it talked of improving the British "racial stock" by removing "inferior strains within the indigenous races of the British Isles".[186] In his magazine Spearhead, Tyndall had stated that "sub-human elements", "perverts" and "asocials" should be eliminated from Britain through "the gas chamber system".[204] When questioned as to whether Tyndall would seek to exterminate other races if he was in power, he denied it; although not objecting to said exterminations on moral grounds, he stated that such a programme would incur international unpopularity.[173] It is unclear if these statements reflected his genuine views or were tactical justifications designed to not upset potential NF voters.[173]
Tyndall presented himself as an agnostic although expressed admiration for what he claimed were the moral values of Christianity.[220] Tyndall called for a "complete moral regeneration of the national life".[221] He objected to homosexuality and advocated for it to be outlawed, writing that "the literary and artistic products of the homosexual mind can only flourish in a society where heterosexual values have been gravely weakened."[222] He expressed the view that the NF "was itself by no means immune to this sickening cult" and he disapproved of the presence of homosexuals in the party.[223] Under Tyndall, the BNP called for the re-criminalisation of homosexual activity.[224]
Personal life
American journalist George Thayer, who met with Tyndall in the 1960s, described him as being "blonde and balding" with "cold, evasive eyes". Thayer stated that Tyndall "had not the slightest spark of humour. He was suspicious, nervous and excitable and moved with all the stiffness of a Prussian in Court."[59] In his study of the National Front, the journalist Martin Walker described Tyndall as giving off "an impression of absolute, if brittle, self control".[176] Nigel Fielding, another to have studied the NF, described Tyndall as "a rather small man with a hard, unlined face and pale blue eyes. His movements are abrupt and energetic and he speaks in a loud voice with a clipped inflection."[62] Walker described him as having a "keen political mind", with a "concern for organisation [and] meticulous planning".[225] Tyndall lived a life of temperance and regular exercise,[146] and—according to Walker—his early morning runs had "long been a joke in Nationalist circles".[14]
Thurlow thought that Tyndall's oratorical style was learned from Mosley's example,
Walker described Tyndall as being "very close to his mother",[176] with whom he lived until 1977.[2] On 19 November 1977, he married Valerie Dawn Olliff, a divorcée and fellow right-wing activist.[2] The couple had a daughter named Marina.[2] Valerie died on 24 June 2011 in Hove.[229]
Reception
Walker noted that during the 1960s, Tyndall was "well known" yet "unpopular within Nationalist circles because of his arrogance, his overbearing personal manner and the way he brought the authoritarianism of his politics into his personal life".[38] In contrast, Fielding noted that within the NF of the late 1970s and early 1980s, Tyndall's standing among "ordinary members" was "very high", with some of them even chanting his name during his speeches.[230] At Tyndall's death, the anti-fascist activist Nick Lowles stated that Tyndall had been "someone that the more hardline nationalists" in the BNP "have always looked up to and rallied around" and that he "still had a lot of support" in the party, particularly in the North West and parts of south London.[182] Despite his standing within the British far-right, The Telegraph noted that Tyndall's devotion to neo-Nazism "prevented his cause from acquiring the slightest veneer of political respectability."[3]
Elections contested by John Tyndall
Date of election | Constituency | Party | Votes | % | Citation |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1979 general election | Hackney, S & Shoreditch | NF | 1,958 | 7.6 | [231] |
1992 general election | Bow and Poplar |
BNP | 1,107 | 3.0 | [139] |
1994 by-election | Dagenham | BNP | 1,511 | 7.0 | [232] |
1997 general election | Poplar and Canning Town |
BNP | 2,849 | 7.2 | [233] |
2001 general election | Mitcham and Morden |
BNP | 642 | 1.7 | [233] |
Year | Region | Party | Votes | % | Results | Notes | Citation |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1999 | London | BNP | 17,960 | 1.6 | Not elected | Multi member constituencies; party list | [234] |
Bibliography
Year | Title | Publisher | ISBN |
---|---|---|---|
1961 | Authoritarian State: Its Meaning and Function | National Socialist Movement | – |
1966 | Six Principles of British Nationalism | Albion Press | – |
1975 | The Case for Economic Nationalism | National Front Policy Committee | ISBN 0-905109-00-7
|
1988 | The Eleventh Hour: A Call for British Rebirth | Albion Press | ISBN 0-9513686-1-3
|
References
Footnotes
- ^ Anon 2005b; Copsey 2008, p. 7; Renton 2009.
- ^ a b c d e Renton 2009.
- ^ a b c Anon 2005b.
- ^ Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 35; Anon 2005b.
- ^ a b c Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 35.
- ^ Anon 2005b; Renton 2009.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 7.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 110.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 68; Taylor 1982, p. 53; Copsey 2008, p. 7.
- ^ a b Walker 1977, p. 68; Trilling 2012, p. 52.
- ^ Fielding 1981, p. 22; Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 35.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 68; Fielding 1981, p. 22.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 6.
- ^ a b c Walker 1977, p. 68.
- ^ a b Trilling 2012, p. 52.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 10.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, pp. 100–101.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, pp. 102–103.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, p. 104.
- ^ a b c d Copsey 2008, p. 8.
- ^ a b Thurlow 1987, p. 263.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 6–7.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 263; Copsey 2008, p. 8.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 69; Copsey 2008, p. 10.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 33; Copsey 2008, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 8–9.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 9.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 33; Copsey 2008, p. 9.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 34; Thurlow 1987, p. 264; Copsey 2008, p. 9.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 264.
- ^ a b c d Copsey 2008, p. 11.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 9–10.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 69; Thurlow 1987, p. 273; Sykes 2005, p. 102; Copsey 2008, p. 12.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 12.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 54; Copsey 2008, p. 11.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 35; Copsey 2008, p. 11; Trilling 2012, p. 55.
- ^ a b Walker 1977, p. 35.
- ^ Gable 1995, p. 258.
- ^ Walker 1977, pp. 36–37; Copsey 2008, p. 11; Trilling 2012, p. 55.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 37; Thurlow 1987, p. 264; Copsey 2008, p. 11; Trilling 2012, p. 55.
- ^ a b Thurlow 1987, p. 261.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 12–13.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 39; Copsey 2008, p. 13.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 39; Thurlow 1987, p. 266; Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 36; Sykes 2005, p. 100; Copsey 2008, p. 13; Trilling 2012, p. 56.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 39; Thurlow 1987, p. 266.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 267; Gable 1995, p. 259; Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 38; Copsey 2008, p. 13.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 45; Thurlow 1987, p. 267; Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 38; Sykes 2005, p. 104; Copsey 2008, p. 13.
- ^ Walker 1977, pp. 40–41; Thurlow 1987, p. 267; Goodrick-Clarke 2002, pp. 37–38; Sykes 2005, pp. 100–101; Trilling 2012, p. 56.
- ^ Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 37.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 46; Thurlow 1987, p. 268; Copsey 2008, p. 13.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 268.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 13.
- ^ a b c Walker 1977, p. 46.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 47; Thurlow 1987, p. 268; Sykes 2005, p. 101; Copsey 2008, p. 13.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 14.
- ^ a b c Taylor 1982, p. 55.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 71.
- ^ a b Trilling 2012, p. 51.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 61; Thurlow 1987, pp. 268–269; Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 38.
- ^ a b Thurlow 1987, p. 269.
- ^ a b c d Fielding 1981, p. 22.
- ^ Fielding 1981, p. 22; Thurlow 1987, p. 268; Copsey 2008, p. 14.
- ^ a b Billig 1978, p. 127.
- ^ Sykes 2005, p. 102.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 71; Fielding 1981, p. 19; Copsey 2008, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 72; Copsey 2008, p. 15.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 72.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 15.
- ^ Billig 1978, p. 130; Copsey 2008, p. 15.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 279; Sykes 2005, p. 102; Copsey 2008, pp. 15–16.
- ^ Walker 1977, pp. 77–83.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 279; Copsey 2008, p. 16.
- ^ a b Thurlow 1987, p. 278; Copsey 2008, p. 16.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 275.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 278.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 17.
- ^ Walker 1977, pp. 95–101; Sykes 2005, p. 106; Copsey 2008, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Walker 1977, pp. 103–106; Copsey 2008, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 56; Sykes 2005, p. 107; Copsey 2008, pp. 16, 18; Trilling 2012, p. 59.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 292.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 293.
- ^ Sykes 2005, p. 107; Copsey 2008, p. 18.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 18.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 77.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 134; Copsey 2008, p. 14.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, pp. 283–285; Sykes 2005, p. 109; Copsey 2008, p. 18.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 383; Copsey 2008, p. 18.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 284.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 284; Copsey 2008, p. 18.
- ^ Sykes 2005, p. 111; Copsey 2008, p. 18.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 284; Sykes 2005, p. 111; Copsey 2008, p. 18.
- ^ a b c d e Copsey 2008, p. 19.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 20–21.
- ^ Taylor 1982, pp. xi, 163.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 163.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 168.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. xi.
- ^ Taylor 1982, pp. 165–166.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 152.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 21.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 281.
- ^ a b Thurlow 1987, p. 282.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 22.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 22–23.
- ^ a b c d e Copsey 2008, p. 23.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 23–24.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 24.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 75.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 24–25; Trilling 2012, p. 59.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 25.
- ^ Goodwin 2011, p. 37.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 32.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 25–26.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 26.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 98.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 30.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 56.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 40.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 38.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 42.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 43.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 47.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 45–46.
- ^ Gable 1995, p. 262; Copsey 2008, p. 66; Driver 2011, p. 136.
- ^ Gable 1995, p. 263.
- ^ Gable 1995, p. 264.
- ^ Gable 1995, p. 267; Sykes 2005, pp. 135, 136; Copsey 2008, pp. 67, 68.
- ^ Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 21; Copsey 2008, p. 69.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 43–44.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 44.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 45.
- ^ Goodwin 2011, p. 46.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 70; Goodwin 2011, pp. 48–50.
- ^ a b Goodwin 2011, p. 53.
- ^ Goodwin 2011, p. 9.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 54.
- ^ Gable 1995, p. 263; Copsey 2008, pp. 51, 62–65; Bottom & Copus 2011, p. 144; Goodwin 2011, p. xii.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 55.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 66; Goodwin 2011, pp. xii, 47; Trilling 2012, pp. 29–32.
- ^ Sykes 2005, p. 31; Copsey 2008, p. 66.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 72.
- ^ Macklin 2020, p. 488.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 73.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 75–76, 101; Goodwin 2011, p. 55.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 112–113.
- ^ Trilling 2012, p. 79.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 113.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 114.
- ^ Trilling 2012, p. 98.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 160.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 156.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 121.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 122.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 157.
- ^ Sykes 2005, p. 149; Copsey 2008, p. 157.
- ^ Taylor 2004.
- ^ Anon 2004.
- ^ Anon 2005a.
- ^ Adams 2005; Renton 2009.
- ^ Adams 2005.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, pp. 272–273.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 83.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 30.
- ^ a b Trilling 2012, p. 19.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 27.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 274.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 76–77.
- ^ Sykes 2005, p. 101.
- ^ a b c Taylor 1982, p. 57.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, pp. 186–187.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, pp. 273–74.
- ^ a b c Walker 1977, p. 69.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 274; Copsey 2008, p. 98.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 185.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 184.
- ^ Goodrick-Clarke 2002, p. 39.
- ^ Trilling 2012, p. 59.
- ^ a b c Laville & Taylor 2005.
- ^ Copsey 2013, p. 293.
- ^ a b c d e f Copsey 2008, p. 88.
- ^ a b c Copsey 2008, p. 91.
- ^ a b Goodwin 2011, p. 38.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 192.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, p. 299.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, p. 426.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, p. 428.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 89–90.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, p. 416.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, pp. 106–107.
- ^ Goodwin 2011, pp. 38–39.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 89.
- ^ Billig 1978, p. 128; Richardson 2011, p. 53.
- ^ a b Taylor 1982, p. 54.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 571; Gable 1995, p. 267; Copsey 2008, p. 92; Goodwin 2011, p. 39.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, pp. 338, 434–35.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 63.
- ^ a b Walker 1977, p. 78.
- ^ a b Walker 1977, p. 82.
- ^ Goodwin 2011, p. 40.
- ^ a b Griffin 2011, p. 190.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 84.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 85.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 85–86.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 94.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 93.
- ^ Copsey 2008, pp. 94–95.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 95.
- ^ a b Copsey 2008, p. 96.
- ^ Taylor 1982, p. 71.
- ^ Woodbridge 2011, p. 107.
- ^ Woodbridge 2011, p. 108.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 79.
- ^ a b Walker 1977, p. 81.
- ^ Taylor 1982, pp. 57, 67.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 90; Goodwin 2011, p. 38.
- ^ Woodbridge 2010, p. 31.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 83.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, pp. 314–25.
- ^ Tyndall 1988, p. 246.
- ^ Copsey 2008, p. 90.
- ^ Walker 1977, p. 146.
- ^ Thurlow 1987, p. 259.
- ^ a b Trilling 2012, p. 63.
- ^ Trilling 2012, pp. 62–63.
- ^ "Death of Valerie Tyndall". Heritage and Destiny. 25 June 2011. Archived from the original on 10 January 2017. Retrieved 8 November 2017.
- ^ Fielding 1981, p. 23.
- ^ "UK General Election results: May 1979". Politics Resources. Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 8 November 2017.
- ^ "Results of Byelections in the 1992–97 Parliament". United Kingdom Election Results.
- ^ a b "London – Boroughs". United Kingdom Election Results. Archived from the original on 7 December 2000. Retrieved 17 October 2017.
- ^ "European Parliamentary Election 1999: London". United Kingdom Election Results. Archived from the original on 23 September 2017. Retrieved 17 October 2017.
Sources
- Adams, Matt (19 July 2005). "BNP founder John Tyndall found dead". The Independent. Retrieved 8 November 2016.
- Anon (14 December 2004). "BNP Head Griffin Bailed by Police". BBC News. Retrieved 1 December 2016.
- Anon (7 April 2005a). "BNP Chiefs Bailed on Race Charges". BBC News. Retrieved 1 December 2016.
- Anon (20 July 2005b). "John Tyndall Obituary". The Telegraph. Retrieved 8 November 2016.
- Billig, Michael (1978). Fascists: A Social Psychological View of the National Front. London: Academic Press. ISBN 978-0-150-04004-0.
- Bottom, Karin; Copus, Colin (2011). "The BNP in Local Government: Support for the Far-Right or for Community Politics?". In Nigel Copsey; Graham Macklin (eds.). British National Party: Contemporary Perspectives. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 142–162. ISBN 978-0-415-48383-4.
- Copsey, Nigel (2008). Contemporary British Fascism: The British National Party and the Quest for Legitimacy (second ed.). London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-230-57437-3.
- Copsey, Nigel (2013). "Au Revoir to "Sacred Cows"? Assessing the Impact of the Nouvelle Droite in Britain". Democracy and Security. 9 (3): 287–303. S2CID 144565720.
- Driver, Stephen (2011). Understanding British Party Politics. Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-7456-4078-5.
- Fielding, Nigel (1981). The National Front. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. ISBN 978-0-7100-0559-5.
- Gable, Gerry (1995) [1991]. "Britain's Nazi Underground". In Luciano Cheles; Ronnie Ferguson; Michalina Vaughan (eds.). The Far Right in Western and Eastern Europe (second ed.). London and New York: Longman Group. pp. 258–271. ISBN 978-0-582-23881-7.
- Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas (2002). Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-3124-6.
- Goodwin, Matthew J. (2011). New British Fascism: Rise of the British National Party. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-46500-7.
- Griffin, Roger (2011). "Alien Influence? The International Context of the BNP's 'Modernization'". In Nigel Copsey; Graham Macklin (eds.). British National Party: Contemporary Perspectives. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 190–206. ISBN 978-0-415-48383-4.
- Laville, Sandra; Taylor, Matthew (20 July 2005). "A racist, violent neo-nazi to the end: BNP founder Tyndall dies". The Guardian. Retrieved 8 November 2016.
- Macklin, Graham (2020). Failed Führers: A History of Britain's Extreme Right. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 9780415627306.
- Renton, David (2009). "Tyndall, John Hutchyns (1934–2005)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. .
- Richardson, John E. (2011). "Race and Racial Difference: The Surface and Depth of BNP Ideology". In Nigel Copsey; Graham Macklin (eds.). British National Party: Contemporary Perspectives. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 38–61. ISBN 978-0-415-48383-4.
- Sykes, Alan (2005). The Radical Right in Britain: Social Imperialism to the BNP. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-59924-2.
- Taylor, Stan (1982). The National Front in English Politics. London: Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-27741-6.
- Taylor, Matthew (15 July 2004). "BNP leaders may face charges after TV exposé of racism". The Guardian. Retrieved 1 December 2016.
- Thurlow, Richard (1987). Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918–1985. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-13618-7.
- Trilling, Daniel (2012). Bloody Nasty People: The Rise of Britain's Far Right. London: Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-959-1.
- Tyndall, John (1988). The Eleventh Hour: A Call for British Rebirth. London: Albion Press. ISBN 978-0-9513686-1-9.
- Walker, Martin (1977). The National Front. London: Fontana. ISBN 978-0-00-634824-5.
- Woodbridge, Steven (2010). "Christian Credentials?: The Role of Religion in British National Party Ideology". Journal for the Study of Radicalism. 4 (1): 25–54. S2CID 146246410.
- Woodbridge, Steven (2011). "Ambivalent Admiration? The Response of Other Extreme-Right Groups to the Rise of the BNP". In Nigel Copsey; Graham Macklin (eds.). British National Party: Contemporary Perspectives. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 103–122. ISBN 978-0-415-48383-4.
External links
- Recent BNP arrests BBC report 14 December 2004
- "BNP men bailed in race case" The Guardian, 8 April 2005
- The Guardian "Obituary of John Tyndall", 19 July 2005
- BNP News "Obituary: JohnTyndall 14/7/1934 – 18/7/2005". Archived from the original on 22 November 2005. Retrieved 7 April 2019. 19 July 2005