Nikita Khrushchev
Nikita Khrushchev | |
---|---|
Никита Хрущёв | |
First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union | |
In office 14 March 1953 – 14 October 1964 | |
Preceded by | Joseph Stalin (as General Secretary) |
Succeeded by | Leonid Brezhnev |
7th Premier of the Soviet Union | |
In office 27 March 1958 – 14 October 1964 | |
President | Kliment Voroshilov Leonid Brezhnev Anastas Mikoyan |
First Deputies | See list
|
Preceded by | Stanislav Kosior |
Succeeded by | Lazar Kaganovich |
Personal details | |
Born | Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev 15 April 1894 Heart attack |
Resting place | Novodevichy Cemetery, Moscow |
Political party | CPSU (1918–1964) |
Spouses | |
Children | 5
|
Alma mater | Industrial Academy |
Awards | |
Signature | Lieutenant General |
Commands | Soviet Armed Forces |
Battles/wars | World War II |
Central institution membership
Other offices held
Leader of the Soviet Union | |
Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev[b][c] (15 April [O.S. 3 April] 1894 – 11 September 1971) was First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964, and Chairman of the Council of Ministers (premier) from 1958 to 1964. During his rule, Khrushchev stunned the communist world with his denunciation of his predecessor Joseph Stalin's crimes and embarked on a policy of de-Stalinization with his key ally Anastas Mikoyan. He sponsored the early Soviet space program and the enactment of moderate reforms in domestic policy. After some false starts, and a narrowly avoided nuclear war over Cuba, he conducted successful negotiations with the United States to reduce Cold War tensions. In 1964, the Kremlin circle stripped him of power, replacing him with Leonid Brezhnev as First Secretary and Alexei Kosygin as Premier.
Khrushchev was born in 1894 in a village in western Russia. He was employed as a
On 5 March 1953, Stalin's death triggered a power struggle in which Khrushchev emerged victorious upon consolidating his authority as First Secretary of the party's Central Committee. On 25 February 1956, at the 20th Party Congress, he delivered the "Secret Speech", which denounced Stalin's purges and ushered in a less repressive era in the Soviet Union. His domestic policies, aimed at bettering the lives of ordinary citizens, were often ineffective, especially in agriculture. Hoping eventually to rely on missiles for national defense, Khrushchev ordered major cuts in conventional forces. Despite the cuts, Khrushchev's time in office saw the tensest years of the Cold War, culminating in the Cuban Missile Crisis.
Khrushchev enjoyed strong support during the 1950s, due to major victories such as those during the
Early years
Khrushchev was born on 15 April 1894,[d][2] in Kalinovka,[3] a village in what is now Russia's Kursk Oblast, near the present Ukrainian border.[4] His parents, Sergei Khrushchev and Kseniya Khrushcheva, were poor Russian peasants,[5] and had a daughter two years Nikita's junior, Irina.[2] Sergei Khrushchev was employed in a number of positions in the Donbas area of far eastern Ukraine, working as a railwayman, as a miner, and laboring in a brick factory. Wages were much higher in the Donbas than in the Kursk region, and Sergei Khrushchev generally left his family in Kalinovka, returning there when he had enough money.[6]
Kalinovka was a peasant village; Khrushchev's teacher, Lydia Shevchenko, later stated that she had never seen a village as poor as Kalinovka had been.[7] Nikita worked as a herdsboy from an early age. He was schooled for a total of four years, part in the village school and part under Shevchenko's tutelage in Kalinovka's state school. According to Khrushchev in his memoirs, Shevchenko was a freethinker who upset the villagers by not attending church, and when her brother visited, he gave Khrushchev books which had been banned by the Imperial Government.[8] She urged Nikita to seek further education, but family finances did not permit this.[8]
In 1908, Sergei Khrushchev moved to the Donbas city of Yuzovka (now
I started working as soon as I learned how to walk. Until the age of fifteen, I worked as a shepherd. I tended, as the foreigners say when they use the Russian language, "the little cows," I was a sheepherder, I herded cows for a capitalist, and that was before I was fifteen. After that, I worked at a factory for a German, and I worked in a French-owned mine, I worked at a Belgian-owned chemical factory, and [now] I'm the Prime Minister of the great Soviet state. And I am in no way ashamed of my past because all work is worthy of respect. Work as such cannot be dirty, it is only conscience that can be.
— Khrushchev's speech in Hollywood, translated by Viktor Sukhodrev[14]
When World War I broke out in 1914, Khrushchev was exempt from conscription because he was a skilled metal worker. He was employed by a workshop that serviced ten mines, and he was involved in several strikes that demanded higher pay, better working conditions, and an end to the war.[15] In 1914, he married Yefrosinia Pisareva, daughter of the lift operator at the Rutchenkovo mine. In 1915, they had a daughter, Yulia, and in 1917, a son, Leonid.[16]
After the abdication of
In March 1918, as the Bolshevik government concluded a separate peace with the Central Powers, the Germans occupied the Donbas and Khrushchev fled to Kalinovka. In late 1918 or early 1919, he was mobilized into the Red Army as a political commissar.[19] The post of political commissar had recently been introduced as the Bolsheviks came to rely less on worker activists and more on military recruits; its functions included indoctrination of recruits in the tenets of Bolshevism, and promoting troop morale and battle readiness.[20] Beginning as commissar to a construction platoon, Khrushchev rose to become commissar to a construction battalion and was sent from the front for a two-month political course. The young commissar came under fire many times,[21] though many of the war stories he would tell in later life dealt more with his (and his troops') cultural awkwardness, rather than with combat.[20] In 1921, the civil war ended, and Khrushchev was demobilized and assigned as commissar to a labor brigade in the Donbas, where he and his men lived in poor conditions.[20]
The wars had caused widespread devastation and famine, and one of the victims of the hunger and disease was Khrushchev's wife, Yefrosinia, who died of typhus in Kalinovka while Khrushchev was in the army. The commissar returned for the funeral and, loyal to his Bolshevik principles, refused to allow his wife's coffin to enter the local church. With the only way into the churchyard through the church, he had the coffin lifted and passed over the fence into the burial ground, shocking the village.[20]
Party official
Donbass years
Through the intervention of a friend, Khrushchev was assigned in 1921 as assistant director for political affairs for the Rutchenkovo mine in the Donbass region, where he had previously worked.[22] There were as yet few Bolsheviks in the area. At that time, the movement was split by Lenin's New Economic Policy, which allowed for some measure of private enterprise and was seen as an ideological retreat by some Bolsheviks.[22] While Khrushchev's responsibility lay in political affairs, he involved himself in the practicalities of resuming full production at the mine after the chaos of the war years. He helped restart the machines (key parts and papers had been removed by the pre-Soviet mine-owners) and he wore his old mine outfit for inspection tours.[23]
Khrushchev was highly successful at the Rutchenkovo mine, and in mid-1922 he was offered the directorship of the nearby Pastukhov mine. However, he refused the offer, seeking to be assigned to the newly established technical college (tekhnikum) in Yuzovka, though his superiors were reluctant to let him go. As he had only four years of formal schooling, he applied to the training program (rabfak, short for Рабочий факультет / Rabotchyi Fakultyet, or Worker's Faculty) attached to the tekhnikum that was designed to bring undereducated students to high-school level, a prerequisite for entry into the tekhnikum.[24] While enrolled in the rabfak, Khrushchev continued his work at the Rutchenkovo mine.[25]
One of his teachers later described him as a poor student.[24] He was more successful in advancing in the Communist Party; soon after his admission to the rabfak in August 1922, he was appointed party secretary of the entire tekhnikum, and became a member of the bureau—the governing council—of the party committee for the town of Yuzovka (renamed Stalino in 1924). He briefly joined supporters of Leon Trotsky against those of Joseph Stalin over the question of party democracy.[26] All of these activities left him with little time for his schoolwork, and while he later said he had finished his rabfak studies, it is unclear whether this was true.[26]
According to William Taubman, Khrushchev's studies were aided by Nina Petrovna Kukharchuk, a well-educated Party organizer and daughter of well-to-do Ukrainian peasants.[27] The family was poor, according to Nina's own recollections. The two lived together as husband and wife for the rest of Khrushchev's life, though they never registered their marriage. They had three children together: daughter Rada was born in 1929, son Sergei in 1935 and daughter Elena in 1937.
In mid-1925, Khrushchev was appointed Party secretary of the Petrovo-Marinsky
Kaganovich protégé
Khrushchev met
In 1929, Khrushchev again sought to further his education, following Kaganovich (now in the
While head of the Moscow city organization, Khrushchev superintended the construction of the Moscow Metro, a highly expensive undertaking, with Kaganovich in overall charge. Faced with an already-announced opening date of 7 November 1934, Khrushchev took considerable risks in the construction and spent much of his time down in the tunnels. When the inevitable accidents did occur, they were depicted as heroic sacrifices in a great cause. The Metro did not open until 1 May 1935, but Khrushchev received the Order of Lenin for his role in its construction.[39] Later that year, he was selected as First Secretary of the Moscow Regional Committee which was responsible for Moscow oblast, a province with a population of 11 million.[35]
Involvement in purges
Stalin's office records show meetings at which Khrushchev was present as early as 1932. The two increasingly built a good relationship. Khrushchev greatly admired the dictator and treasured informal meetings with him and invitations to Stalin's dacha, while Stalin felt warm affection for his young subordinate.[40] Beginning in 1934, Stalin began a campaign of political repression known as the
Everyone who rejoices in the successes achieved in our country, the victories of our party led by the great Stalin, will find only one word suitable for the mercenary, fascist dogs of the Trotskyite-Zinovievite gang. That word is execution.[41]
Khrushchev assisted in the purge of many friends and colleagues in the Moscow oblast.[42] Of 38 top Party officials in Moscow city and province, 35 were killed[42]—the three survivors were transferred to other parts of the USSR.[43] Of the 146 Party secretaries of cities and districts outside Moscow city in the province, only 10 survived the purges.[42] In his memoirs, Khrushchev noted that almost everyone who worked with him was arrested.[44] By Party protocol, Khrushchev was required to approve these arrests, and did little or nothing to save his friends and colleagues.[45]
Party leaders were given numerical quotas of "enemies" to be turned in and arrested.
Khrushchev had no reason to think himself immune from the purges, and in 1937, confessed his own 1923 dalliance with Trotskyism to Kaganovich, who, according to Khrushchev, "blanched" (for his protégé's sins could affect his own standing) and advised him to tell Stalin. The dictator took the confession in his stride, and, after initially advising Khrushchev to keep it quiet, suggested that Khrushchev tell his tale to the Moscow party conference. Khrushchev did so, to applause, and was immediately reelected to his post.[46] Khrushchev related in his memoirs that he was also denounced by an arrested colleague. Stalin told Khrushchev of the accusation personally, looking him in the eye and awaiting his response. Khrushchev speculated in his memoirs that had Stalin doubted his reaction, he would have been categorized as an enemy of the people then and there.[47] Nonetheless, Khrushchev became a candidate member of the Politburo on 14 January 1938 and a full member in March 1939.[48]
External videos | |
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Khrushchev speech in 1937 | |
Khrushchev speech at the opening of the Moscow Metro |
In late 1937, Stalin appointed Khrushchev as head of the Communist Party in Ukraine, and Khrushchev duly left Moscow for Kiev, again the Ukrainian capital, in January 1938.[49] Ukraine had been the site of extensive purges, with the murdered including professors in Stalino whom Khrushchev greatly respected. The high ranks of the Party were not immune; the Central Committee of Ukraine was so devastated that it could not convene a quorum. After Khrushchev's arrival, the pace of arrests accelerated.[50] All but one member of the Ukrainian Politburo Organizational Bureau and Secretariat were arrested. Almost all government officials and Red Army commanders were replaced.[51] During the first few months after Khrushchev's arrival, almost everyone arrested received the death penalty.[52]
Biographer William Taubman suggested that because Khrushchev was again unsuccessfully denounced while in Kiev, he must have known that some of the denunciations were not true and that innocent people were suffering.[51] In 1939, Khrushchev addressed the Fourteenth Ukrainian Party Congress, saying "Comrades, we must unmask and relentlessly destroy all enemies of the people. But we must not allow a single honest Bolshevik to be harmed. We must conduct a struggle against slanderers."[51]
World War II
Invasion of Poland and subsequent occupation
When Soviet troops, pursuant to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, invaded the eastern portion of Poland on 17 September 1939, Khrushchev accompanied the troops at Stalin's direction. A large number of ethnic Ukrainians lived in the invaded area, much of which today forms the western portion of Ukraine. Many inhabitants therefore initially welcomed the invasion, though they hoped that they would eventually become independent. Khrushchev's role was to ensure that the occupied areas voted for union with the USSR. Through a combination of propaganda, deception as to what was being voted for, and outright fraud, the Soviets ensured that the assemblies elected in the new territories would unanimously petition for union with the USSR. When the new assemblies did so, their petitions were granted by the USSR Supreme Soviet, and Western Ukraine became a part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (Ukrainian SSR) on 1 November 1939.[53] Clumsy actions by the Soviets, such as staffing Western Ukrainian organizations with Eastern Ukrainians, and giving confiscated land to collective farms (kolkhozes) rather than to peasants, soon alienated Western Ukrainians, damaging Khrushchev's efforts to achieve unity.[54]
War against Germany
When Nazi Germany invaded the USSR, in June 1941, Khrushchev was still at his post in Kiev.[55] Stalin appointed him a political commissar, and Khrushchev served on a number of fronts as an intermediary between the local military commanders and the political rulers in Moscow. Stalin used Khrushchev to keep commanders on a tight leash, while the commanders sought to have him influence Stalin.[56]
As the Germans advanced, Khrushchev worked with the military to defend and save Kiev. Handicapped by orders from Stalin that under no circumstances should the city be abandoned, the Red Army was soon encircled by the Germans. While the Germans stated they took 655,000 prisoners, according to the Soviets, 150,541 men out of 677,085 escaped the trap.[57] Primary sources differ on Khrushchev's involvement at this point. According to Marshal Georgi Zhukov, writing some years after Khrushchev fired and disgraced him in 1957, Khrushchev persuaded Stalin not to evacuate troops from Kiev.[58] However, Khrushchev noted in his memoirs that he and Marshal Semyon Budyonny proposed redeploying Soviet forces to avoid the encirclement until Marshal Semyon Timoshenko arrived from Moscow with orders for the troops to hold their positions.[59] Early Khrushchev biographer Mark Frankland suggested that Khrushchev's faith in his leader was first shaken by the Red Army's setbacks.[31] Khrushchev stated in his memoirs:
But let me return to the enemy breakthrough in the Kiev area, the encirclement of our group, and the destruction of the 37th Army. Later, the Fifth Army also perished ... All of this was senseless, and from the military point of view, a display of ignorance, incompetence, and illiteracy. ... There you have the result of not taking a step backward. We were unable to save these troops because we didn't withdraw them, and as a result, we simply lost them. ... And yet it was possible to allow this not to happen.[60]
In 1942, Khrushchev was on the Southwest Front, and he and Timoshenko proposed a massive counteroffensive in the
Khrushchev reached the Stalingrad Front in August 1942, soon after the start of the battle for the city.[62] His role in the Stalingrad defense was not major—General Vasily Chuikov, who led the city's defense, mentions Khrushchev only briefly in a memoir published while Khrushchev was premier—but to the end of his life, he was proud of his role.[63] Though he visited Stalin in Moscow on occasion, he remained in Stalingrad for much of the battle and was nearly killed at least once. He proposed a counterattack, only to find that Georgy Zhukov and other generals had already planned Operation Uranus, a plan to break out from Soviet positions and encircle and destroy the Germans; it was being kept secret. Before Uranus was launched, Khrushchev spent much time checking on troop readiness and morale, interrogating Nazi prisoners, and recruiting some for propaganda purposes.[62]
Soon after Stalingrad, Khrushchev met with personal tragedy, as his son Leonid, a fighter pilot, was apparently shot down and killed in action on 11 March 1943. The circumstances of Leonid's death remain obscure and controversial,[64] as none of his fellow fliers stated that they witnessed him being shot down, nor was his plane found or body recovered. As a result, Leonid's fate has been the subject of considerable speculation. One theory has Leonid surviving the crash and collaborating with the Germans, and when he was recaptured by the Soviets, Stalin ordering him shot despite Nikita Khrushchev pleading for his life.[64] This supposed killing is used to explain why Khrushchev later denounced Stalin in the Secret Speech.[64][65] While there is no supporting evidence for this account in Soviet files, some historians allege that Leonid Khrushchev's file was tampered with after the war.[66] In later years, Leonid Khrushchev's wingmate stated that he saw his plane disintegrate, but did not report it. Khrushchev biographer Taubman speculates that this omission was most likely to avoid the possibility of being seen as complicit in the death of the son of a Politburo member.[67] In mid-1943, Leonid's wife, Liuba Khrushcheva, was arrested on accusations of spying and sentenced to five years in a labor camp, and her son (by another relationship), Tolya, was placed in a series of orphanages. Leonid's daughter, Yulia, was raised by Nikita Khrushchev and his wife.[68]
After Uranus forced the Germans into retreat, Khrushchev served on other fronts of the war. He was attached to Soviet troops at the
According to Khrushchev biographer William Tompson, it is difficult to assess Khrushchev's war record, since he most often acted as part of a military council, and it is not possible to know the extent to which he influenced decisions, rather than signing off on the orders of military officers. However, Tompson points to the fact that the few mentions of Khrushchev in military memoirs published during the Brezhnev era were generally favorable, at a time when it was "barely possible to mention Khrushchev in print in any context".[72] Tompson suggests that these favorable mentions indicate that military officers held Khrushchev in high regard.[72]
Rise to power
Return to Ukraine
Almost all of Ukraine had been occupied by the Germans, and Khrushchev returned to his domain in late 1943 to find devastation. Ukraine's industry had been destroyed, and agriculture faced critical shortages. Even though millions of Ukrainians had been taken to Germany as workers or prisoners of war, there was insufficient housing for those who remained.[73] One out of every six Ukrainians were killed in World War II.[74]
Khrushchev sought to reconstruct Ukraine but also desired to complete the interrupted work of imposing the Soviet system on it, though he hoped that the purges of the 1930s would not recur.[75] As Ukraine was recovered militarily, conscription was imposed, and 750,000 men aged between nineteen and fifty were given minimal military training and sent to join the Red Army.[76] Other Ukrainians joined partisan forces, seeking an independent Ukraine.[76] Khrushchev rushed from district to district through Ukraine, urging the depleted labor force to greater efforts. He made a short visit to his birthplace of Kalinovka, finding a starving population, with only a third of the men who had joined the Red Army having returned. Khrushchev did what he could to assist his hometown.[77] Despite Khrushchev's efforts, in 1945, Ukrainian industry was at only a quarter of pre-war levels, and the harvest actually dropped from that of 1944, when the entire territory of Ukraine had not yet been retaken.[73]
In an effort to increase agricultural production, the kolkhozes (collective farms) were empowered to expel residents who were not pulling their weight. Kolkhoz leaders used this as an excuse to expel their personal enemies, invalids, and the elderly, sending them to the eastern parts of the Soviet Union. Khrushchev viewed this policy as very effective and recommended its adoption elsewhere to Stalin.[73] He also worked to impose collectivization on Western Ukraine. While Khrushchev hoped to accomplish this by 1947, lack of resources and armed resistance by partisans slowed the process.[78] The partisans, many of whom fought as the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), were gradually defeated, as Soviet police and military reported killing 110,825 "bandits" and capturing a quarter million more between 1944 and 1946.[79] About 600,000 Western Ukrainians were arrested between 1944 and 1952, with one-third executed and the remainder imprisoned or exiled to the east.[79]
The war years of 1944 and 1945 had seen poor harvests, and 1946 saw intense drought strike Ukraine and Western Russia. Despite this, collective and state farms were required to turn over 52% of the harvest to the government.
Soon after Kaganovich arrived in Kiev, Khrushchev fell ill and was barely seen until September 1947. In his memoirs, Khrushchev indicates he had pneumonia; some biographers have theorized that Khrushchev's illness was entirely political, out of fear that his loss of position was the first step towards downfall and demise.[86] However, Khrushchev's children remembered their father as having been seriously ill. Once Khrushchev was able to get out of bed, he and his family took their first vacation since before the war, to a beachfront resort in Latvia.[85] Khrushchev, though, soon broke the beach routine with duck-hunting trips, and a visit to the new Soviet Kaliningrad, where he toured factories and quarries.[87] By the end of 1947, Kaganovich had been recalled to Moscow and the recovered Khrushchev had been restored to the First Secretaryship. He then resigned the Ukrainian premiership in favor of Demyan Korotchenko, Khrushchev's protégé.[86]
Khrushchev's final years in Ukraine were generally peaceful, with industry recovering,[88] Soviet forces overcoming the partisans, and 1947 and 1948 seeing better-than-expected harvests.[89] Collectivization advanced in Western Ukraine, and Khrushchev implemented more policies that encouraged collectivization and discouraged private farms. These sometimes backfired, however: a tax on private livestock holdings led to peasants slaughtering their stock.[90] With the idea of eliminating differences in attitude between town and countryside and transforming the peasantry into a "rural proletariat", Khrushchev conceived the idea of the "agro-town".[91] Rather than agricultural workers living in villages close to farms, they would live further away in larger towns which would offer municipal services such as utilities and libraries, which were not present in villages. He completed only one such town before his December 1949 return to Moscow; he dedicated it to Stalin as a 70th birthday present.[91]
In his memoirs, Khrushchev spoke highly of Ukraine, where he governed for over a decade:
I'll say that the Ukrainian people treated me well. I recall warmly the years I spent there. This was a period full of responsibilities, but pleasant because it brought satisfaction ... But far be it from me to inflate my significance. The entire Ukrainian people was exerting great efforts ... I attribute Ukraine's successes to the Ukrainian people as a whole. I won't elaborate further on this theme, but in principle, it's very easy to demonstrate. I'm Russian myself, and I don't want to offend the Russians.[92]
Stalin's final years
From mid-December 1949, Khrushchev again served as head of the Party in Moscow city and province. His biographer Taubman suggests that Stalin most likely recalled Khrushchev to Moscow to balance the influence of Georgy Malenkov and security chief Lavrentiy Beria, who were widely seen as Stalin's heirs.[93] The aging leader rarely called Politburo meetings. Instead, much of the high-level work of government took place at dinners hosted by Stalin for his inner circle of Beria, Malenkov, Khrushchev, Kaganovich, Kliment Voroshilov, Vyacheslav Molotov, and Nikolai Bulganin. Khrushchev took early naps so that he would not fall asleep in Stalin's presence; he noted in his memoirs, "Things went badly for those who dozed off at Stalin's table."[94]
In 1950, Khrushchev began a large-scale housing program for Moscow. Five- or six-story apartment buildings became ubiquitous throughout the Soviet Union; many remain in use today.
In his new positions, Khrushchev continued his kolkhoz consolidation scheme, which decreased the number of collective farms in Moscow Oblast by about 70%. This resulted in farms that were too large for one chairman to manage effectively.[98] Khrushchev also sought to implement his agro-town proposal, but when his lengthy speech on the subject was published in Pravda in March 1951, Stalin disapproved of it. The periodical quickly published a note stating that Khrushchev's speech was merely a proposal, not policy. In April, the Politburo disavowed the agro-town proposal. Khrushchev feared that Stalin would remove him from office, but the leader mocked Khrushchev, then allowed the episode to pass.[99]
On 1 March 1953, Stalin suffered a massive stroke. As terrified doctors attempted treatment, Khrushchev and his colleagues engaged in an intense discussion as to the new government. On 5 March, Stalin died. [100]
Khrushchev later reflected on Stalin:
Stalin called everyone who didn't agree with him an "enemy of the people." He said that they wanted to restore the old order, and for this purpose, "the enemies of the people" had linked up with the forces of reaction internationally. As a result, several hundred thousand honest people perished. Everyone lived in fear in those days. Everyone expected that at any moment there would be a knock on the door in the middle of the night and that knock on the door would prove fatal ... [P]eople not to Stalin's liking were annihilated, honest party members, irreproachable people, loyal and hard workers for our cause who had gone through the school of revolutionary struggle under Lenin's leadership. This was utter and complete arbitrariness. And now is all this to be forgiven and forgotten? Never![101]
Struggle for power
On 6 March 1953, Stalin's death was announced, as was the new leadership. Malenkov was the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers, with Beria (who consolidated his hold over the security agencies), Kaganovich, Bulganin, and former Foreign Minister
However, Malenkov resigned from the secretariat of the Central Committee on 14 March.[104] This came due to concerns that he was acquiring too much power. The major beneficiary was Khrushchev. His name appeared atop a revised list of secretaries—indicating that he was now in charge of the party.[105] The Central Committee formally elected him First Secretary in September.[106]
After Stalin's death, Beria launched a number of reforms. According to Taubman, "unparalleled in his cynicism, he [Beria] did not let ideology stand in his way. Had he prevailed, he would almost certainly have exterminated his colleagues, if only to prevent them from liquidating him. In the meantime, however, his burst of reforms rivaled Khrushchev's and in some ways even Gorbachev's thirty-five years later."[104] One proposal, which was adopted, was an amnesty which eventually led to the freeing of over a million non-political prisoners. Another, which was not adopted, was to release East Germany into a united, neutral Germany in exchange for compensation from the West[107]—a proposal considered by Khrushchev to be anti-communist.[108] Khrushchev allied with Malenkov to block many of Beria's proposals, while the two slowly picked up support from other Presidium members. Their campaign against Beria was aided by fears that Beria was planning a military coup,[109] and, according to Khrushchev in his memoirs, by the conviction that "Beria is getting his knives ready for us."[110] The key move by Khrushchev and Malenkov was to lure two of Beria's most powerful deputy ministers, Sergei Kruglov and Ivan Serov, to betray their boss. This allowed Khrushchev and Malenkov to arrest Beria as Beria belatedly discovered he had lost control of Ministry of Interior troops and the troops of the Kremlin guard.[111] On 26 June 1953, Beria was arrested at a Presidium meeting, following extensive military preparations by Khrushchev and his allies. Beria was tried in secret and executed in December 1953 with five of his close associates. The execution of Beria proved to be the last time the loser of a top-level Soviet power struggle paid with his life.[112]
The power struggle continued. Malenkov's power was in the central state apparatus, which he sought to extend through reorganizing the government, giving it additional power at the expense of the Party. He also sought public support by lowering retail prices and lowering the level of bond sales to citizens, which had long been effectively obligatory. Khrushchev, on the other hand, with his power base in the Party, sought to strengthen the Party and his position within it. While, under the Soviet system, the Party was to be preeminent, it had been greatly drained of power by Stalin, who had given much of that power to himself and to the Politburo (later, to the Presidium). Khrushchev saw that with the Presidium in conflict, the Party and its Central Committee might again become powerful.[113] Khrushchev carefully cultivated high Party officials and was able to appoint supporters as local Party bosses, who then took seats on the Central Committee.[114]
Khrushchev presented himself as a down-to-earth activist prepared to take up any challenge, contrasting with Malenkov who, though sophisticated, came across as colourless.
At a Central Committee meeting in January 1955, Malenkov was accused of involvement in atrocities, and the committee passed a resolution accusing him of involvement in the Leningrad case, and of facilitating Beria's climb to power. At a meeting of the mostly ceremonial Supreme Soviet the following month, Malenkov was demoted in favor of Bulganin, to the surprise of Western observers.[118] Malenkov remained in the Presidium as Minister of Electric Power Stations. According to Khrushchev biographer William Tompson, "Khrushchev's position as first among the members of the collective leadership was now beyond any reasonable doubt."[119]
The post-Stalin battle for political control reshaped foreign policy. There was more realism and less ideological abstraction when confronted by European and Middle Eastern situations. Khrushchev's "secret speech" attack on Stalin in 1956 was a signal for abandoning Stalinist precepts and looking at new options, including more involvement in the Middle East. Khrushchev in power did not moderate his personality—he remained unpredictable and was emboldened by the spectacular successes in space. He thought that would give the USSR world prestige, leading to quick Communist advances in the Third World. Khrushchev's policy was still restrained by the need to retain the support of the Presidium and to placate the inarticulate but restive Soviet masses who were thrilled by Sputnik but demanded a higher standard of living on the ground as well.[120]
Leader (1956–1964)
Domestic policies
Consolidation of power and "Secret Speech"
After the demotion of Malenkov, Khrushchev and Molotov initially worked together well. Molotov even proposed that Khrushchev, not Bulganin, replace Malenkov as premier. However, Khrushchev and Molotov increasingly differed on policy. Molotov opposed the Virgin Lands policy, instead proposing heavy investment to increase yields in developed agricultural areas, which Khrushchev felt was not feasible due to a lack of resources and a lack of a sophisticated farm labor force. The two differed on foreign policy as well; soon after Khrushchev took power, he sought a peace treaty with Austria, which would allow Soviet troops then in occupation of part of the country to leave. Molotov was resistant, but Khrushchev arranged for an Austrian delegation to come to Moscow and negotiate the treaty.[121] Although Khrushchev and other Presidium members attacked Molotov at a Central Committee meeting in mid-1955, accusing him of conducting a foreign policy which turned the world against the USSR, Molotov remained in his position.[122]
By the end of 1955, thousands of political prisoners had returned home and told their experiences of the Gulag labor camps.[123] Continuing investigation into the abuses brought home the full breadth of Stalin's crimes to his successors. Working together with his close ally Anastas Mikoyan, Khrushchev believed that once the stain of Stalinism was removed, the Party would inspire loyalty among the people.[124] Beginning in October 1955, Khrushchev fought to tell the delegates to the upcoming 20th Party Congress about Stalin's crimes. Some of his colleagues, including Molotov and Malenkov, opposed the disclosure and managed to persuade him to make his remarks in a closed session.[125] The 20th Party Congress opened on 14 February 1956. In his opening words in his initial address, Khrushchev denigrated Stalin by asking delegates to rise in honour of the Communist leaders who had died since the last congress, whom he named, equating Stalin with
It is here that Stalin showed in a whole series of cases his intolerance, his brutality, and his abuse of power ... he often chose the path of repression and physical annihilation, not only against actual enemies but also against individuals who had not committed any crimes against the party or the Soviet Government.[128]
The Secret Speech, while it did not fundamentally change Soviet society, had wide-ranging effects. The speech was a factor in
The term "Secret Speech" proved to be an utter misnomer. While the attendees at the Speech were all Soviet, Eastern European delegates were allowed to hear it the following night, read slowly to allow them to take notes. By 5 March, copies were being mailed throughout the Soviet Union, marked "not for the press" rather than "top secret". An official translation appeared within a month in Poland; the Poles printed 12,000 extra copies, one of which soon reached the West.[125] Khrushchev's son, Sergei, later wrote, "[C]learly, Father tried to ensure it would reach as many ears as possible. It was soon read at Komsomol meetings; that meant another eighteen million listeners. If you include their relatives, friends, and acquaintances, you could say that the entire country became familiar with the speech ... Spring had barely begun when the speech began circulating around the world."[131]
The anti-Khrushchev minority in the Presidium was augmented by those opposed to Khrushchev's proposals to decentralize authority over industry, which struck at the heart of Malenkov's power base. During the first half of 1957, Malenkov, Molotov, and Kaganovich worked to quietly build support to dismiss Khrushchev. At an 18 June Presidium meeting at which two Khrushchev supporters were absent, the plotters moved that Bulganin, who had joined the scheme, take the chair, and proposed other moves which would effectively demote Khrushchev and put themselves in control. Khrushchev objected on the grounds that not all Presidium members had been notified, an objection which would have been quickly dismissed had Khrushchev not held firm control over the military, through
Marshal Zhukov was rewarded for his support with full membership in the Presidium, but Khrushchev feared his popularity and power. In October 1957, the defense minister was sent on a tour of the Balkans, as Khrushchev arranged a Presidium meeting to dismiss him. Zhukov learned what was happening, and hurried back to Moscow, only to be formally notified of his dismissal. At a Central Committee meeting several weeks later, not a word was said in Zhukov's defense.[133] Khrushchev completed the consolidation of power in March 1958, arranging for Bulganin's dismissal as premier in favor of himself (Bulganin was appointed to head the Gosbank) and by establishing a USSR Defense Council, led by himself, effectively making him commander in chief.[134] Though Khrushchev was now preeminent, he did not enjoy Stalin's absolute power.[134]
Liberalization and the arts
After assuming power, Khrushchev allowed a modest amount of freedom in the arts.
Khrushchev believed that the USSR could match the West's living standards,
In 1962, Khrushchev, impressed by
Political reform
Under Khrushchev, the special tribunals operated by security agencies were abolished. These tribunals, known as troikas, had often ignored laws and procedures. Under the reforms, no prosecution for a political crime could be brought even in the regular courts unless approved by the local Party committee. This rarely happened; there were no major political trials under Khrushchev, and at most several hundred political prosecutions overall. Instead, other sanctions were imposed on Soviet dissidents, including loss of job or university position, or expulsion from the Party. During Khrushchev's rule, forced hospitalization for the "socially dangerous" was introduced.[147] According to author Roy Medvedev, who wrote an early analysis of Khrushchev's years in power, "political terror as an everyday method of government was replaced under Khrushchev by administrative means of repression".[147]
In 1958, Khrushchev opened a Central Committee meeting to hundreds of Soviet officials; some were even allowed to address the meeting. For the first time, the proceedings of the committee were made public in book form, a practice which was continued at subsequent meetings. This openness, however, actually allowed Khrushchev greater control over the committee, since dissenters would have to make their case in front of a large, disapproving crowd.[148]
In 1962, Khrushchev divided
Agricultural policy
Khrushchev was an expert on agricultural policies and sensed an urgent need to reform the backward, inefficient system with ideas that worked in the United States. He looked especially at collectivism, state farms, liquidation of machine-tractor stations, planning decentralization, economic incentives, increased labor and capital investment, new crops, and new production programs. Henry Ford had been at the center of American technology transfer to the Soviet Union in the 1930s; he sent over factory designs, engineers, and skilled craftsmen, as well as tens of thousands of Ford tractors. By the 1940s Khrushchev was keenly interested in American agricultural innovations, especially on large-scale family-operated farms in the Midwest. In the 1950s he sent several delegations to visit farms and land grant colleges, looking at successful farms that utilized high-yielding seed varieties, very large and powerful tractors and other machines, all guided by modern management techniques.[151] Especially after his visit to the United States in 1959, he was keenly aware of the need to emulate and even match American superiority and agricultural technology.[152][153]
Khrushchev became a hyper-enthusiastic crusader to grow corn (
Khrushchev sought to abolish the Machine-Tractor Stations (MTS) which not only owned most large agricultural machines such as combines and tractors but also provided services such as plowing, and transfer their equipment and functions to the kolkhozes and sovkhozes (state farms).[159] After a successful test involving MTS which served one large kolkhoz each, Khrushchev ordered a gradual transition—but then ordered that the change take place with great speed.[160] Within three months, over half of the MTS facilities had been closed, and kolkhozes were being required to buy the equipment, with no discount given for older or dilapidated machines.[161] MTS employees, unwilling to bind themselves to kolkhozes and lose their state employee benefits and the right to change their jobs, fled to the cities, creating a shortage of skilled operators.[162] The costs of the machinery, plus the costs of building storage sheds and fuel tanks for the equipment, impoverished many kolkhozes. Inadequate provisions were made for repair stations.[163] Without the MTS, the market for Soviet agricultural equipment fell apart, as the kolkhozes now had neither the money nor skilled buyers to purchase new equipment.[164]
In the 1940s Stalin put Trofim Lysenko in charge of agricultural research, with his ideas that flouted modern genetics science. Lysenko maintained his influence under Khrushchev, and helped block the adoption of American techniques.[165] In 1959, Khrushchev announced a goal of overtaking the United States in the production of milk, meat, and butter. Local officials kept Khrushchev happy with unrealistic pledges of production. These goals were met by farmers who slaughtered their breeding herds and by purchasing meat at state stores, then reselling it back to the government, artificially increasing recorded production.[166]
In June 1962, food prices were raised, particularly on meat and butter, by 25–30%. This caused public discontent. In the southern Russian city of
Drought struck the Soviet Union in 1963; the harvest of 97,500,000 t (107,500,000 short tons) of grain was down from a peak of 122,200,000 t (134,700,000 short tons) in 1958. The shortages resulted in bread lines, a fact at first kept from Khrushchev. Reluctant to purchase food in the West,[168] but faced with the alternative of widespread hunger, Khrushchev exhausted the nation's hard currency reserves and expended part of its gold stockpile in the purchase of grain and other foodstuffs.[169][170]
Education
While visiting the United States in 1959, Khrushchev was greatly impressed by the agricultural education program at
Khrushchev founded several academic towns, such as Akademgorodok. The premier believed that Western science flourished because many scientists lived in university towns such as Oxford, isolated from big-city distractions, and had pleasant living conditions and good pay. He sought to duplicate those conditions in the Soviet Union. Khrushchev's attempt was generally successful, though his new towns and scientific centres tended to attract younger scientists, with older ones unwilling to leave Moscow or Leningrad.[173]
Khrushchev also proposed to restructure Soviet high schools. While the high schools provided a college preparatory curriculum, in fact, few Soviet youths went on to university. Khrushchev wanted to shift the focus of secondary schools to vocational training: students would spend much of their time at factory jobs or in apprenticeships and only a small part at the schools.[174] In practice, schools developed links with nearby enterprises and students went to work for only one or two days a week; the organizations disliked having to teach, while students and their families complained that they had little choice in what trade to learn.[175]
While the vocational proposal would not survive Khrushchev's downfall, a longer-lasting change was a related establishment of specialized high schools for gifted students or those wishing to study a specific subject.[176] These schools were modeled after the foreign-language schools that had been established in Moscow and Leningrad beginning in 1949.[177] In 1962, a special summer school was established in Novosibirsk to prepare students for the Siberian math and science Olympiad. The following year, the Novosibirsk Maths and Science Boarding-School became the first permanent residential school specializing in math and science. Other such schools were soon established in Moscow, Leningrad, and Kiev. By the early 1970s, over 100 specialized schools had been established, in mathematics, the sciences, art, music, and sport.[176] Preschool education was increased as part of Khrushchev's reforms, and by the time he left office, about 22% of Soviet children attended preschool—about half of urban children, but only about 12% of rural children.[178]
Anti-religious campaign
The anti-religious campaign of the Khrushchev era began in 1959, coinciding with the 21st Party Congress in the same year. It was carried out by mass closures of churches[179][180] (reducing the number from 22,000 in 1959[181] to 13,008 in 1960 and to 7,873 by 1965[182]), monasteries, convents, and still-existing seminaries. The campaign also included a restriction of parental rights to teach religion to their children; a ban on the presence of children at church services (beginning with the Baptists in 1961, it was then extended to the Orthodox in 1963); and a ban on the administration of the Eucharist to children over the age of four. Khrushchev additionally banned all services held outside of churches' walls, renewed enforcement of 1929 legislation banning pilgrimages, and recorded the personal identities of all adults requesting church baptisms, weddings, or funerals.[183] He also disallowed the ringing of church bells and services in daytime in some rural settings from May to the end of October under the pretext of fieldwork requirements. Non-fulfillment of these regulations by clergy would lead to disallowance of state registration (meaning clergy could no longer do any pastoral or liturgical work without special state permission). According to Dimitry Pospielovsky, the state carried out forced retirement, arrests, and prison sentences for clergymen on "trumped-up charges," but in reality, he writes, said state actions were taken against clergy who resisted the closure of churches; delivered sermons attacking the USSR's state atheism and anti-religious campaign; conducted Christian charity; or made religion popular by personal example.[184]
Foreign and defense policies
From 1950 to 1953 Khrushchev in the inner circle at the Kremlin was well-placed to closely observe and evaluate Stalin's foreign policy. Khrushchev considered the entire Cold War to be a serious mistake on Stalin's part. In the long-term, it created a militarized struggle with NATO, a stronger capitalist coalition. That struggle was entirely unnecessary, and was very expensive for the Soviet Union. It diverted attention away from the neutral developing world, where progress could be made, and it weakened Moscow's relationship with its East European satellites. Basically Khrushchev was much more optimistic about the future than Stalin or Molotov, and was more of an internationalist. He believed the working classes and the common peoples of the world would eventually find their way towards socialism and (possibly) even communism, and that conflicts like the Cold War diverted their attention from this eventual goal. Peaceful coexistence was instead endorsed, or the sort that Lenin himself had practiced at first. That would allow the Soviet Union and its satellite states to build up their economies and their standard of living. In specific terms Khrushchev decided that Stalin had made a series of mistakes, such as heavy-handed pressure in Turkey and Iran in 1945 and 1946, and especially heavy pressure on Berlin that led to the failed Berlin blockade in 1948. Khrushchev was pleased that when Malenkov replaced Stalin in 1953 he spoke of better relations with the West, and also with building ties to the Communist Party movements in imperialistic European colonies that would soon become independent nations across Africa and Asia. Germany was a major issue for Khrushchev, not because he feared a NATO invasion eastward, but because it weakened the East German regime, which economically paled in comparison to the economic progress of West Germany. Khrushchev blamed Molotov for being unable to resolve the conflict with Yugoslavia, and largely ignoring the needs of the East European communist satellites.
Khrushchev chose Austria as a way to quickly come to agreement with NATO. It became a small neutralized nation economically tied to the West but diplomatically neutral and no threat.[185]
When Khrushchev took control, the outside world still knew little of him, and initially was not impressed by him. Short, heavyset, and wearing ill-fitting suits, he "radiated energy but not intellect", and was dismissed by many as a buffoon who would not last long.[186] British Foreign Secretary Harold Macmillan wondered, "How can this fat, vulgar man with his pig eyes and ceaseless flow of talk be the head—the aspirant Tsar for all those millions of people?"[187]
Khrushchev biographer Tompson described the mercurial leader:
He could be charming or vulgar, ebullient or sullen, he was given to public displays of rage (often contrived) and to soaring hyperbole in his rhetoric. But whatever he was, however, he came across, he was more human than his predecessor or even than most of his foreign counterparts, and for much of the world that was enough to make the USSR seem less mysterious or menacing.[188]
United States and NATO
Early relations and U.S. visit (1957–1960)
Khrushchev sought to find a lasting solution to the problem of a divided Germany and of the enclave of West Berlin deep within East German territory. In November 1958, calling West Berlin a "malignant tumor", he gave the United States, United Kingdom and France six months to conclude a peace treaty with both German states and the Soviet Union. If one was not signed, Khrushchev stated, the Soviet Union would conclude a peace treaty with East Germany. This would leave East Germany, which was not a party to treaties giving the Western Powers access to Berlin, in control of the routes to the city. They proposed making Berlin a free city, which meant no outside military forces would be stationed there. West Germany, United States and France strongly opposed the ultimatum, but Britain wanted to consider it as a starting point for negotiations. No one wanted to risk war over the issue. At Britain's request, Khrushchev extended and ultimately dropped the ultimatum, as the Berlin issue became part of the complex agenda of high-level summit meetings.[189]
Khrushchev sought to sharply reduce levels of conventional weapons and to defend the Soviet Union with missiles. He believed that without this transition, the huge Soviet military would continue to eat up resources, making Khrushchev's goals of improving Soviet life difficult to achieve.[190] He abandoned Stalin's plans for a large navy in 1955, believing that the new ships would be too vulnerable to either a conventional or nuclear attack.[191] In January 1960, he took advantage of improved relations with the U.S. to order a reduction of one-third in the size of Soviet armed forces, alleging that advanced weapons would make up for the lost troops.[192] While conscription of Soviet youth remained in force, exemptions from military service became more and more common, especially for students.[193]
Campbell Craig and
During Vice President Nixon's visit to the Soviet Union in 1959 he and Khrushchev took part in what later became known as the Kitchen Debate. Nixon and Khrushchev had an impassioned argument in a model kitchen at the American National Exhibition in Moscow, with each defending the economic system of his country.[31]
Nixon invited Khrushchev to visit the United States, and he agreed. He
This visit resulted in an informal agreement that there would be no firm deadline over Berlin, but that there would be a four-power summit to try to resolve the issue. The Russian's goal was to present warmth, charm and peacefulness, using candid interviews to convince Americans of his humanity and good will. He performed well and Theodore Windt calls it, "the zenith of his career."[208] The friendly American audiences convinced Khrushchev that he had achieved a strong personal relationship with Eisenhower and that he could achieve détente with the Americans. Eisenhower was actually unimpressed by the Soviet leader.[209] He pushed for an immediate summit but was frustrated by French President Charles de Gaulle, who postponed it until 1960, a year in which Eisenhower was scheduled to pay a return visit to the Soviet Union.[210]
U-2 and Berlin crisis (1960–1961)
A constant irritant in Soviet–U.S. relations was the overflight of the Soviet Union by American
Khrushchev was undecided what to do at the summit even as he boarded his flight to Paris. He finally decided, in consultation with his advisers on the plane and Presidium members in Moscow, to demand an apology from Eisenhower and a promise that there would be no further U-2 flights in Soviet airspace.[215] Neither Eisenhower nor Khrushchev communicated with the other in the days before the summit, and at the summit, Khrushchev made his demands and stated that there was no purpose in the summit, which should be postponed for six to eight months, that is until after the 1960 United States presidential election. The U.S. president offered no apology but stated that the flights had been suspended and would not resume and renewed his Open Skies proposal for mutual overflight rights. This was not enough for Khrushchev, who left the summit.[212] Eisenhower accused Khrushchev "of sabotaging this meeting, on which so much of the hopes of the world have rested".[216] Eisenhower's visit to the Soviet Union, for which the premier had even built a golf course so the U.S. president could enjoy his favorite sport,[217] was cancelled by Khrushchev.[218]
Khrushchev made his second and final visit to the United States in September 1960. He had no invitation but had appointed himself as head of the USSR's UN delegation.[219] He spent much of his time wooing the new Third World states which had recently become independent.[220] The U.S. restricted him to the island of Manhattan, with visits to an estate owned by the USSR on Long Island. The notorious shoe-banging incident occurred during a debate on 12 October over a Soviet resolution decrying colonialism. Khrushchev was infuriated by a statement of the Filipino delegate Lorenzo Sumulong charging the Soviets with employing a double standard by decrying colonialism while dominating Eastern Europe. Khrushchev demanded the right to reply immediately and accused Sumulong of being "a fawning lackey of the American imperialists". Sumulong resumed his speech and accused the Soviets of hypocrisy. Khrushchev yanked off his shoe and began banging it on his desk.[221] This behavior by Khrushchev scandalized his delegation.[222]
Khrushchev considered U.S. Vice President Nixon a hardliner and was delighted by his defeat in the 1960 presidential election. He considered the victor,
An indefinite postponement of action over Berlin was unacceptable to Khrushchev if for no other reason than that East Germany was suffering a continuous
Cuban Missile Crisis and the test ban treaty (1962–1964)
Superpower tensions culminated in the Cuban Missile Crisis (in the USSR, the "Caribbean crisis") of October 1962, as the Soviet Union sought to install medium-range nuclear missiles in Cuba, about 90 miles (140 km) from the U.S. coast.[31] Cuban Prime Minister Fidel Castro was reluctant to accept the missiles, and, once he was persuaded, warned Khrushchev against transporting the missiles in secret. Castro stated, thirty years later, "We had a sovereign right to accept the missiles. We were not violating international law. Why do it secretly—as if we had no right to do it? I warned Nikita that secrecy would give the imperialists the advantage."[226]
On 16 October, Kennedy was informed that U-2 flights over Cuba had discovered what were most likely medium-range missile sites, and though he and his advisors considered approaching Khrushchev through diplomatic channels, they could come up with no way of doing this that would not appear weak.[227] On 22 October, Kennedy addressed his nation by television, revealing the missiles' presence and announcing a blockade of Cuba. Informed in advance of the speech but not (until one hour before) the content, Khrushchev and his advisors feared an invasion of Cuba. Even before Kennedy's speech, they ordered Soviet commanders in Cuba that they could use all weapons against an attack—except atomic weapons.[228]
As the crisis unfolded, tensions were high in the U.S.; less so in the Soviet Union, where Khrushchev made several public appearances and went to the Bolshoi Theatre to hear American opera singer Jerome Hines, who was then performing in Moscow.[31][229] By 25 October, with the Soviets unclear about Kennedy's full intentions, Khrushchev decided that the missiles would have to be withdrawn from Cuba. Two days later, he offered Kennedy terms for the withdrawal.[230] Khrushchev agreed to withdraw the missiles in exchange for a U.S. promise not to invade Cuba and a secret promise that the U.S. would withdraw missiles from Turkey, near the Soviet heartland.[231] As the last term was not publicly announced at the request of the U.S., and was not known until just before Khrushchev's death in 1971,[31] the resolution was seen as a great defeat for the Soviets and contributed to Khrushchev's fall less than two years later.[31] Castro had urged Khrushchev to launch a preemptive nuclear attack on the U.S. in the event of an invasion of Cuba,[232] and was angered by the outcome, referring to Khrushchev in profane terms.[233]
After the crisis, superpower relations improved, as Kennedy gave
Eastern Europe
The Secret Speech, combined with the death of the Polish communist leader
The Polish settlement emboldened the Hungarians, who decided that Moscow could be defied.
On 30 October Nagy announced multiparty elections, and the next morning that Hungary would leave the Warsaw Pact.
In the aftermath of these crises, Khrushchev made the statement for which he became well-remembered, "We will bury you" (in Russian, "Мы вас похороним!" (My vas pokhoronim!)). While many in the West took this statement as a literal threat, Khrushchev made the statement in a speech on peaceful coexistence with the West.[244] When questioned about the statement during his 1959 U.S. visit, Khrushchev stated that he was not referring to a literal burial, but that, through inexorable historical development, communism would replace capitalism and "bury" it.[245]
Khrushchev greatly improved relations with
China
After completing his takeover of mainland China in 1949,
Mao bitterly opposed Khrushchev's attempts to reach a rapprochement with more liberal Eastern European states such as Yugoslavia. Khrushchev's government, on the other hand, was reluctant to endorse Mao's desires for an assertive worldwide revolutionary movement, preferring to conquer capitalism through raising the standard of living in communist-bloc countries.[31]
Relations between the two nations began to cool in 1956, with Mao angered both by the Secret Speech and by the fact that the Chinese had not been consulted in advance about it.[252] Mao believed that de-Stalinization was a mistake, and a possible threat to his own authority.[253] When Khrushchev visited Beijing in 1958, Mao refused proposals for military cooperation.[254] Hoping to torpedo Khrushchev's efforts at détente with the U.S., Mao soon thereafter provoked the Second Taiwan Strait Crisis, describing the Taiwanese islands shelled in the crisis as "batons that keep Eisenhower and Khrushchev dancing, scurrying this way and that. Don't you see how wonderful they are?"[255]
The Soviets had planned to provide China with an atomic bomb complete with full documentation, but in 1959, amid cooler relations, the Soviets destroyed the device and papers instead.[256] When Khrushchev paid a visit to China in September, shortly after his successful U.S. visit, he met a chilly reception, and Khrushchev left the country on the third day of a planned seven-day visit.[257] Relations continued to deteriorate in 1960, as both the USSR and China used a Romanian Communist Party congress as an opportunity to attack the other. After Khrushchev attacked China in his speech to the congress, Chinese leader Peng Zhen mocked Khrushchev, stating that the premier's foreign policy was to blow hot and cold towards the West. Khrushchev responded by pulling Soviet experts out of China.[258] In the dispute between Mao and Khrushchev, Albania was on the side of China, labelling Khrushchev "Rrapo Lelo", after an Albanian anti-communist peasant.[259]
West Africa
Under Khrushchev, the Soviet Union provided considerable amounts of aid to the newly independent West African states of Ghana and Guinea. These were seen as ideal places to test the "socialist model of development" because of their critical dependence on economic cooperation with the Soviet Union, in contrast to larger Third World nations like Egypt and Indonesia. This project proved to be a resounding failure, although the lessons learned in West Africa during the Khrushchev years would have an important influence on Soviet foreign policy towards Africa in the following decades. Additionally, the Soviet Union's display of ineptitude during the Congo Crisis, where it failed to prevent both the newly independent Republic of the Congo from descending into chaos and the substantial military intervention by Western powers, led to a further cooling of relations between the Soviet Union and its Ghanaian and Guinean partners.[260]
Removal
Beginning in March 1964, Supreme Soviet presidium chairman and thus nominal head of state Leonid Brezhnev began plotting Khrushchev's removal with his colleagues.[261] While Brezhnev considered having Khrushchev arrested as he returned from a trip to Scandinavia in June, he instead spent time persuading members of the Central Committee to support the ousting of Khrushchev, remembering how crucial the committee's support had been to Khrushchev in defeating the Anti-Party Group plot.[261] Brezhnev was given ample time for his conspiracy, as Khrushchev was absent from Moscow for a total of five months between January and September 1964.[262]
The conspirators, led by Brezhnev, First Deputy Premier Alexander Shelepin, and KGB chairman Vladimir Semichastny, struck in October 1964, while Khrushchev was on vacation at Pitsunda, Abkhaz ASSR with his friend and Presidium colleague Anastas Mikoyan. On 12 October, Brezhnev called Khrushchev to notify him of a special Presidium meeting to be held the following day, ostensibly on the subject of agriculture.[263] Even though Khrushchev suspected the real reason for the meeting,[264] he flew to Moscow, accompanied by the head of the Georgian KGB, General Aleksi Inauri, but otherwise taking no precautions.[265]
Khrushchev arrived at the VIP hall of
I didn't even close the Kremlin to visitors. People were strolling around outside, while in the room the Presidium was meeting. I deployed my men around the Kremlin. Everything that was necessary was done. Brezhnev and Shelepin were nervous. I told them: Let's not do anything that isn't necessary. Let's not create the appearance of a coup.[267]
That night, after his ouster, Khrushchev called Mikoyan, and told him:
I'm old and tired. Let them cope by themselves. I've done the main thing. Could anyone have dreamed of telling Stalin that he didn't suit us anymore and suggesting he retire? Not even a wet spot would have remained where we had been standing. Now everything is different. The fear is gone, and we can talk as equals. That's my contribution. I won't put up a fight.[268]
On 14 October 1964, the Presidium and the Central Committee each voted to accept Khrushchev's "voluntary" request to retire from his offices for reasons of "advanced age and ill health." Brezhnev was elected First Secretary (later General Secretary), while Alexei Kosygin succeeded Khrushchev as premier.[269][270]
Life in retirement
Khrushchev was granted a pension of 500 rubles per month and was given a house, a dacha and a car.[271] Following his removal, he fell into deep depression. He received few visitors, especially since his security guards kept track of all guests and reported their comings and goings.[272] His pension was reduced to 400 rubles per month, though his retirement remained comfortable by Soviet standards.[273][274] One of his grandsons was asked what the ex-premier was doing in retirement, and the boy replied, "Grandfather cries."[275] Khrushchev was made a non-person to such an extent that the thirty-volume Great Soviet Encyclopedia omitted his name from the list of prominent political commissars during the Great Patriotic War.[31]
As the new rulers made known their conservatism in artistic matters, Khrushchev came to be more favorably viewed by artists and writers, some of whom visited him. One visitor whom Khrushchev regretted not seeing was former U.S. Vice President Nixon, then in his "wilderness years" before his election to the presidency, who went to Khrushchev's Moscow apartment while the former premier was at his dacha.[276]
Beginning in 1966, Khrushchev began his memoirs. He initially tried to dictate them into a tape recorder while outdoors, in an attempt to avoid eavesdropping by the KGB. These attempts failed due to background noise, so he switched to recording indoors. The KGB made no attempt to interfere until 1968, when Khrushchev was ordered to hand over his tapes, which he refused to do.[277] While Khrushchev was hospitalized with heart ailments, his son Sergei was approached by the KGB in July 1970 and told that there was a plot afoot by foreign agents to steal the memoirs.[278] Sergei Khrushchev handed over the materials to the KGB since the KGB could steal the originals anyway, but copies had been made, some of which had been transmitted to a Western publisher. Sergei instructed that the smuggled memoirs should be published, which they were in 1970 under the title Khrushchev Remembers. Under some pressure, Nikita Khrushchev signed a statement that he had not given the materials to any publisher, and his son was transferred to a less desirable job.[279] Upon publication of the memoirs in the West, Izvestia denounced them as a fraud.[280] Soviet state radio carried the announcement of Khrushchev's statement, and it was the first time in six years that he had been mentioned in that medium.[31] In the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Khrushchev was given a short characterization: "As a leader, Khrushchev showed signs of subjectivism and voluntarism".[281]
In his final days, Khrushchev visited his son-in-law and former aide
Death
Khrushchev died of a heart attack around noon in the Moscow Central Clinical Hospital on 11 September 1971, at the age of 77. He was denied a state funeral with interment in the Kremlin Wall and was instead buried in the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow. Fearing demonstrations, the authorities did not announce Khrushchev's death until the hour of his wake, which would be held in a morgue in the southern suburbs of Moscow,[284] and surrounded the cemetery with troops. Even so, some artists and writers joined the family at the graveside for the interment.[285]
Pravda ran a one-sentence announcement of the former premier's death; Western newspapers contained considerable coverage.[286] Veteran New York Times Moscow correspondent Harry Schwartz wrote of Khrushchev, "Mr. Khrushchev opened the doors and windows of a petrified structure. He let in fresh air and fresh ideas, producing changes which time already has shown are irreversible and fundamental."[287]
Legacy
Many of Khrushchev's innovations were reversed after his fall. The requirement that one-third of officials be replaced at each election was overturned, as was the division in the Party structure between industrial and agricultural sectors. His vocational education program for high school students was also dropped, and his plan for sending existing agricultural institutions out to the land was ended. However, new agricultural or vocational institutions thereafter were located outside major cities. When new housing was built, much of it was in the form of high rises rather than Khrushchev's low-rise structures, which lacked elevators or balconies.[288]
Historian Robert Service summarizes Khrushchev's contradictory personality traits. According to him, Khrushchev was:
...at once a Stalinist and an anti-Stalinist, a communist believer and a cynic, a self-publicizing poltroon and a crusty philanthropist, a trouble-maker and a peacemaker, a stimulating colleague and a domineering boor, a statesman and a politicker who was out of his intellectual depth.[289]
Some of Khrushchev's agricultural projects were also easily overturned. Corn became so unpopular in 1965 that its planting fell to the lowest level in the postwar period, as even kolkhozes which had been successful with it in Ukraine and other southern portions of the USSR refused to plant it.[290] Lysenko was stripped of his policy-making positions. However, the MTS stations remained closed, and the basic agricultural problems, which Khrushchev had tried to address, remained.[288] While the Soviet standard of living increased greatly in the ten years after Khrushchev's fall, much of the increase was due to industrial progress; agriculture continued to lag far behind, resulting in regular agricultural crises, especially in 1972 and 1975.[291] Brezhnev and his successors continued Khrushchev's precedent of buying grain from the West rather than suffer shortfalls and starvation.[288] Neither Brezhnev nor his colleagues were personally popular, and the new government relied on authoritarian power to assure its continuation. The KGB and Red Army were given increasing powers. The government's conservative tendencies would lead to the crushing of the "Prague Spring" of 1968.[292]
Though Khrushchev's strategy failed to achieve the major goals he sought, Aleksandr Fursenko, who wrote a book analyzing Khrushchev's foreign and military policies, argued that the strategy did coerce the West in a limited manner. The agreement that the United States would not invade Cuba has been adhered to. The refusal of the western world to acknowledge East Germany was gradually eroded, and, in 1975, the United States and other NATO members signed the
The Russian public's view of Khrushchev remains mixed. Khrushchev biographer William Tompson related the former premier's reforms to those which occurred later:
Throughout the Brezhnev years and the lengthy interregnum that followed, the generation which had come of age during the 'first Russian spring' of the 1950s awaited its turn in power. As Brezhnev and his colleagues died or were pensioned off, they were replaced by men and women for whom the Secret Speech and the first wave of de-Stalinization had been a formative experience, and these 'Children of Twentieth Congress' took up the reins of power under the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev and his colleagues. The Khrushchev era provided this second generation of reformers with both an inspiration and a cautionary tale.[295]
See also
- 1954 transfer of Crimea
- History of the Soviet Union (1953–1964)
- Outline of the Cold War
Notes
- ^ While he was unable to consolidate control over the party apparatus, Malenkov was still recognized as "first among equals" for over a year after Stalin's death. As late as March 1954, he was listed as first in the Soviet leadership and continued to chair meetings of the Politburo.[1]
- ^ In this name that follows Eastern Slavic naming customs, the patronymic is Sergeyevich and the family name is Khrushchev.
- ^ /ˈkrʊʃtʃɛf, ˈkruːʃ-, -tʃɒf/; Russian: Никита Сергеевич Хрущёв, tr. Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchyov, IPA: [nʲɪˈkʲitə sʲɪrˈɡʲejɪvʲɪtɕ xrʊˈɕːɵf] ⓘ
- ^ Soviet reports list his birth date as 17 April (5 April old style) but recent discovery of his birth certificate has caused biographers to accept 15 April date. See Tompson 1995, p. 2.
Citations
- ^ Brown 2009, pp. 232–233.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 2.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 20.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 18.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 21.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 27.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 26.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 30.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 6–7.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 8.
- ^ Carlson 2009, p. 141.
- ^ Khrushchev in Hollywood (1959), CBS News (3:50–6:09)
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 38–40.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 47.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, pp. 47–48.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 48–49.
- ^ a b c d Taubman 2003, p. 50.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 12.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 52.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 54–55.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 55.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 14.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, pp. 56–57.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 63.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, pp. 64–66.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Whitman 1971.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 66.
- ISBN 0271058536.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 68.
- ^ a b c Taubman 2003, p. 73.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 78.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 33–34.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 94–95.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 105–06.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 98.
- ^ a b c Taubman 2003, p. 99.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 57.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 99–100.
- ^ a b c Taubman 2003, p. 100.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 103–04.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 104.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 69.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 114–15.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 116.
- ^ a b c Taubman 2003, p. 118.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 60.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 135–37.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 72.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 149.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 150.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 163.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 162–64.
- ^ Khrushchev 2004, p. 347.
- ^ Khrushchev 2004, pp. 349–50.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 164–68.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, pp. 168–71.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 81.
- ^ a b c Birch 2008.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 157–58.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 82.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 158.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 158–62.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 171–72.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, pp. 177–78.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 81–82.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 73.
- ^ a b c Tompson 1995, p. 86.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 179.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 180.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 181.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 193–95.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 87–88.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 195.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 91.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 199.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 199–200.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 200–201.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 92.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 203.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 93.
- ^ Khrushchev 2000, p. 27.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 95.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 205.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 96.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, pp. 96–97.
- ^ Khrushchev 2006, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 210.
- ^ Khrushchev 2006, p. 43.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 99.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 226.
- ISBN 978-0-8223-1213-0.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 100–01.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 228–30.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 236–41.
- ^ Khrushchev 2006, pp. 167–68.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 114.
- ^ The New York Times, 1953-03-10.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 245.
- ^ "Union of Soviet Socialist Republics" at Encyclopædia Britannica
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 258.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 246–247.
- ^ Khrushchev 2006, p. 184.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 121.
- ^ Khrushchev 2006, p. 186.
- ^ Timothy K. Blauvelt, "Patronage and betrayal in the post-Stalin succession: The case of Kruglov and Serov" Communist & Post-Communist Studies (2008) 43#1 pp 105–20.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 123.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 125–26.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 259.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 263.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 174.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 260–264.
- ^ Fursenko 2006, pp. 15–17.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 141–42.
- ^ Paul Marantz, "Internal Politics and Soviet Foreign Policy: A Case Study." Western Political Quarterly 28.1 (1975): 130–46. online
- ^ Fursenko 2006, p. 27.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 266–69.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 275.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 276.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, pp. 279–80.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 153.
- ^ Khrushchev 2006, p. 212.
- ^ The New York Times, 1956-05-06.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, pp. 286–91.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 282.
- ^ Khrushchev 2000, p. 200.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 176–83.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 361–64.
- ^ a b c Tompson 1995, p. 189.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 307.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 308.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 385.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 628.
- ^ Khrushchev speech, Los Angeles, 19 September 1959. Youtube
- ^ a b Zubok 2007, p. 175.
- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 172.
- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 174.
- ^ Zubok 2007, pp. 174–75.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 525–28.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, pp. 257–60.
- ^ Neizvestny 1979.
- ^ a b Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 41–42.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 198–99.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 154–57.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, p. 153.
- ^ Aaron Hale-Dorrell, "The Soviet Union, the United States, and Industrial Agriculture" Journal of World History (2015) 26#2 pp 295–324.
- ^ Lazar Volin, "Soviet agriculture under Khrushchev." American Economic Review 49.2 (1959): 15–32 online.
- ^ Lazar Volin, Khrushchev and the Soviet agricultural scene (U of California Press, 2020).
- ^ Aaron Hale-Dorrell, Corn Crusade: Khrushchev's Farming Revolution in the Post-Stalin Soviet Union (2019) PhD dissertation version.
- ^ Carlson 2009, p. 205.
- ^ Stephen J. Frese, "Comrade Khrushchev and Farmer Garst: East-West Encounters Foster Agricultural Exchange." The History Teacher 38#1 (2004), pp. 37–65. online.
- ^ Carlson 2009, pp. 205–06.
- ^ a b Taubman 2003, p. 373.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, p. 85.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 87–89.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 89–91.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 91–92.
- ^ David Joravsky, The Lysenko Affair (1970) pp 172–180.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 214–16.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 519–523.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 607.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 160–61.
- ^ Il'ia E. Zelenin, "N. S. Khrushchev's Agrarian Policy and Agriculture in the USSR." Russian Studies in History 50.3 (2011): 44–70.
- ^ Carlson 2009, p. 221.
- ^ Khrushchev 2007, p. 154.
- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, p. 108.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 192–93.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 193.
- ^ a b Kelly 2007, p. 147.
- ^ Laurent 2009.
- ^ Perrie 2006, p. 488.
- .
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- ^ Pospielovsky 1987, p. 83.
- ISBN 9780765607492
- JSTOR 3712491.
- ^ Pospielovsky 1987, p. 84.
- ^ Aleksandr Fursenko, and Timothy Naftali, ‘'Khrushchev's cold war: the inside story of an American adversary'’ (2006) pp 23–28.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 146.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 149.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 150.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 195–96.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 187, 217.
- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 127.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 216–17.
- ^ Zubok 2007, pp. 183–84.
- ^ Campbell Craig and Sergey Radchenko, "MAD, not Marx: Khrushchev and the nuclear revolution." Journal of Strategic Studies (2018) 41#1/2:208-233.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 188.
- ^ Walter A. McDougall, "The Sputnik Challenge: Eisenhower's Response to the Soviet Satellite." Reviews in American History 21.4 (1993): 698–703.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 187.
- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 131.
- ^ Carlson 2009, p. 247.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 421–22.
- ^ Carlson 2009, p. 63.
- ^ Carlson 2009, pp. 226–27.
- ^ Khrushchev speech, 19 September 1959. Youtube
- ^ Carlson 2009, pp. 155–59.
- ^ Khrushchev speech, Los Angeles, 19 September 1959. Youtube
- ^ Carlson 2009, p. 133.
- ^ Khrushchev 2000, p. 334.
- ^ Theodore Otto Windt Jr., "The Rhetoric of Peaceful Coexistence: Khrushchev in America, 1959" Quarterly Journal of Speech (1971) 57#1 pp 11–22.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 211.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 218.
- ^ Hamilton, Martha (10 November 2000). "Gem of a Jeweler Faces a Final Cut". The Washington Post. Retrieved 6 April 2019.
- ^ a b c Tompson 1995, pp. 219–20.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 223.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 224.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, p. 225.
- ^ UPI 1960 Year in Review.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 441.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 469.
- ^ Carlson 2009, pp. 265–66.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 230.
- ^ Carlson 2009, pp. 284–86.
- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 139.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 232.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 233–35.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 235–36.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 248.
- ^ Fursenko 2006, pp. 465–66.
- ^ Fursenko 2006, pp. 469–72.
- ^ Life, 1962-11-09.
- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 145.
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- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 148.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 579.
- ^ Kennedy 1963.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 602.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 604–05.
- ^ a b Tompson 1995, pp. 166–68.
- ^ "Trzy dni października". Dziennik Polski. 19 October 2001.
- ^ Michalczyk, Bartłomiej (7 June 2019). "1956: Sowieci idą na Warszawę!".
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- ^ a b Tompson 1995, pp. 168–70.
- ^ Fursenko 2006, pp. 123–24.
- ^ Fursenko 2006, p. 125.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 427–28.
- ^ Carlson 2009, p. 96.
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 145–47.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 169.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 336.
- ^ Taubman 2003, p. 337.
- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 111.
- ^ Taubman 2003, pp. 336–37.
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- ^ Zubok 2007, p. 136.
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- ^ Hoxha, Enver (1976). Albania Challenges Khrushchev Revisionism. New York: Gamma Publishing Co. p. 119.
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- ^ "Vladimir Semichastny". economist.com. 18 January 2001. Retrieved 8 October 2022.
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- .
- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 280–81.
- ^ Shabad 1970.
- ^ "Khrushchev, Nikita". The Great Soviet Encyclopedia (3rd ed.). The Gale Group, Inc. 1970–1979. Retrieved 24 August 2022 – via TheFreeDictionary.com.
- ^ "Obituary: Alexei Adzhubei". The Independent. 18 September 2011. Archived from the original on 21 June 2022.
- ^ Tompson 1995, p. 281.
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- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 282–83.
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- ^ Schwartz 1971.
- ^ a b c Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, pp. 180–82.
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- ^ Medvedev & Medvedev 1978, p. 128.
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- ^ Fursenko 2006, p. 544.
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- ^ Tompson 1995, pp. 283–84.
References
- Birch, Douglas (2 August 2008), "Khrushchev kin allege family honor slurred", USA Today, retrieved 14 August 2009
- Brown, Archie (2009), The Rise and Fall of Communism, HarperCollins Publishers, ISBN 978-0-06-113882-9
- Carlson, Peter (2009), ISBN 978-1-58648-497-2
- Laurent, Coumel (2009), "The scientist, the pedagogue, and the Party official: Interest groups, public opinion, and decision-making in the 1958 education reform", in Ilič, Melanie; Smith, Jeremy (eds.), Soviet state and society under Nikita Khrushchev, Taylor & Francis, pp. 66–85, ISBN 978-0-415-47649-2
- Fursenko, Aleksandr (2006), Khrushchev's Cold War, W.W. Norton & Co., ISBN 978-0-393-05809-3
- Hale-Dorrell, Aaron. Corn Crusade: Khrushchev's Farming Revolution in the Post-Stalin Soviet Union (2019) PhD dissertation version
- Kelly, Catriona (2007), Children's world: growing up in Russia, 1890–1991, Yale University Press, p. 147, ISBN 978-0-300-11226-9
- Khrushchev, Nikita (2004), Khrushchev, Sergei (ed.), Memoirs of Nikita Khrushchev, Volume 1: Commissar, The Pennsylvania State University Press, ISBN 978-0-271-02332-8
- Khrushchev, Nikita (2006), Khrushchev, Sergei (ed.), Memoirs of Nikita Khrushchev, Volume 2: Reformer, The Pennsylvania State University Press, ISBN 978-0-271-02861-3
- Khrushchev, Nikita (2007), Khrushchev, Sergei (ed.), Memoirs of Nikita Khrushchev, Volume 3: Statesman, The Pennsylvania State University Press, ISBN 978-0-271-02935-1
- Khrushchev, Sergei (2000), Nikita Khrushchev and the Creation of a Superpower, The Pennsylvania State University Press, ISBN 978-0-271-01927-7
- Medvedev, Roy; Medvedev, Zhores (1978), Khrushchev: The Years in Power, W.W. Norton & Co., ISBN 978-0231039390
- Perrie, Maureen (2006), The Cambridge History of Russia: The twentieth century, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-81144-6
- Pospielovsky, Dimitry V. (1987), "A History of Soviet Atheism in Theory, and Practice, and the Believer", A History of Marxist-Leninist Atheism and Soviet Anti-Religious Policies, vol. 1, New York: St Martin's Press, ISBN 978-0333423264
- Schwartz, Harry (12 September 1971), "We know now that he was a giant among men", The New York Times, archived from the original on 6 June 2011, retrieved 25 September 2009 (fee for article)
- Shabad, Theodore (24 November 1970), "Izvestia likens 'memoirs' to forgeries", The New York Times, retrieved 25 September 2009 (fee for article)
- Taubman, William (2003), ISBN 978-0-393-32484-6
- Tompson, William J. (1995), Khrushchev: A Political Life, St. Martin's Press, ISBN 978-0-312-12365-9
- Volin, Lazar. Khrushchev and the Soviet agricultural scene (U of California Press, 2020).
- Volin, Lazar. "Soviet agriculture under Khrushchev." American Economic Review 49.2 (1959): 15–32 online.
- Whitman, Alden (12 September 1971), "Khrushchev's human dimensions brought him to power and to his downfall", The New York Times, retrieved 25 September 2009 (fee for article), free version
- Zhuravlev, V. V. "NS Khrushchev: A Leader's Self-Identification as a Political Actor." Russian Studies in History 42.4 (2004): 70–79, on his Memoirs
- Zubok, Vladislav (2007), A Failed Empire: The Soviet Union in the Cold War from Stalin to Gorbachev, University of North Carolina Press, ISBN 978-0-8078-5958-2
Others
- Kennedy, John F. (10 June 1963), President Kennedy Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Speech, American University 1963 Commencement, American University, archived from the original on 31 December 2011, retrieved 31 December 2011
- Neizvestny, Ernst (1979), "My dialogue with Khrushchev", Vremya I My (Times and Us) (in Russian), no. 41, pp. 170–200, retrieved 1 January 2011
- Guildsovfoto, Special to The New York Times Sovfotofree Lance Photographers (6 May 1956), "Text of Speech on Stalin by Khrushchev as released by the State Department", The New York Times, retrieved 23 August 2009 (fee for article)
- "The historic letter that showed Mr. K's hand", Life, vol. 53, no. 19, 9 November 1962, ISSN 0024-3019, retrieved 5 November 2009
- "Vast Riddle; Demoted in the latest Soviet shack-up", The New York Times, 10 March 1953, retrieved 23 August 2009 (fee for article)
- "1959 Year in Review; Nixon visits Russia", United Press International, 1959, retrieved 31 December 2011
- "1960 Year in Review; The Paris Summit Falls Apart", United Press International, 1960, retrieved 31 December 2011
Further reading
- Alvandi, Roham. "The Shah's détente with Khrushchev: Iran's 1962 missile base pledge to the Soviet Union." Cold War History 14.3 (2014): 423–444.
- Artemov, Evgeny, and Evgeny Vodichev. "The Economic Policies of the Khrushchev Decade: Historiography." Quaestio Rossica 8.5 (2020): 1822–1839. online
- Beschloss, Michael. The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960–1963 (1991) online
- Breslauer, George W. Khrushchev and Brezhnev as Leaders (1982) online
- Conterio, Johanna. "" Our Black Sea Coast": The Sovietization of the Black Sea Littoral under Khrushchev and the Problem of Overdevelopment." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 19.2 (2018): 327–361. online
- Craig, Campbell, and Sergey Radchenko. "MAD, not Marx: Khrushchev and the nuclear revolution." Journal of Strategic Studies 41.1–2 (2018): 208–233. online
- Dallin, David. Soviet foreign policy after Stalin (1961) online
- Dobbs, Michael. One minute to midnight : Kennedy, Khrushchev, and Castro on the brink of nuclear war (2008) online
- Frankel, Max. High Noon in the Cold War: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Cuban Missile Crisis. (Random House 2005). online
- Fursenko, Aleksandr and Timothy Naftali. Khrushchev's Cold War: The Inside Story of an American Adversary (2010)
- Hardy, Jeffrey S. The Gulag after Stalin: Redefining Punishment in Khrushchev's Soviet Union, 1953–1964. (Cornell University Press, 2016).
- Harris, Jonathan. Party Leadership under Stalin and Khrushchev: Party Officials and the Soviet State, 1948–1964 (Rowman & Littlefield, 2018).
- Hornsby, R. (2023). The Soviet Sixties. Yale University Press.
- Iandolo, Alessandro. "Beyond the Shoe: Rethinking Khrushchev at the Fifteenth Session of the United Nations General Assembly." Diplomatic History 41.1 (2017): 128–154.
- Khrushchev, Nikita (1960). For Victory in Peaceful Competition with Capitalism. E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc. OCLC 261194.
- McCauley, Martin. The Khrushchev Era 1953–1964 (Routledge, 2014).
- ISBN 978-0-8262-1747-9.
- Schoenbachler, Matthew, and Lawrence J. Nelson. Nikita Khrushchev's Journey into America (UP of Kansas, 2019).
- Shen, Zhihua. "Mao, Khrushchev, and the Moscow Conference, 1957." in A Short History of Sino-Soviet Relations, 1917–1991 (Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore, 2020) pp. 189–207.
- Smith, Jeremy and Melanie Ilic. Khrushchev in the Kremlin: Policy and Government in the Soviet Union, 1953–64 (Taylor & Francis, 2011)
- Sodaro, Michael. Moscow, Germany, and the West from Khrushchev to Gorbachev (Cornell UP, 2019).
- Thatcher, Ian D. "Gulag Studies: From Stalin to Khrushchev." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 53.4 (2019): 489–493.
- Torigian, Joseph. 2022. ""You Don't Know Khrushchev Well": The Ouster of the Soviet Leader as a Challenge to Recent Scholarship on Authoritarian Politics." Journal of Cold War Studies 24(1): 78–115.
- Watry, David M. Diplomacy at the Brink: Eisenhower, Churchill, and Eden in the Cold War. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2014. ISBN 9780807157183.
- Zelenin, Il'ia E. "N. S. Khrushchev's Agrarian Policy and Agriculture in the USSR." Russian Studies in History 50.3 (2011): 44–70.
- Zubok, Vladislav and Constantine Pleshakov. Inside the Kremlin’s cold war: from Stalin to Khrushchev (Harvard UP, 1996) online
External links
- Nikita Khrushchev Archive at marxists.org
- Nikita Khrushchev archival footage – Net-Film Newsreels and Documentary Films Archive
- The CWIHP at the Wilson Center for Scholars: The Nikita Khrushchev Papers
- Obituary, The New York Times, 12 September 1971, "Khrushchev's Human Dimensions Brought Him to Power and to His Downfall"
- The Case of Khrushchev's Shoe, by Nina Khrushcheva(Nikita's great-granddaughter), New Statesman, 2 October 2000
- Modern History Sourcebook: Nikita S. Khrushchev: The Secret Speech — On the Cult of Personality, 1956
- "Tumultuous, prolonged applause ending in ovation. All rise." Khrushchev's "Secret Report" & Poland
- Thaw in the Cold War: Eisenhower and Khrushchev at Gettysburg, a National Park Service Teaching with Historic Places (TwHP) lesson plan – archived at Wayback Machine
- Khrushchev photo collection
- Nikita Khrushchev on Face the Nation in 1957
- The Soviet Archives