Juan Diego
Roman Catholic Church | |
---|---|
Beatified | May 6, 1990, Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe, Mexico City by Pope John Paul II |
Canonized | July 31, 2002, Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe, Mexico City by Pope John Paul II |
Major shrine | Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe |
Feast | December 9 |
Attributes | Tilma with the impressed image of the Virgin Mary, roses |
Patronage | Indigenous peoples |
Juan Diego Cuauhtlatoatzin,[a] also known simply as Juan Diego (Spanish pronunciation: [ˌxwanˈdjeɣo]; 1474–1548), was a Chichimec peasant and Marian visionary. He is said to have been granted apparitions of Our Lady of Guadalupe on four occasions in December 1531: three at the hill of Tepeyac and a fourth before don Juan de Zumárraga, then bishop of Mexico. The Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe, located at the foot of Tepeyac, houses the cloak (tilmahtli) that is traditionally said to be Juan Diego's, and upon which the image of the Virgin is said to have been miraculously impressed as proof of the authenticity of the apparitions.
Juan Diego's visions and the imparting of the miraculous image, as recounted in oral and written colonial sources such as the Huei tlamahuiçoltica , are together known as the Guadalupe event (Spanish: el acontecimiento Guadalupano), and are the basis of the veneration of Our Lady of Guadalupe. This veneration is ubiquitous in Mexico, prevalent throughout the Spanish-speaking Americas, and increasingly widespread beyond.[b] As a result, the Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe is now one of the world's major Christian pilgrimage destinations, receiving 22 million visitors in 2010.[4][c]
Juan Diego is the first Catholic saint
to preside over the ceremonies.Biography
According to major sources, Juan Diego was born in 1474 in
Main sources
The earliest notices of an apparition of the Virgin Mary at Tepeyac to an indigenous man are to be found in various annals which are regarded by Dr. Miguel León-Portilla, one of the leading Mexican scholars in this field, as demonstrating "that effectively many people were already flocking to the chapel of Tepeyac long before 1556, and that the tradition of Juan Diego and the apparitions of Tonantzin (Guadalupe) had already spread."[13] Others (including leading Nahuatl and Guadalupe scholars in the USA) go only as far as saying that such notices "are few, brief, ambiguous and themselves posterior by many years".[14][m] If correctly dated to the 16th century, the Codex Escalada – which portrays one of the apparitions and states that Juan Diego (identified by his indigenous name) died "worthily" in 1548 – must be accounted among the earliest and clearest of such notices.
After the annals, a number of publications arose:[16]
- Sánchez (1648) has a few scattered sentences noting Juan Diego's uneventful life at the hermitage in the sixteen years from the apparitions to his death.
- The Huei tlamahuiçoltica (1649), at the start of the Nican Mopohua and at the end of the section known as the Nican Mopectana, there is some information concerning Juan Diego's life before and after the apparitions, giving many instances of his sanctity of life.[17]
- Becerra Tanco (1666 and 1675). Juan Diego's town of origin, place of residence at the date of the apparitions, and the name of his wife are given at pages 1 and 2 of the 6th (Mexican) edition. His heroic virtues are eulogized at pages 40 to 42. Other biographical information about Juan Diego (with dates of his birth and death, of his wife's death, and of their baptism) is set out on page 50. On page 49 is the remark that Juan Diego and his wife remained chaste – at the least after their baptism – having been impressed by a sermon on chastity said to have been preached by Fray Toribio de Benevente (popularly known as Motolinía).
- Slight and fragmented notices appear in the hearsay testimony (1666) of seven of the indigenous witnesses (Marcos Pacheco, Gabriel Xuárez, Andrés Juan, Juana de la Concepción, Pablo Xuárez, Martín de San Luis, and Catarina Mónica) collected with other testimonies in the Informaciones Jurídicas de 1666.[n]
- Chapter 18 of Francisco de la Florencia's Estrella de el norte de México (1688) contains the first systematic account of Juan Diego's life, with attention given to some divergent strands in the tradition.[o]
Guadalupe narrative
The following account is based on that given in the
Juan Diego, as a devout neophyte, was in the habit of regularly walking from his home to the
First apparition
At dawn on Saturday December 9, 1531, while on his usual journey, he encountered the
Second apparition
Later the same day: returning to Tepeyac, Juan Diego encountered the Virgin again and announced the failure of his mission, suggesting that because he was "a back-frame, a tail, a wing, a man of no importance" she would do better to recruit someone of greater standing, but she insisted that he was whom she wanted for the task. Juan Diego agreed to return to the bishop to repeat his request. This he did on the morning of Sunday, December 10, when he found the bishop more compliant. The bishop, however, asked for a sign to prove that the apparition was truly of heaven.
Third apparition
Juan Diego returned immediately to Tepeyac and, encountering the Virgin Mary reported the bishop's request for a sign; she condescended to provide one on the following day (December 11).[q]
By Monday, December 11, however, Juan Diego's uncle Juan Bernardino had fallen sick and Juan Diego was obliged to attend to him. In the very early hours of Tuesday, December 12, Juan Bernardino's condition having deteriorated overnight, Juan Diego set out to Tlatelolco to get a priest to hear Juan Bernardino's confession and minister to him on his death-bed.
Fourth apparition
In order to avoid being delayed by the Virgin and embarrassed at having failed to meet her on the Monday as agreed, Juan Diego chose another route around the hill, but the Virgin intercepted him and asked where he was going; Juan Diego explained what had happened and the Virgin gently chided him for not having had recourse to her. In the words which have become the most famous phrase of the Guadalupe event and are inscribed over the main entrance to the
Fifth apparition
The next day Juan Diego found his uncle fully recovered, as the Virgin had assured him, and Juan Bernardino recounted that he too had seen her, at his bed-side; that she had instructed him to inform the bishop of this apparition and of his miraculous cure; and that she had told him she desired to be known under the title of Guadalupe. The bishop kept Juan Diego's mantle first in his private chapel and then in the church on public display where it attracted great attention. On December 26, 1531, a procession formed for taking the miraculous image back to Tepeyac where it was installed in a small, hastily erected chapel.[s] In the course of this procession, the first miracle was allegedly performed when an indigenous man was mortally wounded in the neck by an arrow shot by accident during some stylized martial displays executed in honour of the Virgin. In great distress, the indigenous carried him before the Virgin's image and pleaded for his life. Upon the arrow being withdrawn, the victim made a full and immediate recovery.[t]
Beatification and canonization
The modern movement for the
Beatification
The diocesan inquiry was formally concluded in March 1986,
Miracles
Not withstanding the fact that the beatification was "equipollent",[33] the normal requirement is that at least one miracle must be attributable to the intercession of the candidate before the cause for canonization can be brought to completion. The events accepted as fulfilling this requirement occurred between May 3 and May 9, 1990, in Querétaro, Mexico (precisely during the period of the beatification) when a 20-year-old drug addict named Juan José Barragán Silva fell 10 meters (33 ft) head first from an apartment balcony onto a cement area in an apparent suicide bid. His mother Esperanza, who witnessed the fall, invoked Juan Diego to save her son who had sustained severe injuries to his spinal column, neck and cranium (including intra-cranial hemorrhage). Barragán was taken to the hospital where he went into a coma from which he suddenly emerged on May 6, 1990. A week later he was sufficiently recovered to be discharged.[x] The reputed miracle was investigated according to the usual procedure of the Congregation for the Causes of Saints: first the facts of the case (including medical records and six eye-witness testimonies including those of Barragán and his mother) were gathered in Mexico and forwarded to Rome for approval as to sufficiency, which was granted in November 1994. Next, the unanimous report of five medical consultors (as to the gravity of the injuries, the likelihood of their proving fatal, the impracticability of any medical intervention to save the patient, his complete and lasting recovery, and their inability to ascribe it to any known process of healing) was received, and approved by the Congregation in February 1998. From there the case was passed to theological consultors who examined the nexus between (i) the fall and the injuries, (ii) the mother's faith in and invocation of Blessed Juan Diego, and (iii) the recovery, inexplicable in medical terms. Their unanimous approval was signified in May 2001.[34] Finally, in September 2001, the Congregation for the Causes of Saints voted to approve the miracle, and the relative decree formally acknowledging the events as miraculous was signed by Pope John Paul II on December 20, 2001.[35] The Catholic Church considers an approved miracle to be a divinely-granted validation of the results achieved by the human process of inquiry, which constitutes a cause for canonization.
Canonization
As not infrequently happens, the process for Diego's canonization was subject to delays and obstacles. In this case, certain interventions were initiated through unorthodox routes in early 1998 by a small group of ecclesiastics in Mexico (then or formerly attached to the Basilica of Guadalupe) pressing for a review of the sufficiency of the historical investigation.[y] This review, which not infrequently occurs in cases of equipollent beatifications,[36] was entrusted by the Congregation for the Causes of Saints (acting in concert with the Archdiocese of Mexico) to a special Historical Commission headed by the Mexican ecclesiastical historians Fidel González, Eduardo Chávez Sánchez, and José Guerrero.
The results of the review were presented to the Congregation for the Causes of Saints on October 28, 1998, which unanimously approved them.
Historicity debate
This article uses secondary sources that critically analyze them.(May 2018) ) |
The debate over the historicity of St. Juan Diego and, by extension, of the apparitions and the miraculous image, begins with a contemporary to Juan Diego, named Antonio Valeriano. Valeriano was one of the best Indian scholars at the College of Santiago de Tlatelolco at the time that Juan Diego was alive; he was proficient in Spanish as well as Latin, and a native speaker of Nahuatl. He knew Juan Diego personally
Some objections to the historicity of the Guadalupe event, grounded in the silence of the very sources which – it is argued – are those most likely to have referred to it, were raised as long ago as 1794 by Juan Bautista Muñoz and were expounded in detail by Mexican historian Joaquín García Icazbalceta in a confidential report dated 1883 commissioned by the then Archbishop of Mexico and first published in 1896. The silence of the sources is discussed in a separate section, below. The most prolific contemporary protagonist in the debate is Stafford Poole, a historian and Vincentian priest in the United States of America, who questioned the integrity and rigor of the historical investigation conducted by the Catholic Church in the interval between Juan Diego's beatification and his canonization.
For a brief period in mid-1996, a vigorous debate was ignited in Mexico when it emerged that Guillermo Schulenburg, who at that time was 80 years of age, did not believe that Juan Diego was a historical person. That debate, however, was focused not so much on the weight to be accorded to the historical sources which attest to Juan Diego's existence as on the propriety of Abbot Schulenburg retaining an official position which – so it was objected – his advanced age, allegedly extravagant life-style and heterodox views disqualified him from holding. Abbot Schulenburg's resignation (announced on September 6, 1996) terminated that debate.[44] The scandal, however, re-erupted in January 2002 when the Italian journalist Andrea Tornielli published in the Italian newspaper Il Giornale a confidential letter dated December 4, 2001, which Schulenburg (among others) had sent to Cardinal Sodano, the then Secretary of State at the Vatican, reprising reservations over the historicity of Juan Diego.[45]
Partly in response to these and other issues, the
Earliest published narrative sources for the Guadalupe event
Sánchez, Imagen de la Virgen María
The first written account to be published of the Guadalupe event was a theological exegesis hailing Mexico as the
Nican Mopohua
The second-oldest published account is known by the opening words of its long title:
Becerra Tanco, Felicidad de México
The third work to be published was written by Luis Becerra Tanco who professed to correct some errors in the two previous accounts. Like Sánchez a Mexican-born Spanish diocesan priest, Becerra Tanco ended his career as professor of astronomy and mathematics at the Royal and Pontifical University of Mexico.
Informaciónes Jurídicas de 1666
The fourth in time (but not in date of publication) is the
de Florencia, Estrella de el Norte de México
The last to be published was Estrella de el Norte de México by Francisco de Florencia, a Jesuit priest. This was published in Mexico in 1688 and then in Barcelona and Madrid, Spain, in 1741 and 1785, respectively.[af][68] Florencia, while applauding Sánchez's theological meditations in themselves, considered that they broke the thread of the story. Accordingly, his account of the apparitions follows that of Mateo de la Cruz's abridgement.[69] Although he identified various Indian documentary sources as corroborating his account (including materials used and discussed by Becerra Tanco, as to which see the preceding entry), Florencia considered that the cult's authenticity was amply proved by the tilma itself,[70] and by what he called a "constant tradition from fathers to sons ... so firm as to be an irrefutable argument".[71] Florencia had on loan from the famous scholar and polymath Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora two such documentary sources, one of which – the antigua relación (or, old account) – he discussed in sufficient detail to reveal that it was parallel to but not identical with any of the materials in the Huei tlamahuiçoltica. So far as concerns the life of Juan Diego (and of Juan Bernardino) after the apparitions, the antigua relación reported circumstantial details which embellish rather than add to what was already known.[72] The other documentary source of Indian origin in Florencia's temporary possession was the text of a memory song said to have been composed by Don Placido, lord of Azcapotzalco, on the occasion of the solemn transfer of the Virgin's image to Tepeyac in 1531 – this he promised to insert later on in his history, but never did.[ag]
Historicity arguments
The primary doubts about the historicity of Juan Diego (and the Guadalupe event itself) arise from the silence of those major sources who would be expected to have mentioned him, including, in particular, Bishop
The silence of the sources can be examined by reference to two main periods: (i) 1531–1556 and (ii) 1556–1606 which, for convenience, may loosely be termed (i) Zumárraga's silence, and (ii) the Franciscan silence. Despite the accumulation of evidence by the start of the 17th century (including allusions to the apparitions and the miraculous origin of the image),[ai][76] the phenomenon of silence in the sources persists well into the second decade of that century, by which time the silence ceases to be prima facie evidence that there was no tradition of the Guadalupe event before the publication of the first narrative account of it in 1648. For example, Bernardo de Balbuena wrote a poem while in Mexico City in 1602 entitled La Grandeza Mexicana in which he mentions all the cults and sanctuaries of any importance in Mexico City except Guadalupe, and Antonio de Remesal published in 1620 a general history of the New World which devoted space to Zumárraga but was silent about Guadalupe.[77]
Zumárraga's silence
Period (i) extends from the date of the alleged apparitions down to 1556, by which date there first emerges clear evidence of a Marian cult (a) located in an already existing ermita or oratory at Tepeyac, (b) known under the name Guadalupe, (c) focussed on a painting, and (d) believed to be productive of miracles (especially miracles of healing). This first period itself divides into two unequal sub-periods either side of the year 1548 when Bishop Zumárraga died.
Post-1548
The later sub-period can be summarily disposed of, for it is almost entirely accounted for by the delay between Zumárraga's death on June 3, 1548, and the arrival in Mexico of his successor, Archbishop Alonso de Montúfar, on June 23, 1554.[78][79] During this interval there was lacking not only a bishop in Mexico City (the only local source of authority over the cult of the Virgin Mary and over the cult of the saints), but also an officially approved resident at the ermita – Juan Diego having died in the same month as Zumárraga, and no resident priest having been appointed until the time of Montúfar. In the circumstances, it is not surprising that a cult at Tepeyac (whatever its nature) should have fallen into abeyance. Nor is it a matter for surprise that a cult failed to spring up around Juan Diego's tomb at this time. The tomb of the saintly fray Martín de Valencia (the leader of the twelve pioneering Franciscan priests who had arrived in New Spain in 1524) was opened for veneration many times for more than thirty years after his death in 1534 until it was found, on the last occasion, to be empty. But, dead or alive, fray Martín had failed to acquire a reputation as a miracle-worker.[80]
Pre-1548
Turning to the years before Zumárraga's death, there is no known document securely dated to the period 1531 to 1548 which mentions Juan Diego, a cult to the Virgin Mary at Tepeyac, or the Guadalupe event. The lack of any contemporary evidence linking Zumárraga with the Guadalupe event is particularly noteworthy, but, of the surviving documents attributable to him, only his will can be said to be just such a document as might have been expected to mention an ermita or the cult.
The Franciscan silence
The second main period during which the sources are silent extends for the half century after 1556 when the then Franciscan provincial, fray Francisco de Bustamante, publicly rebuked Archbishop Montúfar for promoting the Guadalupe cult. In this period, three Franciscan friars (among others) were writing histories of New Spain and of the peoples (and their cultures) who either submitted to or were defeated by the Spanish
The basis of the Franciscans' disquiet and even hostility to Guadalupe was their fear that the evangelization of the natives had been superficial, that the indigenous had retained some of their pre-Christian beliefs, and, in the worst case, that Christian baptism was a cloak for persisting in pre-Christian devotions.
Significance of silence
The non-reference by certain church officials of Juan Diego does not necessarily prove that he did not exist.[an] The relevance of the silence has been questioned by some, citing certain documents from the time of Zumárraga, as well as the fact that Miguel Sánchez preached a sermon in 1653 on the Immaculate Conception in which he cites chapter 12 of the Book of Revelation, but makes no mention of Guadalupe.[102]
Pastoral significance in the Catholic Church in Mexico and beyond
The evangelization of the New World
Both the author of the Nican Mopectana and Miguel Sánchez explain that the Virgin's immediate purpose in appearing to Juan Diego (and to don Juan, the seer of the cult of los Remedios) was evangelical – to draw the peoples of the New World to faith in Jesus Christ:[103]
In the beginning when the Christian faith had just arrived here in the land that today is called New Spain, in many ways the heavenly lady, the consummate Virgin Saint Mary, cherished, aided and defended the local people so that they might entirely give themselves and adhere to the faith. ...In order that they might invoke her fervently and trust in her fully, she saw fit to reveal herself for the first time to two [Indian] people here.
The continuing importance of this theme was emphasised in the years leading up to the canonization of Juan Diego. It received further impetus in the Pastoral Letter issued by Cardinal Rivera in February 2002 on the eve of the canonization, and was asserted by John Paul II in his homily at the canonization ceremony itself when he called Juan Diego "a model of evangelization perfectly inculturated" – an allusion to the implantation of the Catholic Church within indigenous culture through the medium of the Guadalupe event.[104]
Reconciling two worlds
In the 17th century, Miguel Sánchez interpreted the Virgin as addressing herself specifically to the indigenous people, while noting that Juan Diego himself regarded all the residents of New Spain as his spiritual heirs, the inheritors of the holy image.[105] The Virgin's own words to Juan Diego as reported by Sánchez were equivocal: she wanted a place at Tepeyac where she can show herself,[106]
as a compassionate mother to you and yours, to my devotees, to those who should seek me for the relief of their necessities.
By contrast, the words of the Virgin's initial message as reported in Nican Mopohua are, in terms, specific to all residents of New Spain without distinction, while including others, too:[107]
I am the compassionate mother of you and of all you people here in this land, and of the other various peoples who love me, who cry out to me.
The special but not exclusive favour of the Virgin to the indigenous peoples is highlighted in Lasso de la Vega's introduction:[108]
You wish us your children to cry out to [you], especially the local people, the humble commoners to whom you revealed yourself.
At the conclusion of the miracle cycle in the Nican Mopectana, there is a broad summary which embraces the different elements in the emergent new society, "the local people and the Spaniards [Caxtilteca] and all the different peoples who called on and followed her".[109]
The role of Juan Diego as both representing and confirming the human dignity of the indigenous populations and of asserting their right to claim a place of honour in the New World is therefore embedded in the earliest narratives, nor did it thereafter become dormant awaiting rediscovery in the 20th century. Archbishop Lorenzana, in a sermon of 1770, applauded the evident fact that the Virgin signified honour to the Spaniards (by stipulating for the title "Guadalupe"), to the natives (by choosing Juan Diego), and to those of mixed race (by the colour of her face). In another place in the sermon he noted a figure of eight on the Virgin's robe and said it represented the two worlds that she was protecting (the old and the new).[110] This aim of harmonising and giving due recognition to the different cultures in Mexico rather than homogenizing them was also evident in the iconography of Guadalupe in the 18th century as well as in the celebrations attending the coronation of the image of Guadalupe in 1895 at which a place was given to 28 natives from Cuautitlán (Juan Diego's birthplace) wearing traditional costume.[111] The prominent role accorded indigenous participants in the actual canonization ceremony (not without criticism by liturgical purists) constituted one of the most striking features of those proceedings.[112]
See also
Notes
- ^ This is the official name of the saint.[1] A modern, though more precise rendering would be Juan Diego Cuāuhtlahtoātzin, with his indigenous name roughly translating as "he is who speaks like an eagle".[2]
- ^ See, for example, the remarks of Pope John Paul II in his 1997 Apostolic Exhortation, Ecclesia in America para. 11, regarding the veneration of Our Lady of Guadalupe as "Queen of all America", "Patroness of all America", and "Mother and Evangeliser of America"; cf. Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 1. In May 2010, the church of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Makati, Manila, Philippines, was declared a national shrine by the bishops' conference of that country.[3]
- ^ For comparison, in 2000, the year of the Great Jubilee, 25 million pilgrims were reported by the Rome Jubilee Agency,[5] but in 2006 the city of Rome computed altogether 18 million visitors, many of whom were there for purely cultural reasons.[6] Eight million were expected at Lourdes in 2008 (the 150th anniversary of the apparitions).[7]
- Martín de Porres (1579–1639) was the first American saint (1962) of mestizo heritage. Kateri Tekakwitha (1656–1680), a Mohawk-Algonquian woman from what is now the United States, was the first Native Americansaint (2012).
- ^ Sources (2) and (5) give his age as 74 at the date of his death in 1548; his place of birth is reported by (3) and (5) and by Pacheco among the witnesses at (4).
- ^ Source (2) says he was living in Cuauhtitlán at the time of the apparitions; (3) and (5) report Tulpetlac.
- ^ Source (2) in the Nican Mopohua calls him "maçehualtzintli", or "poor ordinary person", but in the Nican Mopectana it is reported that he had a house and land which he later abandoned to his uncle so that he could take up residence at Tepeyac; (3) says "un indio plebeyo y pobre, humilde y candído" (a poor Indian commoner, humble and unaffected); (5) says he came of the lowest rank of Indians, of the servant class; but one of the witnesses in (4) - Juana de la Concepción - says his father was cacique (or headman) of Cuauhtitlán. Guerrero Rosado developed a theory that he was of noble birth and reduced circumstances (the poor prince theory); see Brading (2001), pp. 356f.
- ^ All the sources dwell in more or less detail on his humility, sanctity, self-mortification and religious devotion during his life after the apparitions.
- ^ "recently converted" - (1) and (3); baptized in "1524 or shortly thereafter" - (5).
- ^ Sources (2), (4), and (5) agree she died two years before the apparitions, and all those who mention a wife (bar one of the three Indians who gave testimony in 1667 and who mentioned a wife) name her.
- ^ See, e.g., Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), pp. 113, 115 where (b) and (c) are presented together and not in the alternative.
- ^ Part of the capilla de los Indios in the Guadalupe precinct stands on what are said to be the foundations of this hermitage.[11]
- ^ cf. Poole (1995), pp. 50–58 where it is conceded that the Codex Sutro, at least, "probably dates from 1530 to 1540".[15]
- ^ The burden of these testimonies (which focus on Juan Diego's marital status and/ or his sanctity of life) can be read in Poole,[18] supplemented by Burkhart, p.35.
- ^ It occupies eight folios and three lines of a ninth.[19]
- ^ Cf. Poole (1995), pp. 117f; Brading (2001), p. 324; for various other translations into Spanish and English, see Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), note 4 on p. 3.
- ^ This apparition is somewhat elided in the Nican Mopohua but is implicit in three brief passages.[21] It is fully described in the Imagen de la Virgen María of Miguel Sánchez published in 1648.
- ^ Sánchez made a point of naming numerous flowers of different hues (roses, lilies, carnations, violets, jasmine, rosemary, broom – accounting for the various pigments eventually to manifest themselves on the tilma);[22] according to the Nican Mopohua,[23] the Virgin told Juan Diego he would find "various kinds of flowers" at the top of the hill which Juan Diego picked and brought back to her, although there is the intervening description of them (when Juan Diego arrived at the top of the hill and surveyed the flowers) as "different kinds of precious Spanish [Caxtillan] flowers". Florencia, in the account of the fourth apparition, three times[24] repeats the phrase "(diversas) rosas y flores", and in the final interview with the bishop[25] says that there poured from the tilma "un vergel abreviado de flores, frescas, olorosas, y todavía húmedas y salpicadas del rocío de la noche" (a garden in miniature of flowers, fresh, perfumed and damp, splashed with nocturnal dew). In Becerra Tanco's version (p.18), the only flowers mentioned were "rosas de castilla frescas, olorosas y con rocío" (roses of Castile, fresh and perfumed, with the dew on them). It was Becerra's Tanco's version that imposed itself on the iconographic tradition.
- ^ The date does not appear in the Nican Mopohua, but in Sanchez's Imagen.
- ^ The procession and miracle are not part of the Nican Mopohua proper, but introduce the Nican Mopectana which immediately follows the Nican Mopohua in the Huei tlamahuiçoltica.
- Cristero roots of the movement in the previous half century are traced in Brading (2001), pp. 311–314, 331–335.
- ^ cf. Chávez Sánchez, Camino a la canonización, which reports that the first Postulator (Fr. Antonio Cairoli OFM) having died, Fr. Paolo Molinari SJ succeeded him in 1989. Both of these were postulators-general of the religious Orders to which they belonged (the Franciscans and Jesuits, respectively) and were resident in Rome. In 2001 Fr. Chávez Sánchez himself was appointed Postulator for the cause of canonization, succeeding Mgr. Oscar Sánchez Barba who had been appointed in 1999.
- ^ A similar case of "equipollent beatification", as it is called, occurred in the case of eleven of the Forty Martyrs of England and Wales, who were beatified (with numerous other such martyrs) in stages between 1888 and 1929, but who were canonized together in 1970.[32]
- ^ The circumstances of the fall, the details of the injuries, the mother's prayer and the medical assistance provided to her son, the prognosis and his sudden inexplicable recovery are detailed in Fidel González Fernández, appendix 5.
- Secretariat of State which has no competency over canonizations. This was followed by a letter dated March 9, 1998 to Cardinal Bovone, then pro-prefect of the Congregation for the Causes of Saints, signed by the same three Mexican ecclesiastics ancby the historians Fr. Stafford Poole, Rafael Tena and Xavier Noguez. A third letter, dated October 5, 1998, was sent to Archbishop Re signed by the same signatories as those who had signed the letter of March 9, 1998. The texts of these letters are included as appendices to Olimón Nolasco.
- ^ Baracs names the prominent Guadalupanist Fr. Xavier Escalada SJ (who had first published the Codex Escalada in 1995) and the Mexican historian and Nahuatl scholar Miguel León-Portilla (a prominent proponent of the argument for dating the Nican Mopohua to the 16th century) as also participating, with others, in the work of the Commission.
- Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faithsigned by those three again, as well as by the three historians who had co-signed the letter of March 9, 1998; and, finally, another letter to Sodano of December 4, 2001 from the same three Mexican ecclesiastics as well as from Fr. Olimón Nolasco, the main purpose of which was to criticize Cardinal Rivera for "demonizing" those who were opposed to the canonization. On all this correspondence, see Baracs.
- ^ For the polemic, see: González Fernández, Fidel, Eduardo Chávez Sánchez, José Luis Guerrero Rosado; Olimón Nolasco; and Poole (2005). Brading[39] and Baracs offer dispassionate views of the controversy. For a sympathetic review in Spanish of Encuentro, see Martínez Ferrer.
- ^ Sánchez claimed in 1666 to have been researching the topic for "more than fifty years".[47]
- ^ The conclusion by Sousa et al.[52] (b) was foreshadowed by Poole[53] and accepted as proved by Brading (2001), pp. 358–360 and Burkhart (2000, p.1), despite the qualified nature of the claims actually made by the authors. Poole speaks of Lasso's "substantial or supervisory authorship even if most of the work was done by native assistants".
- ^ See sketch by Traslosheros citing Primo Feliciano Velázquez, Angel María Garibay and Miguel León Portilla, to whom can be added Eduardo O'Gorman and, from the 19th century, García Icazbalceta who (as others have done) linked it to the college of Santa Cruz at Tlatelolco.[54]
- ^ It contains a reference to 1686 as the date when the work was still being composed.[67]
- ^ Florencia's treatment of the various documentary Indian sources for the Guadalupe event[73] is both confusing and not entirely satisfactory on several other grounds, including much of what is objected by Poole (1995), pp. 159–162, and Brading (2001), pp. 104–107.
- ^ Brading claims Florencia was the first writer to address the Franciscan silence.[74]
- Baltasar de Echave Orio, signed and dated 1606, reproduced as Plate 10 in Brading.
- Emperor Charles V, as to both of which Poole remarks "undue importance should not be attached to . . [their] failure to mention the apparitions".
- ^ For the first ermita, see Miguel Sánchez, Imagen at Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 141; for another reference to it, see a letter of September 23, 1575 from the viceroy (Martín Enríquez) to King Philip II quoted in Poole (1995), p. 73. For Montúfar's adobe ermita, see Miranda Gódinez, pp.335, 351, 353. In 1562 it was allegedly "a mean and low building and so cheap that it is of very little value . . almost completely made of adobe and very low" (tan ruin y bajo edificio, y tan poco costoso que es de muy poco valor, y lo que está hecho por ser como es casi todo de adobes e muy bajo): Medrano, apéndice 2, at p.83. But, according to the Protestant English pirate Miles Philips, who saw it in 1568 on his way to Mexico City as a prisoner, the church was "very faire" and was decorated "by as many lamps of silver as there be dayes in the yeere, which upon high dayes are all lighted" (quoted in Brading (2001), p. 2).
- ^ Hence the attention he gives in Bk. III, cap.14 to the three martyr children of Tlaxcala: Cristobal, Antonio and Juan, beatified with Juan Diego in May 1990.[84]
- ^ Franciscan acceptance of the cult as late as 1544 is implicit in the second Guadalupan miracle as related by Miguel Sánchez.[86]
- ^ See, e.g., the conditions elaborated by the 17th-century Church historian Jean Mabillon.[101]
References
- ^ Biographical Note Vatican Information Service, July 31, 2002.
- ^ John Paul II, homily at the canonization Mass, 31 July 2002.
- ^ Archdiocesan Shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe declared National Shrine, website of Archdiocese of Manila.
- ^ Guadalupe Shrine Hosts 6M for Feastday Weekend Archived 2012-09-27 at the Wayback Machine, Zenit news agency, December 13, 2010.
- ^ Pilgrims to Rome Break Records in Year 2000, Zenit news agency, January 1, 2001
- ^ Vatican puts a squeeze on visitors, The Times online, January 6, 2007.
- ^ Benedict XVI to Join Celebrations at Lourdes, Zenit news agency, November 13, 2007.
- ISBN 978-0-313-34948-5.
- ^ Discussed at length by de Florencia (1688), cap. 18, n° 223, fol. 111r
- ^ Unpublished records of Convent of Corpus Christi in Mexico City: see Fidel González Fernández, appendix 4.
- ^ Parroquia de Indios Archived 2010-10-05 at the Wayback Machine, official website of the Basilica of Guadalupe, accessed February 11, 2011.
- ^ e.g. Codex Escalada, and see note under the reference to his date of birth in the text.
- ^ As quoted in Our Lady Of Guadalupe: Historical Sources, an unsigned article in L'Osservatore Romano, Weekly Edition in English, January 23, 2002, page 8.
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 1
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 57
- ^ A convenient summary synthesis of the narrative biographical sources is at Burkhart, pp. 33-39.
- ^ The texts of these two biographical sources can be found in English in Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998). (de la Vega at pp. 113/115, and Sánchez at p. 141).
- ^ Poole (1995), pp. 130–134, 139–141
- ^ de Florencia (1688), nn. 213-236, foll. 106r.-114r.
- ^ See Brading (2001), p. 76, citing Cruz' commentary to his 1660 abridgement of Sanchez' Imagen de la Virgen María.
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), pp. 75, 77, 83
- ^ (Sanchez, pp.137f.)
- ^ (Sanchez, p.79)
- ^ de Florencia (1688), cap. 5, n° 33f., fol.13
- ^ de Florencia (1688), cap. 6, n° 38, fol. 15r.
- ^ Brading (2001), p. 132
- ^ Cardinal Rivera, Carta pastoral, nn. 22, 24
- ^ The reform of the procedure was mandated by John Paul II in his Apostolic Constitution Divinus perfectionis Magister ("The Divine Teacher and Model of Perfection"), January 25, 1983, and was put into effect from February 7, 1983 pursuant to rules drawn up by the Congregation for the Causes of Saints: New Laws for the Causes of Saints.
- ^ Cardinal Rivera, Carta Pastoral, n.24
- Congregation for the Causes of Saints; for the publication of the Positio, see Chávez Sánchez, Camino a la canonización, footnote 30.
- ^ AAS 82 [1990] p.855.
- ^ Canonization of 40 English and Welsh Martyrs, by Paolo Molinari, SJ, L'Osservatore Romano, weekly edition in English, October 29, 1970.
- ^ Addis and Arnold, A Catholic Dictionary, Virtue & Co., London, 1954 s.v. "canonization".
- ^ Chávez Sánchez, Camino a la canonization.
- ^ AAS 94 [2002] pp.488f.
- ^ See: Canonization of 40 English and Welsh Martyrs, by Paolo Molinari, S.J., L'Osservatore Romano, Weekly Edition in English, October 29, 1970; it is normally handled through the Historical-Hagiographical Office of the Congregation for the Causes of Saints.
- ^ Cardinal Rivera, Carta Pastoral, nn.29, 35–37.
- ^ cf. Chávez Sánchez, Camino a la canonization.
- ^ Brading (2001), pp. 338–341, 348–360
- ^ AAS 95 [2003] pp.801–803
- ^ See John Paul II, Homily at the canonization Mass, July 31, 2002.
- ^ a b The Cleaving of Christendom, Warren Carroll, p 616
- ^ "The Oldest Copy of the Nican Mopohua", CARA Studies on Popular Devotion, Vol. IV
- ^ Dimitió Schulenburg, La Jornada, September 7, 1996; cf. Brading (2001), pp. 348f
- ^ Insiste abad: Juan Diego no existió Archived 2014-12-08 at the Wayback Machine, Notimex, January 21, 2002.
- ^ Disclosures from Commission Studying Historicity of Guadalupe Event, Zenit news agency, December 12, 1999.
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 102
- ^ Brading (2001), p. 74
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 109
- ^ de Florencia (1688), cap. XIV, n° 183, foll. 89v. & 90r.; cf. Poole (1995), p. 109, Brading (2001), p. 76.
- ^ e.g. Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), pp. 46–47; Brading (2001), p. 360.
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), pp. 5, 18–21, 47
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 221
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 222
- ^ Poole (1995), pp. 117, 145, 148 calls it a paraphrase; cf. Brading (2001), p. 89 who speaks of it as a "translation".
- ^ Poole (1995), pp. 143f
- ^ Brading (2001), p. 89
- ^ For his claim to be correcting errors in previous accounts, see p. viii of the prologue to the 1883 edition of Felicidad and p. 24 where he calls his account "la tradicion primera, mas antigua y mas fidedigna" (the first, most ancient and most credible tradition). Among the alleged errors are those relating to Juan Diego's residence in 1531 (Tolpetlac, p.2), and the material of the tilma (said to be palm, not maguey, fibre, p. 42).
- ^ Brading (2001), p. 81
- ^ Brading (2001), pp. 76, 89, 95
- ^ 1883 edition, prologue, pp. vii and viii and p. 28 for the absence of official records; pp. 33-36 for records of the native traditions.
- ^ For the "cantares" see p.38 of the 1883 edition; for reference to the native documents held by Alva, see pp. 36f of the 1883 edition.
- ^ 1883 edition, pp.44–48; the named sources included Pedro Ponce de León (1546–1626), and Gaspar de Prabez (1548–1628) who said he had received the tradition from Antonio Valeriano.
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 138
- ^ Poole gives an abstract of the testimonies at Poole (1995), pp. 130–137.
- ^ Chávez Sánchez (2002).
- ^ de Florencia (1688), cap. XIII, n° 158, fol. 74r.
- ^ for the dates of the 18th-century editions, see The Philadelphia Rare Books & Manuscripts Company Archived 2013-10-02 at the Wayback Machine, online catalogue, accessed February 26, 2011. It was republished in Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico in 1895. A paperback edition was published in 2010 by Nabu Press, Amazon online catalogue, accessed February 26, 2011.
- ^ de Florencia (1688), cap. XIV, n° 182, fol.89v.; n° 183, fol.89v
- ^ de Florencia (1688), cap. X passim, n° 65–83, foll. 26r.–35r.
- ^ "la tradición constante de padres á hijos, un tan firme como innegable argumento", de Florencia (1688), cap. XI, n° 84, fol.35v. (and cap. XI passim); cf. passages to similar effect at de Florencia (1688), cap. XII, n° 99, fol.43v., cap. XIII, n° 152, fol.70v., etc
- ^ de Florencia (1688), cap. XIII §10
- ^ de Florencia (1688), capp. XIII §§8–10, XV, and XVI
- ^ Brading (2001), pp. 103f
- ^ for Muñoz, see Brading (2001), pp. 212–216; for the factionalism surrounding the coronation project between 1886 and 1895, see Brading (2001), pp. 267–287; for the Schulenberg affair in 1995–1996, see Brading (2001), pp. 348f.
- ^ On the acheiropoietic iconology, see Peterson, pp.130 and 150; also, Bargellini, p.86.
- ^ On Balbuena, see Lafaye (1976), pp. 51–59, 291; on de Remesal, see Poole (1995), p. 94.
- ^ Enciclopedia Franciscana
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 58
- ^ Torquemada (no reference) cited by Brading (2001), p. 45; and see Enciclopedia Franciscana.
- ^ The will (dated June 2, 1548) was published in 1881 by García Icazbelceta in Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga, primer Obispo y Arzobispo de México, appendix, docc. 41–43 at pp.171–181, and it is summarily noticed in Poole (1995), pp. 35f.
- ^ Lopez Don, pp.573f. and 605.
- ^ The topic is explored in Lafaye (1976), pp. 239f and, passim, chapters 3 "The Inquisition and the Pagan Underground", 8 "The First Franciscans", and 12 "Holy Mary and Tonantzin"
- ^ Homily of John Paul II at the beatification, May 6, 1990.
- ^ a b Lafaye (1976), p. 238
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), pp. 142f
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), pp. 30–34, 242
- ^ Phelan (1970), passim
- ^ See Lafaye (1976), pp. 15f., 254; and Phelan (1970), chapter 10 on the epidemics.
- ^ On the cult of the saints (including "the legitimate use of images") see Conc. Trid., Sess. XXV, de invocatione, veneratione et reliquiis sanctorum, et sacris imaginibus in Denzinger Schönmetzer Enchiridion Symbolorum (edn. 32, 1963) §§1821–1825.
- ^ Brading (2001), pp. 327f
- ^ For a discussion of Edmundo O'Gorman's argument in his Destierro des sombras (1986) which seemingly addresses this point.
- ^ Phelan (1970), p. 51
- ^ Poole (1995), e.g., pp.62, 68, 150 etc.
- ^ Brading (2001), pp. 268–275
- ^ Lafaye (1976), pp. 216f
- ^ Brading (2001), pp. 214f
- ^ Poole (1995), p. 78
- ^ Mendieta, Historia eclesiástica indiana, Bk. IV, capp. 24–28 for Marian apparitions etc.; Bk. III, cap.23 for Indians insinuating pre-Christian cult objects into churches.
- ^ Monarquía indiana, Bk.X, cap.8, quoted at Poole (1995), pp. 92f.
- ^ Brading (2001), p. 182
- ^ For Sánchez' sermon, see Poole (1995), p. 109; as to the lack of special significance to be attributed to many of the "silent" sources, see Poole (1995), p. 219.
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 97; for Sánchez, who writes of the "New World", see Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 143.
- ^ John Paul II, homily at the canonization, July 31, 2002, §3; cf. John Paul II, homily (in Spanish) at beatification of Juan Diego and four others, May 6, 1990, s.5; in Card. Rivera's Carta Pastoral, February 26, 2002, the third and longest section (§§ 58–120) is entitled "Juan Diego, as evangelist".
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 141
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 132
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 65
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 57
- ^ Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998), p. 113
- ^ For Lorenzana's oración of 1770, see de Souza, pp.738 and 744.
- ^ See, e.g., Brading (2001), plates 16 and 20, with brief discussion at p. 178; on the indigenous presence at the coronation, see Brading (2001), p. 297.
- ^ cf. Inculturation at Papal Masses, John L. Allen, Jnr., National Catholic Reporter, August 9, 2002 and The Papal liturgist (an interview with the then Bishop Piero Marini), National Catholic Reporter, June 20, 2003.
Primary sources
- Acta Apostolicae Sedis (AAS) 82 [1990], 94 [2002], 95 [2003]; text in Latin only, available as download from Vatican website
- Becerra Tanco, Felicidad de México, 6th edn., México (1883) publ. under the title "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe y origen de su milagrosa imagen", available as a download from Colección digital Universidad autónoma de Nuevo León.
- Benevente, Toribio de, Historia de los indios de Nueva España (1541), ed. José Fernando Ramírez, Mexico (1858), available as a download from cervantesvirtual website.
- Denzinger Schönmetzer, Enchiridion Symbolorum (edn. 32, 1963).
- de Florencia, Francisco (1688). Estrella del norte de México: historia de la milagrosa imagen de Maria Stma. de Guadalupe. Mexico City.
- Informaciones sobre la milagrosa aparición de la Santísima Virgen de Guadalupe, recibidas en 1666 y 1723, publ. by Fortino Hipólito Vera, Amecameca: Impr. Católica (1889), available as a download from Colección digital Universidad autónoma de Nuevo León.
- Lasso de la Vega, Luis, Huey tlamahuiçoltica [. . .], Mexico City (1649) text and Eng. trans. in Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998).
- Mendieta, Jerónimo de, Historia eclesiástica indiana (1596, but not publ. until 1870), available as a download from Colección digital Universidad autónoma de Nuevo León.
- Sahagún, Bernardino de, Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España (completed in 1576/7, but first publ. only as from 1829 onwards), available as a download from Colección digital Universidad autónoma de Nuevo León.
- Sánchez, Miguel, Imagen de la Virgen Maria, Madre de Dios de Guadalupe, milagrosamente aparecida en la ciudad de México [. . .], Mexico City (1648), Eng, trans. (excerpts) in Sousa, Poole & Lockhart (1998). and transcript of Spanish text printed as appendix 1 to H.M.S. Phake-Potter, "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe: la pintura, la leyenda y la realidad. una investigación arte-histórica e iconológica", Cuadernos de arté y iconografía, vol.12, n°24 (2003) monograph, pp. 265–521 at pp. 391–491. Download via www.fuesp.com/revistas/pag/cai24.pdf.
- Torquemada, Juan de, [Monarquía indiana], Seville, (1615), 2nd. edn., Madrid (1723), available as a download from Instituto de investigaciones históricas Archived 2011-09-29 at the Wayback Machine, UNAM, with introduction by Miguel León-Portilla (2010).
- Zumárraga, Juan de, Last will and testament published in: García Icazbelceta, Joaquín, Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga, primer Obispo y Arzobispo de México, (1881), appendix, docc. 41–43 at pp. 171–181, available as a download from Colección digital Universidad autónoma de Nuevo León.
Secondary sources
- Addis and Arnold, A Catholic Dictionary, Virtue & Co., London (1954).
- Baracs, Rodrigo, Querella por Juan Diego, La Jornada Semanal, n° 390 (August 25, 2002).
- Bargellini, Clara, Originality and invention in the painting of New Spain, in: "Painting a new world: Mexican art and life, 1521–1821", by Donna Pierce, Rogelio Ruiz Gomar, Clara Bargellini, University of Texas Press (2004).
- Brading, D. A. (2001). Mexican Phoenix, Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521531603.
- Burkhart, Louise M., Juan Diego's World: the canonical Juan Diego, in: Sell, Barry D., Louise M. Burkhart, Stafford Poole, "Nahuatl Theater, vol. 2: Our Lady of Guadalupe", University of Oklahoma Press (2006).
- Chávez Sánchez, Eduardo (November 12, 2001), Camino a la canonizacíon, online article, also (as to second part only) at Proceso de la beatificación y canonización de Juan Diego Archived 2013-05-09 at the Wayback Machine;
- Chávez Sánchez, Eduardo (2002), "La Virgen de Guadalupe y Juan Diego en las Informaciones Jurídicas de 1666, (con facsímil del original)", Edición del Instituto de Estudios Teológicos e Históricos Guadalupanos.
- Rivera, Norberto Cardinal, "Carta Pastoral por la canonización del Beato Juan Diego Cuauhtlatoatzin" (February 26, 2002) available as a download from the website of the Archdiocese of Mexico.
- de Souza, Juliana Beatriz Almeida, "La imagen de la Virgen de Guadalupe por Don Francisco Antonio De Lorenzana", in XIV Encuentro de Latinoamericanistas Españoles, Congreso Internacional 1810–2010: 200 años de Iberoamérica, pp. 733–746
- Fidel González Fernández, "Pulso y Corazon de un Pueblo", Encuentro Ediciones, México (2005).
- González Fernández, Fidel, Eduardo Chávez Sánchez, José Luis Guerrero Rosado, "El encuentro de la Virgen de Guadalupe y Juan Diego", Ediciones Porrúa, México (1999, 4th edn. 2001).
- Lafaye, Jacques (1976) [1974]. Quetzalcóatl and Guadalupe: the Formation of Mexican National Consciousness, 1531–1813. Translated by Benjamin Keen, with a foreword by Octavio Paz. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-46788-0.
- Lopes Don, Patricia, "The 1539 Inquisition and Trial of Don Carlos of Texcoco in Early Mexico", Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 88:4 (2008), pp. 573–606.
- Martínez Ferrer, Luis, reseña de "El encuentro de la Virgen de Guadalupe y Juan Diego", Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia, vol. 9 (2000), University of Navarre, Pamplona, Spain, pp. 597–600.
- Medrano, E.R., Los negocios de un arzobispo: el caso de fray Alonso de Montúfar Estudios de Historia Novohispana, No. 012, enero 1992, pp. 63–83.
- Miranda Gódinez, Francisco, "Dos cultos fundantes: los Remedios y Guadalupe", El Colegio de Michoacán A.C. (2001).
- Olimón Nolasco, "La Búsqueda de Juan Diego", Plaza y Janés, México (2002) available online.
- Peterson, Jeanette Favrot, Canonizing a Cult: A Wonder-working Guadalupe in the Seventeenth Century, in: "Religion in New Spain", Susan Schroeder, Stafford Poole ed., University of New Mexico Press (2007).
- Phelan, John Leddy (1970). The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World: a Study of the Writings of Gerónimo de Mendieta (1525–1604) (2nd ed.). Berkeley, CA: California University Press. LCCN 76-99486.
- ISBN 978-0-8165-1623-0.
- Poole, Stafford (2000), Observaciones acerca de la historicidad y beatificación de Juan Diego, publ. as appendix to Olimon, q.v;
- Poole, Stafford (July 2005), "History versus Juan Diego", talk, printed in: The Americas, 62:1, pp. 1–16.
- Sousa, Lisa; Poole, Stafford; Lockhart, James (1998). The Story of Guadalupe. Nahuatl Studies Series. Vol. 5. Stanford University Press.
Other links
- Adams, David, Pope reaches out to Mexico, St. Petersburg Times (July 31, 2002). Retrieved 2007-11-15.
- Allen, John L., Jr. (December 28, 2001), Controversial figures set for canonization, (NCR Onlinereproduction) National Catholic Reporter . Retrieved 2007-11-14.
- Allen, John L., Jr. (January 25, 2002), Maybe he isn't real but he's almost a saint (NCR Onlinereproduction). National Catholic Reporter. Retrieved 2007-11-14.
- Baracs, Rodrigo Martínez, review of León-Portilla (2001) in Historias 49 (May–August 2001) Revista de la dirección de estudios históricos México, pp. 153–159
- Burkhart, Louise M. "Before Guadalupe: The Virgin Mary in Early Colonial Nahuatl Literature" (Coll=IMS Monograph Series Publication No. 13), Albany, NY: State University of New York at Albany, Institute for Mesoamerican Studies distributed by University of Texas Press (2001).
- Grayson, George W. "Canonizing Juan Diego: Mexico City politics" (Reprinted online at The Free Library), Commonweal (New York: Commonweal Foundation) 129 (7): 9, (April 5, 2002). Retrieved 2007-11-15.
- León-Portilla, Miguel, "Tonantzin Guadalupe: pensamiento náhuatl y mensaje cristiano en el Nicān mopōhua", Mexico D.F.: El Colegio Nacional, Fondo de Cultura Económica (2000)(Spanish).
- Lockhart, James, Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philology, Stanford University Press (1991)
- Lockhart, James, Lisa Sousa, and Stephanie Woods (edd.), Sources and Methods for the Study of Postconquest Mesoamerican Ethnohistory, an online collection of essays Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine (2007)
- Luna, D. Marco A., "Leyendas Mexicanas", Mexico D.F. (1939)(Spanish).
- Noguez, Xavier "Documentos guadalupanos: un estudio sobre las fuentes tempranas en torno a las mariofanías en Tepeyacac", Mexico D.F.: El Colegio Mexiquense, Fondo de Cultura Económica (1993)(Spanish).
- O'Gorman, Edmundo, Destierro de sombras, luz en el origen de la imagen y culto de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe del Tepeyac, México, UNAM(1986)
- Poole, Stafford (June 14, 2002), "Did Juan Diego exist? Revisiting the Saint Christopher syndrome" (Reprinted online at The Free Library, under the title "Did Juan Diego exist? Questions on the eve of canonization"), Commonweal (New York: Commonweal Foundation) 129 (12): 9–11. Retrieved 2007-11-15.
- Poole, Stafford, C.M. (2006), "The Guadalupan Controversies in Mexico". Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
- Restall, Matthew, Lisa Sousa, and Kevin Terraciano, "Mesoamerican Voices: Native-Language Writings from Colonial Mexico, Oaxaca, Yucatán, and Guatemala", Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press (2005).
External links
- Media related to Juan Diego at Wikimedia Commons