Krulak–Mendenhall mission
The Krulak–Mendenhall mission was a fact-finding expedition dispatched by the
The four-day whirlwind trip was launched on September 6, 1963, the same day as a
In their submissions to the NSC, Krulak presented an optimistic report on the progress of the war, while Mendenhall presented a bleak picture of military failure and public discontent. Krulak disregarded the popular support for the Viet Cong, feeling that the Vietnamese soldiers' efforts in the field would not be affected by the public's unease with Diệm's policies. Mendenhall focused on gauging the sentiment of urban Vietnamese and concluded that Diệm's policies increased the possibility of religious civil war, and were causing the South Vietnamese to believe that life under the Viet Cong would improve the quality of their lives. The divergent reports led US President John F. Kennedy to ask his two advisers "You two did visit the same country, didn't you?"
The inconclusive report was the subject of bitter and personal debate among Kennedy's senior advisers. Various courses of action towards Vietnam were discussed, such as fostering a regime change or taking a series of selective measures designed to cripple the influence of
Background
After the
Initiation and expedition
At the end of the
On their return trip to Washington, D.C., Krulak and Mendenhall were to bring
In a four-day trip, the two men traveled throughout Vietnam before returning to Washington to file their reports. Krulak visited 10 locations in all four Corps zones of the ARVN and spoke with US Ambassador
Report and debriefing
The NSC reconvened on the morning of September 10 to hear the delegation's reports.[8] Mendenhall had experience in Vietnamese affairs, having served under the previous US Ambassador Elbridge Durbrow. Durbrow had urged Diệm on a number of occasions to implement political reform. Krulak was a Marine known for his belief in using military action to achieve foreign affairs objectives. His temperament earned him the nickname "Brute", which originated from his wrestling career at the Naval Academy.[9] The Deputy Secretary of Defense Roswell Gilpatric noted that Mendenhall was regarded "with great suspicion on the Virginia side of the river [the Pentagon, headquarters of the Defense Department]",[9] whereas Krulak was "universally liked and trusted in the Pentagon, both on the civilian and military side".[9]
The backgrounds of Krulak and Mendenhall were reflected in their opposite analyses of the war. Krulak gave a highly optimistic analysis of military progress and discounted the effect of the Buddhist crisis on the ARVN's fight against the Viet Cong.[6] His conclusion was that "[t]he shooting war is still going ahead at an impressive pace. It has been affected adversely by the political crisis, but the impact is not great."[6]
Krulak asserted that a substantial amount of fighting was still required, particularly in the Mekong Delta, which was regarded as the Viet Cong's strongest region. Krulak asserted that all levels of the ARVN officer corps were conscious of the Buddhist crisis but he believed that most had not allowed religious beliefs to negatively affect their internal military relationships to a substantial degree. He believed that the ARVN officers were obedient and could be expected to carry out any order they regarded as lawful. Krulak further asserted that the political crisis had not significantly damaged bilateral military ties. Moving along to the Vietnamese view of their leaders, Krulak predicted that there was dissatisfaction among the officers,[6] which he believed was mainly directed at Ngô Đình Nhu, the younger brother of Diệm who was widely seen as the power behind the regime.[10][11][12][13] Krulak believed that most officers wanted to see the back of Nhu but that few were willing to resort to a coup. Krulak reported that three US advisers strongly criticized the Nhus and advocated the pair's departure from South Vietnam to avoid a public relations disaster at the United Nations. Krulak felt that these problems were outweighed by what he believed to be a successful military effort and that the war would be won irrespective of the political leadership.[9][8][14] He predicted that the ARVN had little ability to facilitate an improvement in governance and felt that they would not flex whatever muscle they had. Krulak optimistically concluded,
Excluding the very serious political and military factors external to Vietnam, the Viet Cong war will be won if the current US military and sociological programs are pursued, irrespective of the grave defects in the ruling regime.[6]
Mendenhall disagreed and argued that the anti-Diệm sentiment had reached a level where the collapse of civilian rule was possible.[8] He reported a "reign of terror" in Saigon, Huế and Da Nang,[9] observing that the popular hatred usually reserved for the Nhus had spread to the generally respected Diệm. Mendenhall asserted that many Vietnamese had come to believe that life under Diệm worse than being ruled by the Viet Cong.[9] Mendenhall thought that a civil war on religious grounds was possible. He predicted that the war could only be won with a regime change, otherwise South Vietnam would collapse into sectarian infighting or a massive communist offensive.[9] The contradictory nature of the reports prompted Kennedy's famous query, "You two did visit the same country, didn't you?"[6][8][14]
Debate
Krulak attempted to explain the contrasting assessments by pointing out that Mendenhall had surveyed urban areas, while he ventured into the countryside "where the war is".[9] Krulak asserted that political issues in Saigon would not hamper military progress, stating "We can stagger through to win the war with Nhu remaining in control."[9] Assistant Secretary of State Roger Hilsman asserted that the difference between the contrasting reports "was the difference between a military and a political view".[9] During the debate over the differences in outlook, Mendenhall asserted that Saigon had suffered "a virtually complete breakdown" following the pagoda raids.[15] Mendenhall reported that Vietnamese public servants feared being seen with Americans. He recalled one visit when he had to remain quiet while his Vietnamese host crept around the room, searching for hidden microphones. Mendenhall asserted that "Saigon was heavy with an atmosphere of fear and hate" and that the people feared Diệm more than the Viet Cong.[15] He reported many public servants no longer slept at home due to a fear of midnight arrests by Nhu's secret police. Many officials had recently spent the bulk of their day negotiating the release of their children, who had been incarcerated for participating in pro-Buddhist protests. Mendenhall asserted that internal turmoil was now a higher priority than the war against the communists.[8][15]
Mendenhall denounced Saigon's reconciliation and goodwill gestures towards the Buddhists as a public relations stunt. He reported that monks from provincial areas who had been arrested in Saigon for demonstrating were not returned to their places of origin as promised. Mendenhall noted that when the monks were released, Diệm's officials retained their identification papers. This resulted in their re-arrest upon attempting to leave the capital. The monks were then branded as Viet Cong because they did not have government identification papers. As news of such tactics spread across the capital, some monks sought refuge in the Saigon homes of ARVN officers. Mendenhall insisted that the United States was responsible for the situation because it had helped the Ngo family gain power, armed and funded it. He reasoned that as Diệm used the arms against his own people, Washington also shared responsibility. He stated that "a refusal to act would be just as much interference in Vietnam's affairs as acting".[15]
According to the Pentagon Papers, "the critical failure of both reports was to understand the fundamental political role that the army was coming to play in Vietnam".[6] The papers concluded the ARVN was the only institution capable of deposing and replacing Diệm. Diệm and Nhu fully realized the potential threat,[6] responding with the divide and conquer paradigm. They usurped the prerogative of senior officer promotion and appointed generals based on loyalty to the palace, giving orders directly to officers.[16] This action caused deep distrust among the senior officers and fragmented their power.[16] Krulak failed to realize that if the situation deteriorated to the point where discontent with Diệm posed the possibility of a communist victory, the generals would intervene in politics because of what would happen to them under communist rule. Neither Krulak nor Mendenhall seemed to anticipate that if a military junta came to power, the divisive effect of Diệm's promotion politics would manifest itself as the generals vied for power. Neither of the pair put any emphasis on the detrimental effects that would have been caused by political infighting among the generals.[6]
During the NSC meeting,
This would unavoidably be dangerous. There was no way to be sure how events would develop. It was possible, for example, that the Vietnamese forces might fragment into warring factions, or that the new government would be so incompetent and/or unstable that the effort against the Viet Cong would collapse. The US should therefore resolve now to introduce American combat forces if necessary to prevent a Communist triumph midst the debris of the Diệm regime.[6]
The Pentagon Papers opined that Mecklin understood the pitfalls of a military junta that Krulak and Mendenhall had overlooked.[6] Regardless, Mecklin concluded that the US should proceed in fostering a regime change, accept the consequences, and contemplate the introduction of US combat troops to stop a possible Viet Cong victory.[18]
The NSC meeting then heard Phillips' bleak prognosis of the situation in the Mekong Delta.[6] He claimed that the Strategic Hamlet Program was a shambles in the delta, stating that they were "being chewed to pieces by the Viet Cong".[18] When it was noted that Phillips had recently witnessed a battle in the delta, Kennedy asked Phillips for his assessment. Phillips replied: "Well, I don't like to contradict General Krulak, but I have to tell you, Mr. President, that we're not winning the war, particularly in the delta. The troops are paralysed, they're in the barracks, and this is what is actually going on in one province that's right next to Saigon."[18] Phillips asserted that removing Nhu was the only way to improve the situation.[14] Phillips asserted that the only means of removing Nhu was to bring in Colonel Edward Lansdale,[18] the CIA operative who had consolidated Diệm's position a decade earlier,[19] a proposal that Kennedy dismissed. Phillips recommended three measures:
- Terminate aid to the ARVN Special Forces of Colonel Lê Quang Tung,[18] who took his orders directly from the palace and not the army command.[20] Tung had led the raids on Buddhist pagodas on August 21 in which hundreds were killed and widespread physical destruction occurred.[21] The Special Forces were used mainly for repressing dissidents rather than fighting communists.[22]
- Cut funds to the Motion Picture Center, which produced hagiographic films about the Nhus.[18]
- Pursue covert actions aimed at dividing and discrediting Tung and Major General Tôn Thất Đính.[18] Dinh was the military governor of Saigon and the Commander of the ARVN III Corps. Dinh was the youngest general in the history of the ARVN, primarily due to his loyalty to the Ngo family.[23][24]
In the ensuing debate, Kennedy asked Phillips what would happen if Nhu responded to the cuts by diverting money away from the army to prop up his personal schemes. When Kennedy asked if Nhu would blame the US for any resulting military deterioration, Phillips replied that the ARVN would revolt, because the ARVN officers who were on Viet Cong hit lists would not allow the communists to run loose. Phillips said that if Nhu tried to divert military aid away from the troops to prop up his personal schemes, the Americans could deliver the money straight to the countryside in suitcases.[25]
Robust disagreement
The meeting became confrontational when Krulak interrupted Phillips, asserting that American military advisers on the ground rejected the USOM officer's assessments. Phillips conceded that although the overall military situation had improved, this was not the case in the crucial delta areas.
Mecklin generated more disquiet by advocating the use of American combat troops to unseat the Diệm regime and win the war. He asserted that "the time had come for the US to apply direct pressure to bring about a change of government, however distasteful".[26] Mecklin asserted that there would be a backlash if aid was simply cut, so US troops would have to directly fix the problem. Mecklin later wrote to USIS head Edward R. Murrow to insist that US troops would welcome combat in the case of a communist escalation. On the journey back to the United States, he had asserted that the use of American combat forces would encourage the coup and lift morale against the Viet Cong. He also called for the engineering of a coup. He called for the US to show more intent.[26]
The pessimism expressed by Phillips and Mecklin surprised Nolting who said that Phillips' account "surprised the hell out of me. I couldn't believe my ears."
Aftermath
One strategy that received increasing consideration in NSC meetings—as well as at the US Embassy, Saigon and in
While the delegation was in Vietnam, the strategy of using a selective aid suspension to pressure Diệm into ending religious discrimination was actively discussed at the State Department. In a television interview on September 8,
The National Security Council re-convened on September 17 to consider two of Hilsman's proposals for dealing with Diệm. The plan favored by Hilsman and his State Department colleagues was the "pressures and persuasion track". This involved an escalating series of measures at both public and private level, including selective aid suspension and pressuring Diệm to remove Nhu from power.[6] The alternative was the "reconciliation with a rehabilitated GVN track", which involved the public appearance of acquiescence to Diệm's recent actions and an attempt to salvage as much as possible from the situation.[6] Both proposals assumed that an ARVN coup was not forthcoming.[6] The inconclusive report saw a follow-up mission sent to Vietnam, the McNamara–Taylor mission, led by McNamara and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Maxwell D. Taylor.[6][29]
References
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 142–143.
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 144–145.
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 147–149.
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 152–154.
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 160–163.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u The Overthrow of Ngo Dinh Diem, May–November, 1963. Pentagon Papers. Daniel Ellsberg. pp. 201–276. Archived from the original on 2008-04-24. Retrieved 2008-05-21.
- ^ a b c d Jones, pp. 356–357.
- ^ a b c d e f g Tucker, p. 263.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Jones, p. 357.
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Tucker, p. 290.
- ^ Karnow, pp. 246, 250.
- ^ a b c d Hammer, p. 208.
- ^ a b c d Jones, p. 358.
- ^ a b Karnow, pp. 252–253.
- ^ Tucker, p. 308.
- ^ a b c d e f g Jones, pp. 358–359.
- ^ Tucker, p. 220.
- ^ Hammer, p. 130.
- ^ Jones, pp. 297–298.
- ^ Tucker, p. 227.
- ^ Tucker, p. 404.
- ^ Jacobs, p. 169.
- ^ a b c d Jones, p. 359.
- ^ a b c d Jones, p, 360.
- ^ Jacobs, p. 130.
- ^ Karnow, p. 312.
- ^ a b c Hammer, pp. 213–214.
Further reading
- ISBN 0-525-24210-4.
- Jacobs, Seth (2006). Cold War Mandarin: Ngo Dinh Diem and the Origins of America's War in Vietnam, 1950–1963. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-7425-4447-8.
- Jones, Howard (2003). Death of a Generation: how the assassinations of Diem and JFK prolonged the Vietnam War. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505286-2.
- ISBN 0-670-84218-4.
- Tucker, Spencer C. (2000). Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1-57607-040-9.