John Weir (loyalist)
John Weir | |
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Born | John Oliver Weir 1950 (age 73–74) Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Glenanne gang member |
John Oliver Weir (born 1950) is an
Weir and his RUC colleague
Early life and the RUC
Weir was born in 1950 in
Initially he had considered joining the Garda Síochána, the police force of the Republic of Ireland;[3] however, in keeping with his family's political traditions, he opted to join Northern Ireland's police force, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), in March 1970 when he was 20 years of age.
Upon his completion of training in
The SPG saw themselves as being the main police line of defence against all terrorist organisations but mainly the atrocities of the outlawed
On 1 September 1976, he was transferred to
Robin Jackson and the Mid-Ulster UVF
Weir stated he first met senior UVF member
The gang's name derived from a farm in Glenanne, County Armagh, which was owned by RUC reservist, James Mitchell. Weir maintained that it was used as a UVF arms dump and bomb-making site.[6] The bombs which were used in the UVF's 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings were built and stored on the farm.[7] Weir claimed Mitchell had admitted to him that he had been involved in the bombings and he had personally seen Mitchell mixing home-made ammonium-nitrate-and-fuel-oil explosive in the farmyard on one occasion.[8]
Weir later admitted to have been indirectly involved in the bombing and shooting attack at the nationalist Tully's Bar in Belleeks on 8 March 1976. According to his later account of events leading up to the attack, when he arrived at Mitchell's farm the designated evening, he saw between eight and ten men dressed in camouflage, parading in the farmyard. Inside the farmhouse he discussed the details of the attack with Mitchell and the others. Mitchell had shown him the floor plans of the pub's interior, highlighting the lack of escape routes for the pub's patrons. The plan was temporarily called off when it was discovered that the British Army's Parachute Regiment was on patrol in the area that evening. Weir returned to Belfast the following morning and that evening, 8 March, Weir heard the attack had gone ahead. There were no casualties, as Mitchell's floor plans were inaccurate. Once the shooting outside had commenced, the pub's customers fled into the living quarters for safety and the bomb only caused structural damage.[citation needed]
Although Weir's later affidavit confirmed he had already indirectly participated in UVF and Glenanne gang operations, and had visited Mitchell's farm, according to journalist Liam Clarke, Weir officially became part of the Glenanne gang on 23 June 1976. He was recruited by SPG colleagues at an RUC sporting event he had attended in East Belfast when he was stationed at Castlereagh RUC station. Weir had been deeply affected by the Kingsmill massacre five months earlier, when 10 Protestant workmen had been ordered out of their minibus and gunned down by a republican group, the South Armagh Republican Action Force (SARAF). It was this attack that had provoked him into becoming a full-fledged member of the group, as Weir and the SPG believed the SARAF was a cover name for the IRA and would carry out more attacks against Protestant civilians.
Weir took his first active role as a UVF paramilitary in the attempted bombing attack against Renaghan's Bar in
Sometime shortly after his promotion to the rank of sergeant and his subsequent transfer to Newry RUC station in October 1976, Weir, Jackson and another RUC officer, Gary Armstrong went on a reconnaissance in South Armagh seeking out the homes of known IRA men, with the intention of assassinating them. Jackson carried a knife and hammer; he boasted to Weir, that if they happened to "find a suitable person to kill, he [Jackson] knew how to do it with those weapons". They drove by the homes of two IRA men, however the plan to kill them was aborted [why?] and the three drove back to Lurgan. They were stopped at an RUC roadblock and after an exchange of courtesies were waved through, despite the presence of Jackson with two RUC officers.
While stationed at Newry, Weir visited Jackson's home outside Lurgan, where they discussed potential attacks against the IRA, at least four times. He began to supply the Mid-Ulster UVF with weapons he procured from a loyalist group in County Down called the "Down Orange Welfare" which comprised both former and serving members of the security forces, including Chief Inspector Harry Breen. These weapons were stored at Mitchell's farmhouse. Breen (who later held the rank of Chief Superintendent) and Superintendent Robert Buchanan were both shot dead on 20 March 1989 after being ambushed outside Jonesborough, County Armagh by the Provisional IRA South Armagh Brigade. The two RUC officers were travelling in an unmarked car after attending a cross-border security conference in Dundalk with senior Garda officers.[9]
William Strathearn killing
William Strathearn, a Catholic, was killed at his home at 2:00am on 19 April 1977. Almost three years later, Weir and Constable
It was claimed that the two had been drinking heavily in a pub in Armagh when McCaughey suggested they should carry out a killing as a reprisal for the killings of Constables Hugh McConnell and William Turbitt by the Provisional IRA South Armagh Brigade.[11] Weir was initially reluctant to get involved but was soon convinced and acquired what was described as a "clean Colt. 45" to carry out the shooting with.[12] It was also stated during the trial that the two gunmen had been Robin Jackson and his associate Robert John Kerr,[10] while Weir had maintained he and McCaughey had stayed in the car during the killing.
Weir had been arrested at work in Magherafelt shortly before Christmas 1979 for his part in the murder of Strathearn. He later confessed his involvement at Castlereagh Holding Centre following interrogation. However, during these interviews Weir also reportedly claimed he had arranged the killing because he had been ordered to by his RUC Special Branch superiors.[13] He suggested that the actual gunman Jackson was "untouchable because he was a Special Branch agent". Weir made an offer to testify against Jackson and Kerr but only on condition that the murder charge against him was withdrawn. This offer was refused by the assistant director of Public Prosecutions who said
Kerr and Jackson have not been interviewed by the police because the police state they are virtually immune to interrogation and the common police consensus is that to arrest and interview either man is a waste of time. Both men are known to police to be very active and notorious UVF murderers. Nevertheless the police do not recommend consideration of withdrawal of charges against Weir. I agree with this view. Weir and McCaughey must be proceeded against. When proceedings against them are terminated the position may be reviewed in respect of Jackson and Kerr".[14]
Weir declared: "I think it is important to make it clear that this collusion between loyalist paramilitaries such as Robin Jackson and my RUC colleagues and me was taking place with the full knowledge of my superiors".
Weir pleaded not guilty but was convicted in June 1980 on the basis of admissions he had made during police interrogation. He attempted to repudiate the confessions, alleging that he had been mistreated by the RUC officers in Castlereagh holding cells whilst also claiming that the confinement of his cell made him feel like he was "cracking up".[16] Weir's attempts to have the confessions vacated were unsuccessful. Although sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of Strathearn,[17] he was released on license on 1 February 1993.[18] The SPG unit was stood down in 1980.
Weir's affidavit
In January 1999, to assist journalist Sean McPhilemy, who was being sued for libel, Weir signed an affidavit containing 62 paragraphs in which he outlined in detail the instances of collusion between his RUC and SPG colleagues, members of the UDR, and loyalist paramilitaries such as Robin Jackson. He implicated them in a series of sectarian killings and bombings carried out by the Glenanne gang. The role of Jackson, who had died in 1998 of cancer, featured largely in Weir's statement.[5] Jackson was named, along with Mid-Ulster UVF brigadier Billy Hanna (the main organiser) and North Belfast UDA brigadier Davy Payne, as having led one of the UVF teams who attacked Dublin on 17 May 1974 in three separate, no-warning car bombings which left 26 people dead and almost 300 people injured, mostly women.[19]
Weir had received the information regarding the 1974 car bombings and the perpetrators from his associates in the Glenanne gang.[3] Fellow SPG officer and Glenanne gang member Laurence McClure had personally recounted to Weir each sectarian attack carried out by the gang; he also confirmed that the Mid-Ulster UVF unit led by Hanna and Jackson had exploded the car bombs in Dublin's city centre. Stewart Young, a prominent member of the Portadown UVF, told Weir he had headed the team that planted the Monaghan car bomb which had killed an additional seven people 90 minutes after the Dublin blasts. Hanna had also masterminded this attack, although he had allowed Young to lead the bombing unit, while he had gone to Dublin with his own team. Weir stated that UDR intelligence officer Captain John Irwin had supplied the explosives,[5] and James Mitchell's farm had been used for the construction and storage of the bombs.[7] The farm was also utilised for planning other sectarian attacks.[20] Weir learned from both Mitchell and McClure about Hanna's central role in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, as Weir had never claimed to have personally met Hanna. As Hanna had died in July 1975, it was highly unlikely that he had done so.[21]
Weir identified Jackson as the gunman in many shootings, including those of Strathern, PIRA volunteer John Francis Green, and
Weir claimed in his statement that shortly before he was sent to Newtownhamilton six months after the Strathearn killing, his association with loyalist paramilitaries became known to senior RUC officers, who encouraged it. They knew of his involvement in Strathearn's shooting death. He was summoned to a meeting with Chief Inspector Brian Fitzsimmons,[n 1] head of the RUC Special Branch in Newry, who let Weir know he was aware of his UVF activities. Weir claimed "He told me he knew I had connections out there. That was why he wanted me to go out, make more connections, find out what was going on. He made it quite clear that the Special Branch was keeping an eye on me". Although Weir took this to have been an endorsement on the part of Fitzsimmons, journalist Liam Clarke felt it was "partly a warning, and partly a bid for control of his informant".[3] Fitzsimmons placed Weir under surveillance and assigned two Special Branch officers to "befriend him".[citation needed]
After his transfer to Newtownhamilton, Weir felt his life was being placed in danger after Intelligence Corps officers also made contact with him regarding proposed attacks against the IRA. Major Robertson of the
During this period, the Intelligence Corps and RUC Special Branch were involved in an internal power struggle in their mutual battle against the IRA. Weir tried to avoid becoming embroiled in their rivalry but increasingly found himself "pulled in different directions by both sides".
Weir's affidavit was published in the 2003 Barron Report, which was the findings of an official investigation into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings commissioned by Irish Supreme Court Justice Henry Barron. The Barron Inquiry interviewed Weir in February 2001; Mr Justice Barron concluded that "Weir's evidence overall is credible".[23]
Aftermath
Weir's allegations have been the subject of inquiries by both the RUC and Garda Síochána. The RUC's report concluded in part that "as Weir is a convicted murderer his credibility must be in doubt".[24] The RUC made no attempt to interview Weir.[20] The Garda Síochána, who had interviewed him in April 1999, found him to have been "an impressive witness" and they "believed his allegations should be taken seriously".[25]
In 2004, the human rights group, the
In an interview with the RUC on 9 August 2000, James Mitchell staunchly denied Weir's allegations about him, and referred to Weir as a "damned liar and convicted murderer".[27] Alleged Dublin bomber Davy Payne was also questioned about Weir's allegations and he also denied them,[28] as did Stewart Young when asked about his purported role in the Monaghan bombing,[19]
Weir has spoken to and communicated with several journalists including McPhilemy, Liam Clarke, and Joe Tiernan. He was also interviewed by RTÉ in June 1999. In 1994 he moved to Nigeria after he had been warned that his life was in danger from his former colleagues in the security forces and republicans.[29] According to journalist Kevin Dowling of the Sunday Mirror, Weir, who holds an Irish passport, was later deported from Nigeria.[1]
The following statements by Weir appeared in the Irish current affairs magazine Politico in 2006:
I'm lucky to be above the ground. My family has suffered. There is no sense in my saying that I feel sorry for what I have done. But I do believe that it is important that each side looks at the other's point of view. A long-lasting peace will depend on one side showing that they know the other side has also been wronged.[30]
Weir was a major contributor to the 2018 documentary film Unquiet Graves which discussed the Glenanne gang killings.[31]
Notes
- 1994 Chinook crash at Mull of Kintyre, Scotland.
References
- ^ a b Kevin Dowling, "Killer Policeman's New Claims on Net", Sunday Mirror, 12 September 1999.
- ^ Weir profile, indymedia.ie; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Liam Clarke. "RUC men's secret war with the IRA", Sunday Times, 7 March 1999.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003), p. 142, cain.ulst.ac.uk; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ a b c d e f "Seeing Red", John Weir's Affidavit, John Weir's Statement" Archived 19 June 2009 at the Wayback Machine, seeingred.com, 3 January 1999.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003), pp. 144-45, cain.ulst.ac.uk; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ a b The Barron Report (2003), p. 287, cain.ulst.ac.uk; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003). p. 145, cain.ulst.ac.uk; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ "1989: Senior RUC men die in gun attack"[permanent dead link], On This Day, bbc.co.uk; retrieved 20 March 2012.
- ^ a b McPhilemy, Sean, The Committee: Political Assassination in Northern Ireland, Roberts Rinehart, 1998, p. 308
- ^ Chris Ryder, The RUC: A Force Under Fire, Mandarin, 1993, pp. 202–03.
- ^ Ryder, The RUC, p. 204
- ^ McPhilemy, The Committee, p. 309
- ^ The Barron Report (2003). p. 258, cain.ulst.ac.uk; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ Smith Dornan Dehn, Prentice v. McPhilemy, "The Troubles I've Seen" (1 September 1999).
- ^ Ryder, The RUC, p. 205
- ^ The Barron Report 2003. p. 142
- ^ The European Court of Human Rights (Fourth Section) sitting on 6 March 2007; Sean McCartney against the United Kingdom[permanent dead link], madden-finucane.com; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ a b The Barron Report (2003), pp. 145–46, cain.ulst.ac.uk; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ a b Collusion 'not properly probed', BBC News, 27 November 2007.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003). pp. 239, 281.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003), p. 142.
- ^ a b Report of the Independent International Panel on Alleged Collusion in Sectarian Killings in Northern Ireland (The Cassel Report October 2006), pp. 60–61 Archived 10 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine, patfinucanecentre.org; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003), p. 148.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003), p. 151.
- ^ Report of the Independent International Panel on Alleged Collusion in Sectarian Killings in Northern Ireland Archived 10 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine (The Cassel Report October 2006), pg. 4], patfinucanecentre.org; accessed 21 February 2017.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003), p. 154.
- ^ The Barron Report (2003), p. 158.
- ^ Lindsay Fergus, "Former Cop Is Quizzed Over Dublin Bombings; RUC officer turned loyalist hitman named to Garda by disgraced colleague"[dead link], The People (London, England), 17 June 2001.
- ^ Frank Connolly, "John Weir: I'm lucky to be above the ground" Archived 15 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine, politico.ie, 16 November 2006.
- ^ "RTE silent over source of funding for Glenanne killers documentary Unquiet Graves". Belfast News Letter.