Justice Party (India)

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Justice Party
Theagaroya Chetty
Founded1917
Dissolved27 August 1944
Preceded byMadras Dravidian Association
Succeeded byDravidar Kazhagam
HeadquartersMadras
NewspaperJustice
Dravidian
Andhra Prakasika
P. Balasubramania Mudaliar’s Sunday Observer
IdeologySocialism
Anti-Brahminism

The Justice Party, officially the South Indian Liberal Federation, was a political party in the

Dravidian Movement.[2][3][4][5]

During its early years, the party was involved in petitioning the imperial administrative bodies and British colonial officials demanding more representation for non-Brahmins in government. When a

Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy and his Self-Respect Movement. In 1944, Periyar transformed the Justice Party into the social organisation Dravidar Kazhagam
and withdrew it from electoral politics. A rebel faction that called itself the original Justice Party, survived to contest one final election, in 1952.

The Justice Party was isolated in contemporary Indian politics by its many controversial activities. It opposed Brahmins in civil service and politics, and this anti-Brahmin attitude shaped many of its ideas and policies. It opposed

Home rule movement, because it believed home rule would benefit the Brahmins. The party also campaigned against the non-cooperation movement in the presidency. It was at odds with Mahatma Gandhi, due to his opposition towards creation of separate Dravidian country. Its mistrust of the "Brahmin–dominated" Congress led it to adopt a hostile stance toward the Indian independence movement
. The Justice Party's period in power is remembered for the introduction of (one of the successor states to Madras Presidency) continuously since 1967.

Background

Brahmin/non-Brahmin divide

The

Home Rule for India movement. The following table shows the distribution of selected jobs among different caste groups in 1912 in Madras Presidency.[6][8]

Caste group Deputy collectors Sub judges District Munsifs % of total
male population
Brahmins 77 15 93 3.2
non-Brahmin Hindus 30 3 25 85.6
Muslims 15 nil 2 6.6
Indian Christians 7 nil 5 2.7
Europeans and Eurasians 11 nil 3 .1

The dominance of Brahmins was also evident in the membership of the

Salem nationalists led by C. Rajagopalachari. A fourth non-Brahmin faction rose to compete with them and became the Justice party.[10]

British policies

Historians differ about the extent of British influence in the evolution of the non-Brahmin movement.

anti-nationalism—a fact which surely indicates its origins as a product of government policy."[14] Washbrook's portrayal has been contested by P. Rajaraman (in The Justice Party: a historical perspective, 1916–37), who argues that the movement was an inevitable result of longstanding "social cleavage" between Brahmins and non-Brahmins.[9]

The British role in the development of the non-Brahmin movement is broadly accepted by some historians. The statistics used by non-Brahmin leaders in their 1916 manifesto were prepared by senior

V. Krishnaswami Iyer was expected to succeed him. He was a vocal opponent of the Mylapore Brahmins and advocated the induction of non-Brahmin members in the government. In 1912, under the influence of Sir Alexander Cardew, the Madras Secretariat, for the first time used Brahmin or non-Brahmin as a criterion for job appointments. By 1918, it was maintaining a list of Brahmins and non-Brahmins, preferring the latter.[14]

Early non-Brahmin associations in south india

Identity politics among linguistic groups was common in British India. In every area, some groups considered British rule more favourable than a Congress–led independent government.[16] In 1909, two lawyers, P. Subrahmanyam and M. Purushotham Naidu, announced plans to establish an organisation named "The Madras Non-Brahmin Association" and recruit a thousand non-Brahmin members before October 1909. They elicited no response from the non-Brahmin populace and the organisation never saw the light of the day. Later in 1912, disaffected non-Brahmin members of the bureaucracy like Saravana Pillai, G. Veerasamy Naidu, Doraiswami Naidu and S. Narayanaswamy Naidu established the "Madras United League" with C. Natesa Mudaliar as Secretary. The league restricted itself to social activities and distanced itself from contemporary politics. On 1 October 1912, the league was reorganised and renamed as the "Madras Dravidian Association". The association opened many branches in Madras city. Its main achievement was to establish a hostel for non-Brahmin students. It also organised annual "At-home" functions for non-Brahmin graduates and published books presenting their demands.[9]

Formation

Raja of Panagal
and Raja of Venkatagiri

In the 1916 elections to the

Kurma Venkata Reddy Naidu
lost to Brahmin candidates with Home Rule League support in local council elections. These defeats increased animosity and the formation of a political organisation to represent non-Brahmin interests.

On 20 November 1916, a gathering of non-Brahmin leaders and dignitaries met at the Advocate T.Ethirajulu Mudaliyar's residence in Vepery, Chennai. Diwan Bahadur Pitti Theagaraya Chettiar, Dr. T. M. Nair, Diwan Bahadur P. Rajarathina Mudaliyar, Dr. C. Nadesa Mudaliyar, Diwan Bahadur P. M. Sivagnana Mudaliar, Diwan Bahadur P. Ramaraya Ningar, Diwan Bahadur M. G. Aarokkiasami Pillai, Diwan Bahadur G. Narayanasamy Reddy, Rao Bahadur O. Thanikasalam Chettiar, Rao Bahadur M. C. Raja, Dr. Mohammed Usman Sahib, J. M. Nallusamipillai, Rao Bahadur K. Venkataretti Naidu (K. V. Reddy Naidu), Rao Bahadur A. B. Patro, T. Ethirajulu Mudaliyar, O. Kandasamy Chettiar, J. N. Ramanathan, Khan Bahadur A. K. G. Ahmed Thambi Marikkayar, Alarmelu Mangai Thayarmmal, A. Ramaswamy Mudaliyar, Diwan Bahadur Karunagara Menon, T. Varadarajulu Naidu, L. K. Thulasiram, K. Apparao Naidugaru, S. Muthaiah Mudaliyar and Mooppil Nair were among those present at the meeting.[17]

They established the South Indian People's Association (SIPA) to publish English, Tamil and Telugu newspapers to publicise grievances of non-Brahmins. Chetty became the secretary. Chetty and Nair had been political rivals in the Madras Corporation council, but Natesa Mudaliar was able to reconcile their differences. The meeting also formed the "South Indian Liberal Federation" (SILF) as a political movement. Dr. T. M. Nair and Pitti Theagaraya Chettiar were the co-founders of this movement. Rajarathna Mudaliyar was selected as the president. Ramaraya Ningar, Pitti Theagaraya Chettiar, A. K. G. Ahmed Thambi Marikkayar and M. G. Aarokkiasami Pillai were also selected as the vice-presidents. B. M. Sivagnana Mudaliyar, P. Narayanasamy Mudaliar, Mohammed Usman, M. Govindarajulu Naidu were selected as the secretaries. G. Narayanasamy Chettiar acted as treasurer. T. M. Nair was elected as one of the executive committee members.[17] Later, the movement came to be popularly called the "Justice Party", after the English daily Justice published by it. In December 1916, the association published "The Non Brahmin Manifesto", affirmed its loyalty and faith in the British Raj, but decried Brahminic bureaucratic dominance and urged for non-Brahmins to "press their claims as against the virtual domination of the Brahmin Caste".[9] The manifesto was harshly criticised by the nationalist newspaper The Hindu (on 20 December 1916):

It is with much pain and surprise that we have perused this document. It gives a manifestly unfair and distorted representation of many of the matters to which it makes reference. It can serve no purpose but it is bound to create bad blood between persons belonging to the Great Indian Community.[9]

The masthead of the English daily – Justice

The periodical Hindu Nesan, questioned the timing of the new association. The New Age (Home Rule Movement's newspaper) dismissed it and predicted its premature death. By February 1917, the SIPA joint stock company had raised money by selling 640 shares of one hundred rupees each. The money purchased a printing press and the group hired C. Karunakara Menon to edit a newspaper which was to be called Justice. However, negotiations with Menon broke down and Nair himself took over as honorary editor with P. N. Raman Pillai and M. S. Purnalingam Pillai as sub–editors. The first issue came out on 26 February 1917. A Tamil newspaper called Dravidan, edited by Bhaktavatsalam Pillai, was started in June 1917. The party also purchased the Telugu newspaper Andhra Prakasika (edited by A. C. Parthasarathi Naidu). Later in 1919, both were converted to weeklies due to financial constraints.[9]

On 19 August 1917, the first non-Brahmin conference was convened at Coimbatore under the presidency of Ramarayaningar. In the following months, several non-Brahmin conferences were organised. On 18 October, the party published its objectives (as formed by T. M. Nair) in The Hindu:

1) to create and promote the education, social, economic, political, material and moral progress of all communities in Southern India other than Brahmins 2)to discuss public questions and make a true and timely representation to Government of the views and interests of the people of Southern India with the object of safeguarding and promoting the interests of all communities other than Brahmins and 3) to disseminate by public lectures, by distribution of literature and by other means sound and liberal views in regard to public opinion.[18]

Between August and December 1917 (when the first confederation of the party was held), conferences were organised all over the Madras Presidency—at Coimbatore, Bikkavole, Pulivendla,

Salem and Tirunelveli. These conferences and other meetings symbolised the arrival of the SILF as a non-Brahmin political organisation.[19]

Early history (1916–1920)

During 1916–20, the Justice party struggled against the Egmore and Mylapore factions to convince the British government and public to support communal representation for non-Brahmins in the presidency. Rajagopalachari's followers advocated non-cooperation with the British.[10]

Conflict with Home Rule Movement

In 1916,

Madras and many of her political associates were Tamil Brahmins. She viewed India as a single homogeneous entity bound by similar religious, philosophical, cultural characteristics and an Indian caste system. Many of the ideas she articulated about Indian culture were based on puranas, manusmriti and vedas, whose values were questioned by educated non Brahmins. Even before the League's founding, Besant and Nair had clashed over an article in Nair's medical journal Antiseptic, questioning the sexual practices of the theosophist Charles Webster Leadbeater. In 1913, Besant lost a defamation suit against Nair over the article.[9][20]

Besant's association with Brahmins and her vision of a homogeneous India based on Brahminical values brought her into direct conflict with Justice. The December 1916 "Non-Brahmin Manifesto" voiced its opposition to the Home Rule Movement. The manifesto was criticised by the Home rule periodical New India. Justice opposed the Home Rule Movement and the party newspapers derisively nicknamed Besant as the "Irish Brahmini". Dravidan, the Tamil language mouthpiece of the party, ran headlines such as Home rule is Brahmin's rule. All three of the party's newspapers ran articles and opinions pieces critical of the home rule movement and the league on a daily basis. Some of these Justice articles were later published in book form as The Evolution of Annie Besant. Nair described the home rule movement as an agitation carried on "by a white woman particularly immune from the risks of government action" whose rewards would be reaped by the Brahmins.[9][20]

Demand for communal representation

On 20 August 1917,

Kalyanasundaram Mudaliar, P. Varadarajulu Naidu and Kesava Pillai were among the non-Brahmin leaders involved in creating MPA. MPA was supported by the Brahmin nationalist newspaper The Hindu. Justice denounced MPA as a Brahmin creation intended to weaken their cause.[9][19][21]
On 14 December 1917, Montagu arrived at Madras to listen to comments on the proposed reforms.
Balija Naidus, Pillais and Mudaliars, Chettis and the Panchamas—along with four Brahmin groups. Pillai convinced the Madras Province Congress Committee to support the MPA/Justice position. British colonial authorities, including Governor Baron Pentland and theMadras Mail supported communal representation. But Montagu was not inclined to extend communal representation to subgroups. The Montagu–Chelmsford Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms, issued on 2 July 1918, denied the request.[9][19][21]

At a meeting held in Thanjavur, the party dispatched T. M. Nair to London to lobby for extending communal representation. Dr. Nair arrived in June 1918 and worked into December, attended various meetings, addressed Members of Parliament (MPs), and wrote articles and pamphlets. However, the party refused to cooperate with the Southborogh committee that was appointed to draw up the franchise framework for the proposed reforms, because Brahmins V. S. Srinivasa Sastri and Surendranath Banerjee were committee members. Justice secured the support of many Indian and non–Indian members of Indian Civil Service for communal representation.[19][22]

The Joint Select Committee held hearings during 1919–20 to finalise the Government of India Bill, which would implement the reforms. A Justice delegation composed of Arcot Ramasamy Mudaliar, Kurma Venkata Reddi Naidu, Koka Appa Rao Naidu and L. K. Tulasiram, attended the hearings. Ramarayaningar also represented the All India Landholder association and the Madras Zamindar association. Reddi Naidu, Mudaliar and Ramarayaningar toured major cities, addressed meetings, met with MPs, and wrote letters to the local newspapers to advance their position. Nair died on 17 July 1919 before he could appear. After Nair's death, Reddi Naidu became the spokesman. He testified on 22 August. The deputation won the backing of both Liberal and Labour members. The committee's report, issued on 17 November 1919, recommended communal representation in the Madras Presidency. The number of reserved seats was to be decided by the local parties and the Madras Government. After prolonged negotiations between Justice, Congress, MPA and the British colonial government, a compromise (called "Meston's Award") was reached in March 1920. 28 (3 urban and 25 rural) of the 63 general seats in plural member constituencies were reserved for non-Brahmins.[19][22] A youth conference for non-Brahmins was held in Bombay, with Adv J S SAVANT serving as the chairman of the reception committee. Was a weekly writer in the English daily “Justice “ of Madras when Sir Ramaswamy Mudaliar was its editor, President, Maratha Recruitment Board World War II, President Konkan prantic Non Brahmin Sangh

Opposition to non-cooperation movement

Unsatisfied with the

K. V. Reddi Naidu also fought non-cooperation.[23][24]

This stance isolated the party—most political and social organisations supported the movement. Justice Party's believed that he associated mostly with Brahmins, though he was not a Brahmin himself. It also favoured industrialisation. When Gandhi visited Madras in April 1921, he spoke about the virtues of Brahminism and Brahmin contributions to Indian culture.[24] Justice responded:

The meeting was presided over by local Brahmin politicians of Gandhi persuasion, and Mr. Gandhi himself was surrounded by Brahmins of both sexes. A band of them came to the meeting singing hymns. They broke coconut in front of Gandhi, burnt camphor and presented him with holy water in silver basin. There were other marks of deification and, naturally, the vanity of the man was flattered beyond measure. He held forth on the glories of Brahminism and Brahminical culture. Not even knowing even the elements of Dravidian culture, Dravidian philosophy, Dravidian literature, Dravidian languages, and Dravidian history, this Gujarati gentleman extolled the Brahmins to the skies at the expense of non-Brahmins; and the Brahmins present must have been supremely pleased and elated.[24]

Kandaswamy Chetty sent a letter to the editor of Gandhi's journal Young India, advising him to stay away from Brahmin/non-Brahmin issues. Gandhi responded by highlighting his appreciation of Brahmin contribution to Hinduism and said, "I warn the correspondents against separating the Dravidian south from Aryan north. The India today is a blend not only of two, but of many other cultures." The party's relentless campaign against Gandhi, supported by the Madras Mail made him less popular and effective in South India, particularly in southern Tamil districts. Even when Gandhi suspended the movement after the Chauri Chaura incident, party newspapers expressed suspicion of him. The party softened on Gandhi only after his arrest, expressing appreciation for his "moral worth and intellectual capacity".[24]

In office

The Government of India Act 1919 implemented the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms, instituting a Diarchy in Madras Presidency. The diarchial period extended from 1920 to 1937, encompassing five elections. Justice party was in power for 13 of 17 years, save for an interlude during 1926–30.

1920–26

During the non-cooperation campaign, the

Ramarayaningar (Raja of Panagal), the Minister of Local Self-Government and Public Health replaced him.[27]
The party was far from happy with the diarchial system.[23] In his 1924 deposition to the Muddiman committee, Cabinet Minister Kurma Venkata Reddy Naidu expressed the party's displeasure:

I was a Minister of Development without the forests. I was a Minister of Agriculture minus Irrigation. As a Minister of Agriculture I had nothing to do with the Madras Agriculturists Loan Act or the Madras Land Improvement Loans Act... The efficacy and efficiency of a Minister of Agriculture without having anything to do with irrigation, agricultural loans, land improvement loans and famine relief, may better be imagined than described. Then again, I was Minister of Industries without factories, boilers, electricity and water power, mines or labor, all of which are reserved subjects.[23]

Internal dissent emerged and the party split in late 1923, when

1926 to Swaraj. The Swaraj party refused to form the government, leading the Governor to set up an independent government under P. Subbarayan.[30][31]

1930–37

Image taken in 1930s : (starting fifth from left after the woman) Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, C. Natesa Mudaliar, Raja of Bobbili and S. Kumaraswami Reddiar

After four years in opposition, Justice

L. Sriramulu Naidu served as Mayor of Madras.[23][34][35][36]

Decline

Increasing nationalist feelings and factional infighting caused the party to shrink steadily from the early 1930s. Many leaders left to join Congress. Rao as inaccessible to his own party members and tried to curtail the powers of district leaders who had been instrumental in the party's previous successes. The party was seen as collaborators, supporting the British colonial government's measures to counter the

1934 elections, but managed to retain power as a minority government because Swaraj (the political arm of the Congress) refused to participate.[23][35]

In its last years in power, the party's decline continued. The Justice ministers drew a large monthly salary (Rs. 4,333.60, compared to the Rs. 2,250 in the Central Provinces) at the height of the Great Depression which was sharply criticised by the Madras press including Madras Mail, a traditional backer of the party, attacked its ineptitude and patronage.[37] The extent of the discontent against the Justice government is reflected in an article of Zamin Ryot:

The Justice Party has disgusted the people of this presidency like plague and engendered permanent hatred in their hearts. Everybody, therefore, is anxiously awaiting the fall of the Justice regime which they consider tyrannical and inauguration of the Congress administration...Even old women in villages ask as to how long the ministry of the Raja of Bobbili would continue.[37]

assembly elections. After 1937 it ceased to be a political power.[23][37]

Justice's final defeat has been ascribed variously to[38] its collaboration with the British colonial government; the elitist nature of the Justice party members,[39] loss of scheduled caste and Muslim support and flight of the social radicals to the Self-Respect Movement or in sum,[40] "...internal dissension, ineffective organisation, inertia and lack of proper leadership".[23][37]

In opposition

Justice was in opposition from 1926 to 1930 and again from 1937 until it transformed itself to Dravidar Kazhagam in 1944.

1926–30

In the

no confidence motion against Subbarayan that was defeated with the help of the Governor–nominated members. Halfway through the ministry's term, Goschen convinced Justice to support the ministry. This change came during the Simon Commission's visit to assess the political reforms.[23] After the death of Ramarayaningar in December 1928, Justice broke into two factions: the Constitutionalists and the Ministerialists. The Ministerialists were led by N. G. Ranga and favoured allowing Brahmins to join the party.[41] A compromise was reached at the eleventh annual confederation of the party and B. Munuswamy Naidu was elected as the president.[18]

1936–44

After its crushing defeat at the hands in 1937, Justice lost political influence. The Raja of Bobbili temporarily retired to tour Europe.

anti-Hindi agitation, brought the party effectively under Periyar's control. When Rao's term ended, Periyar became president on 29 December 1938. Periyar, a former Congressman, had a previous history of cooperation with the party. He had left Congress in 1925 after accusing the party of Brahminism. SRM cooperated closely with Justice in opposing Congress and Swaraj. Periyar had even campaigned for Justice candidates in 1926 and 1930. For a few years in the early 1930s, he switched from Justice to the communists. After the Communist party was banned in July 1934, he returned to supporting Justice.[23][44] The anti-Hindi agitations revived Justice's sagging fortunes. On 29 October 1939, Rajagopalachari's Congress government resigned, protesting India's involvement in World War II. Madras provincial government was placed under governor's rule. On 21 February 1940 Governor Erskine cancelled compulsory Hindi instruction.[45]

Under Periyar's leadership, the party embraced the

Tamil people's right to a sovereign state, under the direct control of the Secretary of State for India.[46] In 1939, Periyar organised the Dravida Nadu Conference for the advocacy of a "separate, sovereign and federal republic of Dravida Nadu". Speaking on 17 December 1939, he raised the slogan "Dravida Nadu for Dravidians" replacing the "Tamil Nadu for Tamils" that had been used earlier (since 1938).[47] The demand for "Dravidistan" was repeated at the 15th annual confederation in August 1940.[48] On 10 August 1941, Periyar stopped the agitation for Dravida Nadu to help the government in its war efforts. When the Cripps Mission visited India, a Justice delegation, comprising Periyar, W. P. A. Soundarapandian Nadar, N. R. Samiappa Mudaliar and Muthiah Chettiar, met the mission on 30 March 1942 and demanded a separate Dravidian nation. Cripps responded that secession would be possible only through a legislative resolution or through a general referendum.[49][50] During this period, Periyar declined efforts in 1940 and in 1942 to bring Justice to power with Congress' support.[51]

Transformation into Dravidar Kazhagam

Periyar withdrew the party from electoral politics and converted it into a social reform organisation. He explained, "If we obtain social self-respect, political self-respect is bound to follow".[51] Periyar's influence pushed Justice into anti-Brahmin, anti-Hindu and atheistic stances. During 1942–44, Periyar's opposition to the Tamil devotional literary works Kamba Ramayanam and Periya Puranam, caused a break with Saivite Tamil scholars, who had joined the anti-Hindi agitations. Justice had never possessed much popularity among students, but started making inroads with C. N. Annadurai's help.[52][53] A group of leaders became uncomfortable with Periyar's leadership and policies and formed a rebel group that attempted to dethrone Periyar. This group included P. Balasubramanian (editor of The Sunday Observer), R. K. Shanmugam Chettiar, P. T. Rajan and A. P. Patro, C. L. Narasimha Mudaliar, Damodaran Naidu and K. C. Subramania Chettiar. A power struggle developed between the pro and anti-Periyar factions. On 27 December 1943, the rebel group convened the party's executive committee and criticised Periyar for not holding an annual meeting after 1940. To silence his critics Periyar decided to convene the confederation.[54]

On 27 August 1944, Justice's sixteenth annual confederation took place in Salem

Golden Jubilee at Madras.[59]

Electoral performance

Elections Total seats up for election[60] Seats won Total seats available for nomination[61] Members nominated Result Party President
1920
98 63 29 18 Won
Theagaroya Chetty
1923
98 44 29 17 Won Theagaroya Chetty
1926
98 21 34 0 Lost
Raja of Panagal
1930
98 35 34 Won B. Munuswamy Naidu
1934
98 34 Lost[62]
Raja of Bobbili
1937
215 18 46 7 Lost Raja of Bobbili
1939–1946 No elections held
E. V. Ramasamy
1946
215 0 46 0 Did not participate P. T. Rajan
1952
375[63] 1 NA NA Lost P. T. Rajan

Organisation

The Justice party's first officeholders were elected in October 1917. Arcot Ramaswamy Mudaliar was the party's first general secretary. The party began writing a constitution in 1920, adopting it on 19 December 1925 during its ninth confederation. An 18 October 1917 notice in The Hindu, outlining the party's policies and goals was the nearest it had to a constitution in its early years.[18][64]

Madras City was the centre of the party's activities. It functioned from its office at Mount Road, where party meetings were held. Apart from the head office, several branch offices operated in the city. By 1917, the party had established offices at all the district headquarters in the presidency, periodically visited by the Madras–based leaders. The party had a 25–member executive committee, a president, four vice-presidents, a general secretary and a treasurer. After the 1920 elections, some attempts were made to mimic European political parties. A chief whip was appointed and Council members formed committees. Article 6 of the constitution made the party president the undisputed leader of all non-Brahmin affiliated associations and party members in the legislative council. Article 14 defined the membership and role of the executive committee and tasked the general secretary with implementing executive committee decisions. Article 21 specified that a "provincial confederation" of the party be organised annually, although as of 1944, 16 confederations had been organised in 27 years.[18][64]

The following is the list of presidents of the Justice Party and their terms:[18][64]

President of Justice Party[65] Term start Term end
Sir P. Theagaroya Chetty
1917 23 June 1925
Raja of Panagal
1925 16 December 1928
P. Munuswamy Naidu
6 August 1929 11 October 1932
Raja of Bobbili
11 October 1932 29 December 1938
E. V. Ramaswami
29 December 1938 27 August 1944
B. Ramachandra Reddi
1944 1945
P. T. Rajan 1945 1957

Works

Legislative initiatives

A cartoon from 19 March 1923, evaluating the first Justice Ministry. It mentions Prohibition, Andhra University, irrigation schemes, industrial development and more local self-government among the unfulfilled expectations of the people.

During its years in power, Justice passed a number of laws with lasting impact. Some of its legislative initiatives were still in practice as of 2009. On 16 September 1921, the first Justice government passed the first communal government order (G. O. # 613), thereby becoming the first elected body in the Indian legislative history to legislate reservations, which have since become standard.[66][67][68] The Madras Hindu Religious Endowment Act, introduced on 18 December 1922 and passed in 1925, brought many Hindu Temples under the direct control of the state government. This Act set the precedent for later

HR & CE) Acts and the current policy of Tamil Nadu.[68][69]

The Government of India Act of 1919 prohibited women from becoming legislators. The first Justice Government reversed this policy on 1 April 1921. Voter qualifications were made gender neutral. This resolution cleared the way for

Scheduled Castes soured), the Council officially replaced the terms "Panchamar" or "Paraiyar" (which were deemed derogatory) with "Adi Dravidar" to denote the Scheduled Castes of the presidency.[68]

The Madras Elementary Education Act of 1920 introduced compulsory education for boys and girls and increased elementary education funding. It was amended in 1934 and 1935. The act penalised parents for withdrawing their children from schools. The Madras University Act of 1923 expanded the administrative body of the

Mid-day Meal Scheme with the approval of the legislative council. It was a breakfast scheme in a corporation school at Thousand Lights, Madras. Later it expanded to four more schools. This was the precursor to the free noon meal schemes introduced by K. Kamaraj in the 1960s and expanded by M. G. Ramachandran
in the 1980s.

The State Aid to Industries Act, passed in 1922 and amended in 1935, advanced loans for the establishment of industries. The Malabar Tenancy Act of 1931 (first introduced in September 1926), controversially strengthened the legal rights of agricultural tenants and gave them the "right to occupy (land) in some cases".[68]

Universities

Rivalry between the Tamil and

Annamalai Chettiar who provided a large endowment.[70][71]

Infrastructure

Map of Madras city in 1921, before the draining of Long Tank
Madras city in 1955, after Long Tank had been drained out

The second Justice Chief Minister, Ramarayaningar's years in power saw improvements to the infrastructure of the city of Madras – particularly the development of the village of Theagaroya Nagar. His administration implemented the Madras Town Planning Act of 7 September 1920, creating residential colonies to cope with the city'srapid population growth.[72]

The Long Tank, a 5 km (3.1 mi) long and 2 km (1.2 mi) wide water body, formed an arc along the city's western frontier from

Political legacy

The Justice party served as a non-Brahmin political organisation. Though non-Brahmin movements had been in existence since the late 19th century, Justice was the first such political organisation. The party's participation in the governing process under dyarchy taught the value of parliamentary democracy to the educated elite of the Madras state . Justice and

Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, which have ruled Tamil Nadu (a successor state Madras Presidency) without interruption since 1967.[12][13][23]

Contemporary and erstwhile parties that find their roots in Justice Party

Justice Party
1917
Self-respect movement
1925
Dravidar Kazhagam
1944
Justice Party (PTR)
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
1949
Tamil National Party
1962
Merger with Indian National Congress
1964
All India Anna
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
17 October 1972
Thazhthapattor Munnetra Kazhagam
1974
Makkal Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
1977
Merger with
AIADMK
1977
M.G.R.'s death
on 24 December 1987
AIADMK
Janaki faction
Thamizhaga Munnetra Munnani
1988
Merger with Janata Dal
1989
AIADMK unifies again
Janaki's faction dissolved
and merged with
Jayalalithaa's faction
1989
Marumalarchi
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
1994
MGR Kazhagam
1995
MGR Anna
DMK
1996
Merger with
Bharatiya Janata Party
2002
Major Dravidian parties
that are currently active
Dravidar KazhagamAll India Anna
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
Marumalarchi
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

Controversies

Attitude towards Brahmins

The Justice party began as a political organisation to represent the interests of non-Brahmins. Initially it did not accept Brahmins as party members. However, along with other groups including Europeans, they were allowed to attend meetings as observers.

self-respect
faction protected the original policy. At a tripartite conference between Justice, Ministerialists and Constitutionalists in 1929, a resolution was adopted recommending the removal of restrictions on Brahmins joining the organisation. In October 1929, the executive committee placed a resolution to this effect for approval before the party's eleventh annual confederation at Nellore.
[41] Supporting the resolution, Munuswamy Naidu spoke as follows:

So long as we exclude one community, we cannot as a political speak on behalf of or claim to represent all the people of our presidency. If, as we hope, provincial autonomy is given to the provinces as a result of the reforms that may be granted, it should be essential that our Federation should be in a position to claim to be a truly representative body of all communities. What objection can there be to admit such Brahmins as are willing to subscribe to the aims and objects of our Federation? It may be that the Brahmins may not join even if the ban is removed. But surely our Federation will not thereafter be open to objection on the ground that it is an exclusive organization.[41]

Former education minister A. P. Patro supported Naidu's view. However this resolution was vehemently opposed by Periyar and R. K. Shanmukham Chetty and failed. Speaking against letting Brahmins into the party, Periyar explained:

At a time when non-Brahmins in other parties were gradually coming over to the Justice Party, being fed up with the Brahmin's methods and ways of dealing with political questions, it was nothing short of folly to think of admitting him into the ranks of the Justice Party.[41]

The party began to accept Brahmin members only in October 1934.[44]

The pressure to compete with the Justice party forced the Congress party to let more non-Brahmins into the party power structure. The party's policies disrupted the established social hierarchy and increased the animosity between the Brahmin and non-Brahmin communities.[13]

Nationalism

The Justice party was loyal to the

Swadeshi economics. In 1925, the party's annual confederation passed a resolution supporting "indigenous industries" and "swadeshi enterprise". This shift enabled Justice to better compete against Swaraj to whom Justice was slowly losing ground.[80]
The term "Swaraj" (or self-rule) itself was included in the constitution. Madras branch president C. R. Reddy led this change. To Justicites, Swaraj meant partial self-government under British rule, not independence. The constitution stated: ".. to obtain Swaraj for India as a component of the British Empire at as early a date as possible by all peaceful and legitimate and constitutional means.."

The historical record does not clearly indicate whether Justice condemned the

civil disobedience campaign, the Justice governments did not protest the polices' harsh measures.[37] However, with nationalism growing in the country and a string of Congress victories in local elections in 1934, the party reversed course again towards nationalism. Justice turned to Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy as its champion. Ramaswamy had drifted away in the early 1930s. In exchange for their support in campaigning and propaganda, the Justicites included the Self-Respect movement's socialist "Erode" program in their election manifesto. The new program had much in common with Congress' nationalist policies such as Prohibition.[35]

Rumors about Justice Party

Justice party, which had captured power in 1920, claiming to represent all non-Brahmins in the presidency gradually lost the support of many communities. Under Theagaraya Chetty and later Panaganti Ramarayaningar, the party came to represent a few non-Brahmin Shudra castes, alienating Scheduled Castes and Muslims. During the first Justice ministry,

Muslim council members supported the government, but withdrew in a disagreement over appointments.[82]
Explaining the Muslim disillusionment with the Justice party, Abbas Ali Khan, a Muslim member said in late 1923:

I have found out from actual experience that whenever the question of experience came in, they always preferred a Mudaliar, a Nayudu, a Chettiar, or a Pillai but not a Muhamaddan[82]

Justice party never regained Muslim support, because it failed to convince the group that high-caste Hindus had not received a disproportionate allocation of jobs opened up by communal reservation.[83]

The fracture with Scheduled Castes came during the same time period. After T. M. Nair's death, Adi Dravidas were slowly pushed out of the party. The "Pulianthope incidents" (also called as the "B&C Mill strike") soured the relationship of non-Brahmin Sudra castes like Vellalas, Beri Chettis, Balija Naidus, Kammas and Kapus with Paraiyars. On 11 May 1921, bots and caste Hindus went on strike in the Carnatic textile mill. On 20 June, workers in Buckingham Mill followed. The Paraiyars were quickly persuaded to end the strike, but the caste Hindus continued to strike. This created animosity between the two groups. In an ensuing clash between the police and caste Hindus, several were killed. Justice leaders accused the Government of creating problems by pampering the Paraiyars.[24] The party paper Justice claimed:

Public opinion...holds the present deplorable state of affairs has been brought about partly at all events by the undue pampering of the Adi-Dravidas by the officials of the Labour department, and partly by the, perhaps, unconscious encouragement given to them by some police officers.[24]

O. Thanikachala Chetty raised this issue in Madras Legislative Council on 12 October, which led to an acrimonious debate between Justice members and S. Srinivasa Iyengar, a Brahmin law member of the Governor's executive council and Lionel Davidson, the Home member. Davidson blamed Justice, saying, "it is no longer merely a labour dispute confined to strikers and non-strikers, but a faction fight inflamed by caste prejudices." M. C. Rajah, the main representative of Scheduled Castes in the Council agreed with Davidson. An Adi Dravida reader of the Madras Mail condemned Justice in the same way that T. M. Nair had once condemned the Brahmins. Soon after the Pulianthope incidents, Rajah and Paraiyars left the party.[24][84]

Notes

  1. ^ Encyclopedia of Political parties. p.152
  2. ^ Kavitha Muralidharan (20 November 2016). "100 years of Justice Party, a movement which defined Tamil Nadu politics". The NewsMinute. Retrieved 13 September 2021.
  3. . Retrieved 7 July 2016.
  4. ^ Manuraj Shunmugasundaram (22 November 2016). "A century of reform The Dravidian movement has left its progressive imprint on Tamil Nadu". The Indian Express. Retrieved 8 August 2018.
  5. ^ "The Inner Grammar of Dissent Lives". K.S. Chalam. Outlook India. 12 December 2016. Retrieved 8 August 2018.
  6. ^ a b Irschick 1969, pp. 1–26
  7. .
  8. ^ K. Nambi Arooran (1980). Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905–1944. p. 37.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Rajaraman 1988, ch. 2 (The Genesis of the Justice Party)
  10. ^ a b Irschick 1986, pp. 30–31
  11. .
  12. ^ a b Rajaraman 1988, ch. 8 (Conclusion)
  13. ^ a b c Irschick 1969, pp. 351–357
  14. ^ .
  15. .
  16. ^ John R. McLane (1970). The political awakening in India. Prentice-Hall. Inc, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. p. 161.
  17. ^ .
  18. ^ a b c d e f Rajaraman 1988, ch. 4 (Ideology, Organisation and Programme of the Justice Party)
  19. ^ a b c d e Rajaraman 1988, ch. 3 (The Era of Dr. T. M. Nair)
  20. ^ a b c Irschick 1969, pp. 27–54
  21. ^ a b Irschick 1969, pp. 55–88
  22. ^ a b Irschick 1969, pp. 89–136
  23. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Rajaraman 1988, ch. 5 (History of the Justice Party from 1920 to 1937)
  24. ^ a b c d e f g h Irschick 1969, pp. 182–193
  25. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 179
  26. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 180
  27. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 182
  28. ^ Sundararajan 1989, pp. 334–339
  29. OCLC 300514750
    .
  30. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 190
  31. ^ Irschick 1969, pp. 136–171
  32. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 196
  33. ^ a b Ralhan 2002, p. 197
  34. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 199
  35. ^ a b c Irschick 1986, pp. 104–105
  36. ^ Hamsapriya, A (1981). Role of the opposition in the Madras legislature 1921–1939 (PDF). Madras University. p. 85. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 July 2011.
  37. ^ .
  38. N. Ram, Editor-in-Chief of The Hindu and Robert L. Hardgrave, Professor Emeritus in the Humanities, Government and Asian Studies at the University of Texas, Austin Robert L. Hardgrave Faculty page, University of Texas Archived 7 July 2012 at archive.today
  39. Andre Beteille
  40. ^ Marguerite Ross Barnett
  41. ^ a b c d Ralhan 2002, pp. 164–166
  42. ^ a b Malarmannan 2009, pp. 34–35
  43. .
  44. ^ a b Irschick 1986, pp. 102–103
  45. ^ Sundararajan 1989, p. 546
  46. ^ More 1997, p. 163
  47. ^ Kannan 2010, p. 56
  48. OCLC 4449727
    .
  49. ^ Kannan 2010, pp. 60
  50. .
  51. ^ a b Kannan 2010, p. 41
  52. ^ Kannan 2010, pp. 63–71
  53. ^ Ravichandran & Perumal 1982, pp. 5–18
  54. ^ Ravichandran & Perumal 1982, pp. 19–21
  55. ^ The anti-Periyar faction tried to preempt their opponents' moves by declaring that the resolution passed in the Salem confederation did not bind them. They did this at a meeting convened on 20 August. They argued that since Periyar had not been properly elected president per the party constitution, any resolutions passed in the Salem conference were ultra vires.Ravichandran & Perumal 1982, pp. 22–23
  56. ^ Malarmannan 2009, p. 72
  57. ^ Irschick 1969, p. 347
  58. ^ "Statistical Reports of 1951/52 Madras State Election" (PDF). Election Commission of India. Retrieved 3 March 2010.
  59. ^ Justice Party Golden Jubilee Souvenir, 1968.
  60. Madras Legislative Council under the dyarchial system. The legislature was a unicameral body. In 1937 and 1946, 215 seats were available for election in the Legislative Assembly
    . After the Government of India Act of 1935, the legislature had become bicameral with the Assembly being the lower chamber (with primacy over the Council).
  61. ^ In 1920 and 23, 29 members were nominated to the Legislative Council. During 1926–34, the number increased to 34 with the addition of 5 more members to represent the female franchise. In 1937 and 1946, the Legislature had become bicameral with the Council being the upper house. A total of 46 council seats were filled by election.
  62. ^ But still formed a minority government, as the Swaraj party which had won the election refused to participate in the governing process.
  63. ^ The Justice party led by P. T. Rajan contested only nine seats. The Dravidar Kazhagam led by Periyar did not contest the elections.
  64. ^ a b c d Irschick 1969, pp. 172–178
  65. ^ Justice party was renamed as Dravidar Kazhagam in 1944. After 1944, a rebel faction claiming to be the original Justice party existed till the mid-1950s.
  66. ^ Irschick 1969, pp. 368–369
  67. ^ Murugan, N. (9 October 2006). "RESERVATION (Part-2)". National. Archived from the original on 8 January 2009. Retrieved 22 December 2009.
  68. ^ a b c d e Rajaraman 1988, ch. 6 (Performance of the Justice Party)
  69. ^ "The Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department". Department of HR & CE. Government of Tamil Nadu. Archived from the original on 6 January 2010. Retrieved 26 December 2009.
  70. ^ a b Irschick 1969, pp. 244–251
  71. .
  72. ^ "Madras Town Planning Act 1920". Kerala Institute of Local Administration. Retrieved 28 October 2008.[permanent dead link]
  73. ^ a b c d e Varghese, Nina (29 August 2006). "T.Nagar: Shop till you drop, and then shop some more". Business Line. Retrieved 4 March 2010.
  74. ^ "DMK will not forsake rights of depressed classes, says Karunanidhi". The Hindu. 18 September 2008. Archived from the original on 21 September 2008. Retrieved 4 March 2010.
  75. ^ S. Muthiah (22 December 2008). "A street name unchanged". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 3 November 2012. Retrieved 4 March 2010.
  76. .
  77. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 465
  78. ^ Parthasarathy, R. (1979). Builders of modern India:S. Satyamurti. Publications Division, Government of India. p. 42.
  79. ^ Parthasarathy, R. (1979). Builders of modern India:S. Satyamurti. Publications Division, Government of India. p. 43.
  80. ^ Irschick 1969, pp. 262–263
  81. ^ Ralhan 2002, p. 170
  82. ^ a b Irschick 1969, pp. 258–260
  83. ^ More 1997, pp. 109–110
  84. .

References

Further reading