June Democratic Struggle
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June Democratic Struggle | |||
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Part of the Minjung movement | |||
Date | June 10–29, 1987 (large-scale outbreak) January–July 9, 1987 (total) | ||
Location | |||
Caused by |
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Goals |
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Methods | Protest marches and civil disobedience | ||
Resulted in |
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Parties | |||
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Lead figures | |||
Decentralized leadership | |||
Number | |||
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Casualties | |||
Death(s) | 3[2] |
June Democratic Struggle | |
Hangul | 6월 민주 항쟁 |
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Hanja | 六月民主抗爭 |
Revised Romanization | Yuwol Minju Hangjaeng |
McCune–Reischauer | Yuwŏl Minju Hangjaeng |
The June Democratic Struggle (
On June 10, the military regime of President
Unwilling to resort to violence before the 1988 Olympic Games in Seoul (which garnered large worldwide attention),[5] and believing that Roh could win competitive elections anyway given divisions within the opposition,[4] Chun and Roh acceded to the key demands of direct presidential elections and restoration of civil liberties. Although Roh was duly elected as president that December with a bare plurality, the consolidation of a liberal democratic regime in South Korea was underway.[6]
Background
Indirect presidential elections
Since the 1972 implementation of the
Seeking to enhance his domestic and international standing by providing a veneer of democratic representation, Chun held parliamentary elections in 1985. Even though ruling party lost only two mandates, the result was a major moral victory for the opposition, led by Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam. The opposition's key demand was direct presidential elections, and Chun sought to foil this by initiating a campaign of delay, deliberation, and deferment. In response to a wave of public protest in February 1986, Chun agreed to allow parliamentary debate on constitutional change.[7] Although a parliamentary committee debated various proposals for months, on April 13, 1987, Chun suspended even this committee until after the Olympics, citing a need for "national unity" ahead of the Games.[4][8] This action intensified unrest and broader anti-government sentiment, especially as residents of many areas of Seoul such as Mok-dong were displaced to make way for planned facilities, but Chun continued his program to install Roh as his successor.[9] Meanwhile, anti-government sentiment was growing among the public; a May 1987 survey of the "middle class" published in Hankook Ilbo found that 85.7% of respondents felt that it was "more desirable to protect human rights even at the cost of economic growth".[10]
Throughout this period, the labor movement, university students, and churches in particular formed a mutually supporting alliance that put increasing pressure on the regime.[4] This mobilized a large portion of civil society, in addition to the "official" political opposition, forming the core of the resistance that would become widespread during the decisive events of June.[1]
Student movement and death of Park Jong-chul
In the 1980s, many student activists in universities struggled against Chun Doo-hwan's dictatorship in the aftermath of the 1980
On January 13, 1987, activist
Information surrounding the events of Park Jong-chol's death was initially suppressed. However, the Catholic Priests Association for Justice (CPAJ), revealed details, including that of a deliberate cover-up by authorities, to the public at a May 18 memorial service for the victims of the Gwangju Massacre, further inflaming public sentiment.[20] On May 23, a meeting of opposition groups was held, and announced that they would hold mass demonstrations on June 10. This coalition took the name of the National Coalition for a Democratic Constitution (NCDC; 민주헌법쟁취국민운동본부; 民主憲法爭取國民運動本部), or Guk-bon.[21]
Death of Lee Han-yeol
On June 9, student groups nationwide took to the field and mobilized on campuses across the country, in preparation for the planned mass protests on June 10. At 2 p.m., Yonsei University student Lee Han-yeol was seriously injured when a tear gas grenade penetrated his skull.[22] A widely-circulated photograph was captured of him injured and being carried away by a fellow student.[23] In critical condition, he quickly became a symbol of the subsequent protests over the weeks that followed.
He eventually died of his wounds on July 5, after the regime had agreed to the people's demands. Over 1.6 million citizens participated in his national funeral, held on July 9. He was buried at May 18th National Cemetery.[24]
Main demonstrations
The 1980 constitution limited the president to a single seven-year term. Although extension to the term via constitutional amendment was possible, this would legally not apply to the sitting president, effectively excluding Chun from serving past 1987. However, the constitution still granted significant power the to presidential office, and political activity faced continued suppression.[25]
Roh Tae-woo's nomation as Chun's successor was scheduled for June 10, the same day as scheduled protests. As the day approached, authorities took measures to clamp down on dissent.
That evening, students in Seoul fled police by entering
Protests from June 10 onwards differed from protests earlier in the year due to the degree of mass participation; whereas early protests were driven by opposition groups and students, the June protests saw increased involvement from other sectors of the populace, comprising all social standings.
On June 18, the National Rally for the Abolition of Tear Gas Grenades (
On June 20, a contingent of around 150 protesting Buddhist monks were confronted by riot police in Seoul; when dispersed, they were joined by thousands of civilians.
Eventually, Roh Tae-woo issued the June 29 Declaration, capitulating to the demands of the protesters by promising to amend the Constitution and to release political prisoners, including opposition leader Kim Dae-jung, who had been under house arrest since his return from exile in 1985. The declaration was officially approved by President Chun two days later.[2]
Aftermath
1987 Great Labor Struggle
Prior to 1987, labor movements in South Korea had long played a major role in opposition movements against the country's military dictatorships. The role they played during June 1987 further emboldened them and allowed them to consolidate their position.[49] Following the June Democratic Uprising, Hyundai Engine Trade Union was established in Ulsan on July 5. Many workers across the country started to establish labor unions and take actions to demand better conditions such as strikes and walkouts. Within the space of a year, 4,000 new unions representing some 700,000 workers were established, and union membership would increase from 1.06 million in 1986 to 1.98 million in 1990. Daewoo worker Lee Suk-kyu was killed after being hit by a tear gas canister on August 22, and Hyundai workers occupied Ulsan City Hall on September 2. On September 29, the government announced it would take steps to make workers "middle class". A total of 3,492 labor disputes were recorded by the government between June 29 and September 15, with an average of 44 industrial actions being undertaken per day in this period.[50]
Constitutional reform
After the June 29 Declaration, the process of constitutional amendment began in earnest. On October 12 the constitutional bill was passed, and it was approved via a public referendum held on October 28, with 94.4% of voters in favor. It officially took effect on February 25, 1988, when Roh Tae-woo was inaugurated as president.
The 10th Constitution strengthened civil rights. Natural and legal rights were explicitly specified, direct presidential elections were implemented, and the power of the president was reduced in favor of the power of
Democratic elections
Roh retained his June 10 nomination as the presidential candidate of the presidency of Democratic Justice Party. Roh had enough legitimate support within the Korean electorate to compete in the elections in December 1987. His position was greatly improved by the divisions within the opposition, as Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam were unable to unite, or even back a two-round voting system that would create a runoff.[4]
Two weeks before the presidential election, Korean Air Flight 858 exploded when it was flying to Bangkok. The revelation of the North Korean conspiracy against the plane, and the arrival in Seoul of Kim Hyon-hui, one of the agents responsible for the attack, the day before the election created a profitable environment for Roh Tae-woo.[52] Declassified documents have since confirmed that Chun's government deliberately sought to exploit the events for political gain, including by ensuring that Kim was extradited before the election.[53]
The election finally took place on December 16. Roh Tae-woo was elected president, receiving 36.6% of the vote, with a turnout of 89.2%. The opposition vote was split between Kim Young-sam, who received 28%, and Kim Dae-jung, who received 27%. This election marked the beginning of the Sixth Republic.
In popular culture
A segment of the 1999 film
In 2009, Choi Kyu-sok published 100 °C, a graphic novel based on the events of the June Uprising. An English translation was released by University of Hawaiʻi Press in 2023.[55][56]
The 2017 film 1987: When the Day Comes, directed by Jang Joon-hwan, depicts how the death of Park Jong-chul sparked a chain of events leading to the mass uprising in June 1987.[57]
The 2021
See also
- 2016–2017 South Korean protests
- 8888 Uprising
- April Revolution
- Bu-Ma Democratic Protests
- Gwangju Uprising
- People Power Revolution
- Tiananmen Square protests of 1989
- Seoul Spring
- Indonesian riots of 1998
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