Kumarbi
Kumarbi | |
---|---|
Former Kronos |
Kumarbi, also known as Kumurwe,
Multiple Hurrian deities were regarded as Kumarbi's children, including
The worship of Kumarbi is attested from sites located in all areas inhabited by the Hurrians, from
Multiple myths focused on Kumarbi are known. Many of them belong to the so-called Kumarbi Cycle, which describes the struggle for kingship among the gods between him and Teshub. The texts usually agreed to belong to it include the Song of Kumarbi (likely originally known as Song of Emergence), the Song of LAMMA, the Song of Silver, the Song of
Name
In standard syllabic
Kumarbi’s name has Hurrian origin and can be translated as “he of Kumar”.[8] While no such a toponym is attested in any Hurrian sources,[5] Gernot Wilhelm notes it shows similarities to Hurrian names from the third millennium BCE and on this basis proposes that it might refer to a settlement which existed in the early period of Hurrian history, poorly documented in textual sources.[9] He suggests that its name in turn goes back to the Hurrian root kum,[1] “to pile up”.[10] Examples of other analogously structured Hurrian theonyms include Nabarbi (“she of Nawar”)[11] and possibly Ḫiriḫibi (“he of [the mountain] Ḫiriḫi”).[12] While it has been argued that Aštabi is a further example, his name was originally spelled as Aštabil in Ebla and as such cannot be considered another structurally Kumarbi-like theonym.[13]
Logographic writings
According to Alfonso Archi, in a number of Hurrian texts Kumarbi’s name is represented by the
Character
Hurrian texts refer to Kumarbi as the “father of gods”.
It is often assumed that Kumarbi was associated with grain.
The underworld could be regarded as Kumarbi’s abode,[27] as indicated for example by an incantation according to which water from a spring located under his throne “reaches the head of the Sun goddess of the Earth”, though he was not an underworld god in the strict sense.[15]
A single Hittite text, KUB 59.66, mentions a “star of Kumarbi”, which Volkert Haas proposed identifying with the planet Saturn.[28]
Associations with other deities
Family and court
It is assumed that Kumarbi’s father was Alalu.[29] A direct statement confirming this relation has been identified in the text KUB 33.120 (I 19: dKumarbiš dAlaluwaš NUMUN-ŠU).[30] It is typically translated as “Kumarbi, the descendant of Alalu”.[31] A further piece of evidence supporting the view are sections of treaties enumerating gods invoked as their divine witnesses, in which they could be listed in sequence.[30] Both of them appear for example in the treaty between Hittite king Muwatalli II and Alaksandu of Wilusa.[32] The myth establishing the relation between them, the Song of Kumarbi, seemingly involves two “dynasties” of deities competing for kingship.[33] This assumption is nonetheless not universally accepted.[34] An alternate interpretation is to see Alalu as the father of Anu,[35] who reigned between Alalu and Kumarbi as the king of the gods,[36] and grandfather of Kumarbi.[35] However, Christian Zgoll, who supports this theory, admits that it is difficult to prove.[37] He nonetheless questions the notion of two separate dynasties, and argues that no other examples of a theogonic myth involving two divine families is known.[37] However, according to Wilfred G. Lambert succession involving master and servant rather than members of one family is not entirely unknown, and in addition to the account of Kumarbi’s overthrow of Anuy another example might be a section from the Theogony of Dunnu focused on a nameless figure seemingly labeled as a servant (ṣiḫru) rather than child (māru) of the god he deposes.[38]
You are the strong one, which I (praise), the bull calf of Anu! You are the strong one, which I (praise), your father Anu begot you, your mother Kumarbi brought you to life. For the city of Aleppo I summon him, Teššop, for the pure throne.[48]
Noga Ayali-Darshan notes the relationship between Kumarbi and Teshub was portrayed as “
In myths dealing with his conflict with Teshub, Kumarbi is also the father of various opponents of the weather god, such as
Like all other major Hurrian gods, Kumarbi was believed to be served by a divine “
Kumarbi and other “fathers of gods”
Kumarbi was closely associated with
As early as in the
The trilingual version of the
Worship
Kumarbi was one of the deities regarded as “pan-Hurrian”.[8] As such, he was worshiped in all areas inhabited by the Hurrians, from southeastern Anatolia in the west to the Zagros Mountains in the east.[87] However, it has been argued that his importance in the sphere of cult was relatively minor[88] and references to him in religious texts are relatively rare.[89] Volkert Haas has argued that he originated in the Khabur area.[90] References to him have been identified in texts from Ugarit, Mari, Nuzi and Hattusa.[27] In sources from the last of these sites, he is commonly linked to Urkesh (Tell Mozan), a city located in Upper Mesopotamia already known from sources from the Akkadian period.[91] It has been argued that a reference to him might already occur in a building inscription of Tiš-atal, a local ruler of this city during the times of either the Akkadian Empire or the Third Dynasty of Ur:[92]
Tiš-atal, endan of Urkiš, built the temple of the god Kumarbi(?). May the god
Lubadaga protect this temple. As for the one who destroys it, may the god Lubadaga destroy (him). May the (weather-god?) not hear his prayer. May the lady of Nagar, the sun-god, (and) the storm-god(?) [...] him who destroys it.[93]
The deity presumed to be Kumarbi by a number of authors is designated in this context by the
A temple found during excavations of Urkesh which remained in use from the third millennium BCE to the end of the
Early attestations of Kumarbi are also present in sources from Mari.[1] Gernot Wilhelm argues that the oldest certain reference to him occurs in a tablet from this city inscribed with a Hurrian text, dated to roughly 1700 BCE.[88] In an incantation, he is mentioned alongside Pidenḫi, an epithet of Shalash:[39]
The tooth wails! The tooth sounds out! They (the teeth) cry out to mother Pidenḫi, to father Kumarbi![101]
It has been suggested that it was meant to cure toothache.[102] However, it is not certain why Kumarbi and Shalash would be invoked in connection with teeth.[103]
A further city in modern
Kumarbi was also worshiped further east in Azuḫinnu,[88] a city located in the kingdom of Arrapha, in the proximity of modern Kirkuk.[111] The local pantheon was apparently jointly headed by him and Šauška.[112] In some of the offering lists from Nuzi linked to this location he is preceded by the deity Kurwe, who might have been the city god of Azuḫinnu.[113]
Kumarbi’s name is not common in the Hurrian
Hittite reception
Kumarbi was among the
In lists of divine witnesses in Hittite diplomatic texts Kumarbi is only attested twice, in the treaties between Muršili II and Manapa-Tarhunta, and between Muwatalli II and Alaksandu of Wilusa.[27] In other similar texts a comparable entry in the list is occupied by a deity named Apantu instead.[30] However, Alfonso Archi suggests that in treaties with Syrian rulers the pair Enlil and Ninlil might correspond to Kumarbi and Shalash.[32] At the same time, he notes that the sumerogram dEN.LÍL was seemingly never used to designate him in offering lists.[14]
Late attestations
In Taite, a Mitanni city conquered by Assyria during the reign of Adad-nirari I,[122] Kumarbi apparently retained a degree of relevance well into Neo-Assyrian times alongside two other originally Hurrian deities, Nabarbi and Samnuha.[88] All three of them are attested in a Tākultu text.[123]
The
Following the proposal of Edith Porada, it is sometimes assumed that the golden bowl of Hasanlu might depict Kumarbi, as well as other deities who appear in myths focused on him, which according to Alfonso Archi would indicate that as a “pan-Hurrian” deity he might have continued to be worshiped in eastern areas until the beginning of the first millennium BCE.[95]
Mythology
Kumarbi played a central role in
Kumarbi Cycle
The “Kumarbi Cycle” is a scholarly grouping of a number of myths focused on the eponymous god.
The core theme of myths grouped under the label of "Kumarbi Cycle" are Kumarbi’s attempts to dethrone Teshub.[137] The individual texts frequently characterize him as cunning (ḫattant-), and describe him plotting new schemes meant to bring upon the defeat of the weather god.[138] As noted by Daniel Schwemer, ancient authors introduced a sense of suspense to the narratives by having each of the plans appear to be successful in the short term.[139] Typically they involve a new enemy set up by Kumarbi to battle Teshub.[131] However, the adversaries are eventually defeated, though not necessarily destroyed.[140] Harry Hoffner has noted that the myths appear to present the two main characters and their allies in contrasting ways: Kumarbi is aided by figures linked to the underworld, such as Alalu, the deified sea, Ullikummi or the Irširra deities, while Teshub by heavenly deities such as Šauška, Šimige, Kušuḫ, Aštabi or Ḫepat and her maidservant Takitu.[54]
The five myths conventionally considered to be a part of the cycle are the Song of Kumarbi (
Song of Kumarbi (Song of Emergence)
The Song of Kumarbi is uniformly agreed to be beginning of the Kumarbi Cycle.[149] The best known copy of the text is the tablet KUB 33.120, which is poorly preserved, with only around 125-150 lines out of original 350 surviving.[132] Emmanuel Laroche identified tablet KUB 33.119 as a further section in 1950.[150] Additional sections have been identified on KUB 48.97 + 1194/u.[151] Further known fragments include KUB 36.31, KUB 36.1 and KBo 52.10.[152] A short text written in Hurrian, KUB 47.56, is presumed to be a possible variant of the same myth due to a mention of Alalu, Anu and Kumarbi, though due to the still imperfect understanding of Hurrian its contents remain uncertain.[153] The main tablet has been dated to the first decades of the fourteenth century, but the composition might be older.[154] Amir Gilan has described it as “one of the finest and most sophisticated works of literature to survive from the Hittite world.”[151]
The title Song of Kumarbi has originally been proposed by Hans Gustav Güterbock.[155] However, the first translation of the text was published as The Kingship among the Gods.[151] It has been variously referred to as Kingship in Heaven or Theogony as well.[156] More recent publications use the title Song of Emergence.[132][157] It was established based on new joins to the texts, including a colophon, originally identified in 2007.[151] As noted by Carlo Corti, the text is labeled in it as the song of GÁ✕È.A, which based on the information provided by the multilingual edition of the lexical list Erimḫuš can be interpreted as a writing of the Hittite phrase para-kán pauwar, which makes it possible to translate the title literally as “song of departure”, and metaphorically as the “song of emergence” or “song of genesis”.[158] The fragment also identifies a certain Ašḫapala as the scribe responsible for copying the text.[159]
The myth begins with an invocation of
Do not rejoice over your belly, for I have placed a burden in your belly. First, I have impregnated you with the mighty Storm-god[d]. Second, I have impregnated you with the River Tigris,[e] not to be borne. Third, I have impregnated you with the mighty Tašmišu. I have placed three frightful deities as a burden in your belly, and you will end up banging your head against the rocks of Mt. Tašša![164]
Kumarbi spits out some of Anu’s semen, which falls on the mountain Kanzura which becomes pregnant with Tašmišu instead, though this still leaves the remaining two children inside him, and he travels to
It is assumed that the ultimate outcome of the myth, while not preserved, was most likely favorable for Teshub.[169] However, he was not yet granted kingship over the gods, and in a surviving passage seemingly expresses displeasure, cursing the older deities.[170]
Song of LAMMA
The Song of LAMMA, also known as the Song of KAL, is focused on a deity designated by the
Anna Maria Polvani notes that Song of LAMMA appears to indicate that Kumarbi was not necessarily always portrayed as seeking kingship for himself or his sons, as he also supports LAMMA.[173] However, Harry Hoffner argues that it is not impossible that he was also regarded as a son of Kumarbi.[54]
Song of Silver
The classification of the Song of Silver as a part of the cycle is not universally accepted.[100] The text does not explicitly refer to kingship among the gods or to the defeat of the eponymous figure, Silver,[f] and the assumptions that it structurally resembled other myths belonging to the Kumarbi Cycle, while considered plausible, is only conjectural.[176]
In the beginning, the narrator praises Silver, crediting “wise men” as the source of information about him.[175] Daniel Schwemer interprets him as the personification of the metal he represented.[55] He is described as a son of a mortal woman and a god described as the “father of Urkesh”, presumed to be Kumarbi.[176] Silver’s name is written without the so-called divine determinative, and according to Alfonso Archi the myth most likely reflects the belief that a couple consisting of a deity and a mortal would have mortal offspring.[177]
Other boys mock Silver because he was raised without a father.[178] However, he is not actually an orphan, as his father has merely abandoned him.[176] His mother eventually fearfully reveals to him that his father is Kumarbi, that his siblings are Teshub and Šauška, and that he should head to Urkesh, but when he reaches this city, he learns that he is gone from his house, and instead wanders the mountains.[178] The rest of the myth is poorly preserved, but according to Harry Hoffner’s restoration Silver confronts the heavenly gods, bringing the sun and the moon down from heaven temporarily.[179] Despite initial success he was presumably subsequently defeated.[175]
Song of Ḫedammu
In the Song of Ḫedammu, Kumarbi fathers a new opponent meant to defeat Teshub, a voracious sea monster.[180] He is conceived after Kumarbi meets with the deified sea (Kiaše) and decides to have a child with his daughter Šertapšuruḫi .[181] Their offspring is described as a tarpanalli (“substitute”, “rival”) of Teshub.[182]
Apparently the initial emergence of Ḫedammu leads to a destructive confrontation between Teshub’s allies and Kumarbi which puts mankind into danger, which prompts
(...) Ea began to say: “Why are you destroying mankind? They will not give sacrifices to the gods. They will not burn cedar and incense to you. If you destroy mankind, they will no longer worship the gods. No one will offer bread or libations to you any longer. Even Teššub, Kummiya’s heroic king, will himself work the plow. (...) Ea, King of Wisdom, said to Kumarbi: “Why are you, o Kumarbi, seeking to harm mankind? Does not the mortal take a grain heap and do they not promptly offer it to you, Kumarbi? Does he make offering to you alone, Kumarbi, Father of the Gods, joyfully in the midst of the temple? (...)[183]
Anna Maria Polvani notes that he apparently presents Kumarbi and Teshub as equals.[184] It has also been noted that this scene seemingly marks the beginning of Ea’s estrangement from Kumarbi, which eventually leads to him supporting Teshub against him in the Song of Ullikummi.[181] Kumarbi is displeased about being rebuked in front of other gods, and, possibly calling himself the son of Alalu, mentions the deity Ammezzadu in an unknown context while complaining about Ea’s words.[185] He subsequently orders his servant Mukišānu to take a secret subterranean route to summon the sea god for a meeting during which they will discuss their plans.[181] The remaining surviving fragments outline Šauška’s preparation for a second confrontation with Ḫedammu,[186] which presumably culminates in his defeat, described in the now lost ending.[181]
Song of Ullikummi
The Song of Ullikummi is focused on Kumarbi’s effort to destroy Teshub with the help of Ullikummi, a stone giant whose name means “Destroy Kumme!”, Kumme being the city of Teshub.[187] It has been pointed out that this explicit goal adds a personal dimension to the conflict.[176] Both Hittite and Hurrian versions exist, though they are not direct translations of each other, which might indicate the myth was transmitted orally.[188] Most likely its compilers were familiar with the Song of Ḫedammu.[79] In both myths, the challengers are addressed as “substitutes” (tarpanalli).[189] Furthermore, both portray Kumarbi and the sea god as allies, and in both Šauška (dIŠTAR) attempts to seduce the eponymous monsters to subdue them.[184]
In the beginning of the composition, Kumarbi devises a new plan
It is commonly assumed that fragmentary myth preserved on the tablet KBo 22.87 belongs to the Kumarbi Cycle.
The Song of the Sea (
A possible additional fragment of Song of the Sea is preserved on the tablet KBo 26.105, and relays how Kumarbi urges other deities to pay tribute to the eponymous deity after Teshub fails to defeat him, which results in a
Alfonso Archi counts the myth Ea and the Beast (KUB 36.32 and KUB 36.55[217]) among these belonging to the Kumarbi Cycle.[218] The similarities include references to deities being placed inside someone, presumably Kumarbi, details of the accounts of the births of Aranzaḫ and Teshub, and the mention of impregnation by spittle.[219] However, the form of the text differs, as the events are presented as a prophecy given by the eponymous beast (suppalanza) to the god Ea.[189] It might describe the conflict between Kumarbi and Teshub and their respective allies.[220] Ian Rutherford proposes that the events of Ea and the Beast might be placed in the cycle either directly before the Song of Emergence, with Ea learning about the events involving Kumarbi and Teshub in advance, or after it with the beast in part recounting what has already happened.[221] He also notes that while the characterization of Ea differs, as he is apparently portrayed as ignorant despite his usual role as an epitome of wisdom, it is possible that the author intended a scene in which the beast rhetorically asks him “Don’t you know?” to parallel questions Ea himself asks Enlil and the giant Upelluri in the Song of Ullikummi.[222] He suggests that this might further support classifying the text as part of the Kumarbi Cycle, as Ea learning about the outcome of the conflict between Kumarbi and Teshub could explain why his attitude towards the latter seemingly changes for the better through the individual myths.[223]
Song of Oil (Song of Ḫašarri[224]) has been classified as a part of the Kumarbi Cycle by Ilya Yakubovich,[225] Erik van Dongen[146] and a number of other authors, though this proposal has been evaluated as implausible by Meindert Dijkstra.[226] In this composition, which is known from a number of fragments in Hurrian,[224] Kumarbi apparently advises Šauška to seek the help of Ea when she faces troubles related to the development of the eponymous being, apparently a personification of olive oil or an olive tree.[226] However, most of his speech is not preserved.[64]
It has also been proposed that the fragment KUB 22.118 belongs to the Kumarbi Cycle.
Other myths
A reference to Kumarbi has been identified in a fragment of the Hurrian version of the myth of Kešši, though it is not known what role he played in this narrative.[49]
A Hittite version of Atrahasis (KUB 8.63 + KBo 53.5[233]), presumably adapted from Hurrian,[130] casts Kumarbi in the role assigned to Enlil in the Akkadian original.[234] A man named Hamsha[g] informs his son, the eponymous protagonist, about actions this god plans to take, but their description is not preserved.[235] Kumarbi is also mentioned in a historiola focused on the flood hero in a text presumed to be a healing ritual of “Hurro-Luwian” background, in the past sometimes classified as a fragment of a Gilgamesh myth instead.[236] It is known from two tablets, KUB 8.62 and Bo 5700.[237]
Comparative scholarship
Christopher Metcalf suggests that the account of Kumarbi’s temporary role as a cupbearer might be derived from Mesopotamian tradition.[238] He compares it to the legends about the rise of Sargon of Akkad to power, such as the Sumerian Sargon Legend or the relevant section of the Weidner Chronicle, in which he similarly overthrows the fictional king Ur-Zababa of Kish after serving as his cupbearer or a time.[239]
Parallels between Kumarbi’s ascent to kingship and the Mesopotamian myth Theogony of Dunnu have been noted by Wilfred G. Lambert.[240] It has been pointed out that one point in the latter myth kingship is seized by an unnamed “servant of heaven” (seḫer dḫamorni), in a passage which, while written in Akkadian, uses a Hurrian loanword to refer to heaven.[241] Lambert also stated that an expository text referring to “"the day when Anu bound the king, the day when king Marduk bound Anu" might be interpreted as a Babylonian counterpart of the succession of kings of the gods in the myths focused on Kumarbi, though he also noted that it most likely reflects a tradition which was well known among contemporaries of the author but was not directly preserved.[242]
Comparisons have been made between the Kumarbi Cycle and the
Similarities have been pointed out between the Song of the Sea and the ancient Egyptian Astarte Papyrus.[212][247] They include a description of the sea covering the earth, a deity associated with grain (respectively Kumarbi and Renenutet) imploring other gods to pay tribute, and a goddess closely associated with a weather god (respectively Šauška and Astarte) being selected to bring it.[248] A single passage describing Astarte undressing additionally shows similarity to scenes from the myths of Ḫedammu and Ullikummi involving Šauška.[249] The role assigned to Renenutet is regarded as unusual, as she was a minor deity in ancient Egyptian religion, in contrast with Kumarbi in Hurrian religion.[215] Since a direct transmission from a Hurrian source is considered implausible, Noga Ayali-Darshan suggests that both myths were transmitted to the respective cultures from the Levant.[250] Daniel Schwemer similarly assumes that both of them were adaptations of the same hypothetical narrative originating in northern Syria.[212]
As early as in the 1940s,
As an extension of discussion of the possible influence of the Kumarbi Cycle and Theogony, additional parallels have been pointed out between both of these works and the accounts of the reigns of Elyon, Ouranos and El in the writings of Philo of Byblos.[252] Hans Gustav Güterbock has proposed that Philo might have specifically relied on a source forming an intermediate stage between the Kumarbi Cycle and Theogony.[263] However, more recent research stresses that the possibility of influence from early sources on his writing needs to be balanced with their historical context.[264] Albert I. Baumgarten has criticized Güterbock’s position, and argued that none of the myths involved can be described as “intermediary” between others.[265] He also pointed out that despite the frequent comparisons made in scholarship, Philo’s Phoenician History lacks a number of elements present in the Kumarbi Cycle: Demarous does not challenge the reign of Kronos in the way Teshub challenges Kumarbi, and no battles against monsters occur.[266] He concluded that the Kumarbi Cycle, Theogony and Phoenician History merely represent different takes on a common mythological motif.[267] More recently, it has proposed that the episode in Phoenician History in which Ouranos tasks Dagon (Dagan) with raising Damerous, a son he had with a concubine, might constitute a non-violent adaptation of the account of Teshub’s origin as a son of both Anu and Kumarbi in the Kumarbi Cycle, though Dagon does not supplant Ouranos as a ruler.[268]
Ian Rutherford has proposed that an anonymous
Footnotes
- ^ Hurrian: Ušḫune[53]
- ^ However, the relation between Dagan and the corresponding weather god, Baal/Hadad, was not regarded as hostile unlike that between Kumarbi and his son Teshub.[74]
- ^ The term used is specifically an otherwise unknown diminutive form of the Luwian word for mother, anati-ni, which Mark Weeden suggests translating as “mummy”.[126]
- IŠKUR (dIM).[162] It was read as Tarḫunna in the Hittite translation, but the deity meant was originally Teshub.[36] The replacement has been described as “superficial”, and the narrative preserves details supporting identification of the protagonist with the latter god, such as a reference to the bulls Šeri and Ḫurri.[162]
- ^ Alfonso Archi suggests that the reference to this river might indicate the myth takes place south or southwest of lake Van.[163]
- ^ The name is typically translated into English.[175][18]
- ^ Akkadian: “fifty”, as pointed out by Gary Beckman an epithet of Enlil.[235] The name is written without the divine determinative.[233] The character is not present in the Mesopotamian original.[234]
References
- ^ a b c d Wilhelm 1994, p. 318.
- ^ a b c Pardee 2002, p. 281.
- ^ a b c Dinçol et al. 2015, p. 66.
- ^ Güterbock 1983, p. 324.
- ^ a b c Güterbock 1983, p. 325.
- ^ Válek 2021, p. 53.
- ^ a b c Weeden 2018, p. 351.
- ^ a b Archi 2013, p. 7.
- ^ Wilhelm 1994, pp. 318–319.
- ^ a b c d Feliu 2003, p. 282.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 332.
- ^ Rahmouni 2008, p. 230.
- ^ Archi 2015, pp. 603–604.
- ^ a b c Archi 2004, p. 331.
- ^ a b c d e Archi 2004, p. 332.
- ^ Archi 2004, pp. 331–332.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 99.
- ^ a b c d Archi 2004, p. 319.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 168.
- ^ Haas 2015, pp. 168–169.
- ^ Schwemer 2001, p. 449.
- ^ Zgoll 2021, p. 218.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 1989, p. 9.
- ^ Schwemer 2008, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2013, p. 654.
- ^ a b Weeden 2018, p. 349.
- ^ a b c d e f Güterbock 1983, p. 327.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 143.
- ^ Metcalf 2021, p. 155.
- ^ a b c d Polvani 2008, p. 619.
- ^ Zgoll 2021, p. 209.
- ^ a b c d Archi 2004, p. 322.
- ^ Smith 1994, p. 93.
- ^ Zgoll 2021, p. 222.
- ^ a b Zgoll 2021, p. 213.
- ^ a b c d e Beckman 2011, p. 27.
- ^ a b Zgoll 2021, p. 223.
- ^ Lambert 2013, p. 389.
- ^ a b c d Archi 2004, p. 320.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 24.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 290.
- ^ Tugendhaft 2016, pp. 177–178.
- ^ Tugendhaft 2016, p. 178.
- ^ Tugendhaft 2016, p. 180.
- ^ Archi 2011, p. 11.
- ^ a b Ayali-Darshan 2013, p. 653.
- ^ a b c d Beckman 2011, p. 28.
- ^ a b Gilan 2021, p. 26.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 1989, p. 62.
- ^ a b Richter 2010, p. 511.
- ^ Trémouille 2011a, p. 101.
- ^ Trémouille 2011a, p. 102.
- ^ a b Güterbock 1983, p. 329.
- ^ a b c d e Hoffner 1998, p. 41.
- ^ a b c Schwemer 2001, p. 450.
- ^ Archi 2004, pp. 319–320.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 6.
- ^ Wilhelm 1989, p. 53.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 12.
- ^ Trémouille 2011, p. 82.
- ^ Trémouille 2011, p. 81.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 467.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 25.
- ^ a b Dijkstra 2014, p. 77.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 405.
- ^ Gilan 2021, p. 28.
- ^ Haas 2015, pp. 89–90.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 113.
- ^ a b c Feliu 2003, p. 299.
- ^ a b Feliu 2003, p. 302.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 216–217.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 300.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 3.
- ^ Smith 1994, p. 92.
- ^ Feliu 2003, pp. 299–300.
- ^ a b Archi 2013, p. 15.
- ^ Feliu 2003, pp. 105–106.
- ^ a b Feliu 2003, p. 106.
- ^ a b c d Archi 2009, p. 215.
- ^ Feliu 2006, p. 245.
- ^ Archi 2004, p. 321.
- ^ Archi 2015, p. 628.
- ^ Archi 2004, p. 329.
- ^ a b Simons 2017, p. 86.
- ^ Simons 2017, p. 85.
- ^ Tugendhaft 2016, p. 181.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 119.
- ^ a b c d e Wilhelm 1989, p. 52.
- ^ a b Haas 2015, p. 170.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 82.
- ^ Wilhelm 2014, p. 417.
- ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 65.
- ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 66.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 2014, p. 418.
- ^ a b c Archi 2013, p. 8.
- ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, pp. 65–66.
- ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 70.
- ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, pp. 67–68.
- ^ a b Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 68.
- ^ Campbell & Fischer 2018, p. 33.
- ^ Campbell & Fischer 2018, p. 31.
- ^ Campbell & Fischer 2018, p. 36.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 18.
- ^ Válek 2021, p. 51.
- ^ Lauinger 2015, p. 59.
- ^ Lauinger 2015, pp. 59–60.
- ^ a b Taracha 2009, p. 127.
- ^ Yener 2015, p. 207.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 123.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 544.
- ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, pp. 68–69.
- ^ Sallaberger 2018, p. 112.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2001, p. 234.
- ^ Beckman 2005, p. 311.
- ^ Güterbock 1983, p. 326.
- ^ a b Taracha 2009, p. 118.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 94.
- ^ a b Taracha 2009, p. 95.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 102.
- ^ a b Polvani 2008, p. 620.
- ^ Wilhelm 1989, p. 39.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 543.
- ^ a b Gilan 2021, p. 36.
- ^ a b Yakubovich 2010, p. 392.
- ^ a b Weeden 2018, p. 352.
- ^ Dinçol et al. 2015, p. 68.
- ^ Weeden 2018, p. 353.
- ^ Beckman 2005, p. 313.
- ^ a b c Archi 2009, p. 210.
- ^ a b Hoffner 1998, pp. 40–41.
- ^ a b c d e Beckman 2011, p. 25.
- ^ Beckman 2019, p. 8.
- ^ Schwemer 2001, p. 447.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 222.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 226.
- ^ Schwemer 2008, p. 5.
- ^ Schwemer 2001, p. 454.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2008, p. 6.
- ^ Dijkstra 2012, pp. 79–80.
- ^ a b Kloekhorst 2016, p. 165.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, p. 604.
- ^ Archi 2007, p. 191.
- ^ Polvani 2008, pp. 623–624.
- ^ Dongen 2012, pp. 28–29.
- ^ a b Dongen 2012, p. 29.
- ^ Corti 2007, p. 120.
- ^ a b Taracha 2009, p. 92.
- ^ Corti 2007, p. 109.
- ^ Corti 2007, p. 110.
- ^ a b c d Gilan 2021, p. 23.
- ^ Dongen 2012, p. 24.
- ^ Dongen 2012, p. 25.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 212–213.
- ^ Corti 2007, pp. 110–111.
- ^ a b Dijkstra 2012, p. 71.
- ^ Zgoll 2021, p. 208.
- ^ Corti 2007, pp. 118–119.
- ^ Corti 2007, p. 114.
- ^ Beckman 2011, p. 26.
- ^ Beckman 2011, pp. 31–32.
- ^ a b Zgoll 2021, p. 214.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 212.
- ^ Beckman 2011, pp. 27–28.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 1.
- ^ a b Beckman 2011, p. 29.
- ^ Beckman 2011, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Beckman 2011, p. 30.
- ^ Zgoll 2021, pp. 214–215.
- ^ Beckman 2011, p. 31.
- ^ a b c d Archi 2009, p. 216.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 217–218.
- ^ a b Polvani 2008, p. 621.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 47.
- ^ a b c Hoffner 1998, p. 48.
- ^ a b c d e Polvani 2008, p. 622.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 214.
- ^ a b Hoffner 1998, p. 49.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 49–50.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 50–51.
- ^ a b c d e Hoffner 1998, p. 51.
- ^ Dijkstra 2012, p. 59.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 52.
- ^ a b Polvani 2008, p. 623.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 52–53.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 53–55.
- ^ a b Hoffner 1998, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 209–210.
- ^ a b Rutherford 2011, p. 218.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 56–57.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 55.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 57.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 174.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 58.
- ^ a b Hoffner 1998, p. 56.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 59.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 59–62.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 63.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 63–64.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 64–65.
- ^ Polvani 2008, p. 617.
- ^ Polvani 2008, p. 618.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 219.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 220.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, p. 601.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, pp. 600–601.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 221.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, p. 605.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 219–220.
- ^ a b c Schwemer 2001, p. 453.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 29.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 220–221.
- ^ a b Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 41.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, pp. 41–42.
- ^ Rutherford 2011, p. 217.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 213.
- ^ Archi 2020, pp. 242–243.
- ^ Rutherford 2011, pp. 218–219.
- ^ Rutherford 2011, p. 219.
- ^ Rutherford 2011, p. 220.
- ^ Rutherford 2011, pp. 220–221.
- ^ a b Dijkstra 2014, p. 65.
- ^ Yakubovich 2005, p. 134.
- ^ a b Dijkstra 2014, p. 67.
- ^ Kloekhorst 2016, p. 167.
- ^ Kloekhorst 2016, p. 168.
- ^ Kloekhorst 2016, p. 169.
- ^ Kloekhorst 2016, p. 170.
- ^ Kloekhorst 2016, pp. 172–173.
- ^ Kloekhorst 2016, pp. 175–176.
- ^ a b Beckman 2019, p. 65.
- ^ a b Archi 2007, p. 186.
- ^ a b Beckman 2019, p. 66.
- ^ Beckman 2019, p. 56.
- ^ Beckman 2019, p. 54.
- ^ Metcalf 2021, p. 156.
- ^ Metcalf 2021, pp. 156–157.
- ^ Lambert 2013, p. 317.
- ^ Metcalf 2021, p. 162.
- ^ Lambert 2013, p. 448.
- ^ a b Smith 1994, p. 125.
- ^ a b Smith 1994, pp. 93–94.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2013, p. 657.
- ^ Smith 1994, p. 150.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 31.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 35.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, pp. 35–36.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Güterbock 1948, p. 123.
- ^ a b c Güterbock 1983, p. 328.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 171.
- ^ Metcalf 2021, p. 168.
- ^ Zgoll 2021, p. 219.
- ^ López-Ruiz 2006, pp. 82–83.
- ^ Rutherford 2011, p. 221.
- ^ Zgoll 2021, pp. 213–213.
- ^ Fowler 2016, p. 24.
- ^ López-Ruiz 2006, pp. 76–77.
- ^ López-Ruiz 2006, pp. 77–78.
- ^ López-Ruiz 2006, p. 78.
- ^ Baumgarten 2015, p. 3.
- ^ Baumgarten 2015, p. 6.
- ^ Baumgarten 2015, p. 241.
- ^ Baumgarten 2015, p. 239.
- ^ Baumgarten 2015, p. 240.
- ^ Rutherford 2018, p. 11.
- ^ Rutherford 2018, p. 14.
Bibliography
- Archi, Alfonso (2004). "Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/NISABA, Ḫalki". Orientalia. 73 (4). GBPress - Gregorian Biblical Press: 319–336. JSTOR 43078173. Retrieved 2023-02-01.
- Archi, Alfonso (2007). "Transmission of Recitative Literature by the Hittites". Altorientalische Forschungen. 34 (1–2). Walter de Gruyter GmbH. S2CID 161108305.
- Archi, Alfonso (2009). "Orality, Direct Speech and the Kumarbi Cycle". Altorientalische Forschungen. 36 (2). De Gruyter. S2CID 162400642.
- Archi, Alfonso (2011). "The Gods of Ebla". Annual Report NINO and NIT 2010. Leiden, Istanbul: The Netherlands Institute for the Near East. Retrieved 2022-02-02.
- Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. OCLC 882106763.
- Archi, Alfonso (2015). Ebla and Its Archives. De Gruyter. ISBN 978-1-61451-716-0.
- Archi, Alfonso (2020). Francia, Rita; Pisaniello, Valerio; Torri, Giulia (eds.). Scritti di Alfonso Archi sulla religione degli Ittiti. Rome: Sapienza Università Editrice. OCLC 1257812985.
- Ayali-Darshan, Noga (2013). "Baal, Son of Dagan: In Search of Baal's Double Paternity". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 133 (4). American Oriental Society. ISSN 2169-2289.
- Ayali-Darshan, Noga (2015). "The Other Version of the Story of the Storm-god's Combat with the Sea in the Light of Egyptian, Ugaritic, and Hurro-Hittite Texts". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 15 (1). Brill: 20–51. ISSN 1569-2116.
- Baumgarten, Albert I. (2015) [1981]. The Phoenician history of Philo of Byblos: a commentary. Leiden: Brill. OCLC 930925582.
- Beckman, Gary (2005), "Pantheon A. II. Bei den Hethitern · Pantheon A. II. In Hittite tradition", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2023-02-01
- Beckman, Gary (2011). "Primordial Obstetrics. "The Song of Emergence" (CTH 344)". Hethitische Literatur: Überlieferungsprozesse, Textstrukturen, Ausdrucksformen und Nachwirken: Akten des Symposiums vom 18. bis 20. Februar 2010 in Bonn. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. OCLC 768810899.
- Beckman, Gary (2019). The Hittite Gilgamesh. Atlanta, GA: Lockwood Press. OCLC 1103440509.
- Campbell, Dennis R.M.; Fischer, Sebastian (2018). "A Hurrian Ritual Against Tootache: a Reanalysis of Mari 5". Revue d'Assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale. 112. Presses Universitaires de France, Editions Belin: 31–48. JSTOR 26802800. Retrieved 2023-02-07.
- Corti, Carlo (2007). "The so-called "Theogony" or "Kingship in Heaven". The name of the Song" (PDF). In Archi, Alfonso; Francia, Rita (eds.). VI Congresso Internazionale di Ittitologia: Roma, 5-9 settembre 2005. Roma: Istituto di Studi sulle Civiltà dell'Egeo e del Vicino Oriente. OCLC 644475398.
- Dijkstra, Meindert (2012). "Ishtar seduces the Sea-serpent. A New Join in the Epic of Hedammu (KUB 36, 56+95) and its meaning for the battle between Baal and Yam in Ugaritic Tradition". Ugarit-Forschungen. Band 43. Münster: Ugarit Verlag. OCLC 1101929531.
- Dijkstra, Meindert (2014). "The Hurritic Myth about Sausga of Nineveh and Hasarri (CTH 776.2)". Ugarit-Forschungen. Band 45. Münster: Ugarit Verlag. OCLC 1101929531.
- Dinçol, Belkis; Dinçol, Ali; Hawkins, J.D.; Peker, Hasan; Öztan, Aliye (2015). "Two new inscribed Storm-god stelae from Arsuz (İskenderun): ARSUZ 1 and 2". Anatolian Studies. 65. British Institute at Ankara, Cambridge University Press: 59–77. S2CID 194053950. Retrieved 2023-02-03.
- Dongen, Erik van (2012). "The Hittite Song of Going Forth" (CTH 344): A Reconsideration of the Narrative". Die Welt des Orients. 42 (1). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (GmbH & Co. KG): 23–84. JSTOR 23342111. Retrieved 2023-02-07.
- Feliu, Lluís (2003). The god Dagan in Bronze Age Syria. Leiden Boston, MA: Brill. OCLC 52107444.
- Feliu, Lluís (2006). "Concerning the Etymology of Enlil: the An=Anum Approach". Šapal tibnim mû illakū: studies presented to Joaquín Sanmartín on the occasion of his 65th birthday. Barcelona: Editorial AUSA. OCLC 157130833.
- Fowler, Robert L. (2016). "ΕΚΘΟΡΕΙΝ and the Derveni Papyrus". Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 197. Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH: 17–27. JSTOR 43909970. Retrieved 2023-02-07.
- Gilan, Amir (2021). "'Let Those Important Primeval Deities Listen'. The Social Setting of the Hurro-Hittite Song of Emergence". Gods and Mortals in Early Greek and Near Eastern Mythology. Cambridge University Press. S2CID 233595010.
- Güterbock, Hans Gustav (1948). "The Hittite Version of the Hurrian Kumarbi Myths: Oriental Forerunners of Hesiod". American Journal of Archaeology. 52 (1). Archaeological Institute of America: 123–134. S2CID 193112014. Retrieved 2023-02-07.
- Güterbock, Hans Gustav (1983), "Kumarbi", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2023-02-01
- Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-02-02.
- Hoffner, Harry (1998). Hittite myths. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press. OCLC 39455874.
- Kloekhorst, Alwin (2016). "The Story of Wāšitta and Kumarbi". In Velhartická, Šárka (ed.). Audias fabulas veteres. Anatolian Studies in Honor of Jana Součková-Siegelová. Leiden: Brill. pp. 165–177. OCLC 950519320.
- Lambert, Wilfred G. (2013). Babylonian Creation Myths. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. OCLC 861537250.
- Lauinger, Jacob (2015). Following the Man of Yamhad: settlement and territory at old Babylonian Alalah. Leiden: Brill. OCLC 908192059.
- López-Ruiz, Carolina (2006). "Some Oriental Elements in Hesiod and the Orphic Cosmogonies". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 6 (1). Brill: 71–104. ISSN 1569-2116.
- Metcalf, Christopher (2021). "Tales of Kings and Cup-Bearers in History and Myth". Gods and Mortals in Early Greek and Near Eastern Mythology. Cambridge University Press. pp. 154–168. S2CID 233538697.
- Pardee, Dennis (2002). Ritual and cult at Ugarit. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. OCLC 558437302.
- Polvani, Anna Maria (2008). "The god Eltara and the Theogony" (PDF). Studi micenei ed egeo-anatolici. 50 (1): 617–624. ISSN 1126-6651. Retrieved 2023-02-01.
- Pongratz-Leisten, Beate (2015). Religion and Ideology in Assyria. Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records (SANER). De Gruyter. ISBN 978-1-61451-426-8. Retrieved 2023-02-01.
- Rahmouni, Aicha (2008). Divine epithets in the Ugaritic alphabetic texts. Leiden Boston: Brill. OCLC 304341764.
- Richter, Thomas (2010). "Ein Hurriter wird geboren... und benannt". In Becker, Jörg; Hempelmann, Ralph; Rehm, Ellen (eds.). Kulturlandschaft Syrien: Zentrum und Peripherie. Festschrift für Jan-Waalke Meyer (in German). Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. OCLC 587015618.
- Rutherford, Ian (2001). "The Song of the Sea (SA A-AB-BA SIR3). Thoughts on KUB 45.63". Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie: Würzburg, 4.-8. Oktober 1999. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. OCLC 49721937.
- Rutherford, Ian (2011). "Ea and the Beast. The Hittite Text and its relation to the Greek Poetry". Hethitische Literatur: Überlieferungsprozesse, Textstrukturen, Ausdrucksformen und Nachwirken: Akten des Symposiums vom 18. bis 20. Februar 2010 in Bonn. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. OCLC 768810899.
- Rutherford, Ian (2018). "Kingship in Heaven in Anatolia, Syria and Greece. Patterns of Convergence and Divergence" (PDF). Wandering Myths. De Gruyter. pp. 3–22. S2CID 134389087.
- Sallaberger, Walther (2018). "Kura, Youthful Ruler and Martial City-God of Ebla". In Matthiae, Paolo; Pinnock, Frances; D’Andrea, Marta (eds.). Ebla and Beyond. Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-19744-1.
- Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. OCLC 48145544.
- Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. ISSN 1569-2116.
- Simons, Frank (2017). "A New Join to the Hurro-Akkadian Version of the Weidner God List from Emar (Msk 74.108a + Msk 74.158k)". Altorientalische Forschungen. 44 (1). De Gruyter. S2CID 164771112.
- Smith, Mark S. (1994). The Ugaritic Baal Cycle. Volume I. Introduction with Text, Translations and Commentary of KTU 1.1-1.2. Leiden: Brill. OCLC 30914624.
- Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
- Trémouille, Marie-Claude (2011), "Šarrum(m)a", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in French), retrieved 2023-02-02
- Trémouille, Marie-Claude (2011a), "Šauška, Šawuška A. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in French), retrieved 2023-02-07
- Tugendhaft, Aaron (2016). "Gods on clay: Ancient Near Eastern scholarly practices and the history of religions". In Grafton, Anthony; Most, Glenn W. (eds.). Canonical Texts and Scholarly Practices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 164. .
- Válek, František (2021). "Foreigners and Religion at Ugarit". Studia Orientalia Electronica. 9 (2): 47–66. S2CID 245630201.
- Weeden, Mark (2018). "The Good God, the Wine-god and the Storm-god of the Vineyard". Die Welt des Orients. 48 (2). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (GmbH & Co. KG): 330–356. S2CID 166277083. Retrieved 2023-02-03.
- Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. OCLC 21036268.
- Wilhelm, Gernot (1994). "Kumme und *Kumar: Zur hurritischen Ortsnamenbildung". In Calmeyer, Peter (ed.). Beiträge zur altorientalischen Archäologie und Altertumskunde: Festschrift für Barthel Hrouda zum 65. Geburtstag (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz. OCLC 32285389.
- Wilhelm, Gernot (2014), "Urkeš", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-02-01
- Yakubovich, Ilya (2005). "Were Hittite Kings Divinely Anointed? A Palaic Invocation to the Sun-God and Its Significance for Hittite Religion". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 5 (1). Brill: 107–137. ISSN 1569-2116.
- Yakubovich, Ilya (2010). "West Semitic god El in Anatolian Hieroglyphic transmission". Pax Hethitica: studies on the Hittites and their neighbours in honour of Itamar Singer. Wiesbaden. )
- Yener, Kutlu A. (2015). "Material Evidence of Cult and Ritual at Tell Atchana, Ancient Alalakh: Deities of the Transitional Middle-Late Bronze Period". In Ciafardoni, Paola; Giannessi, Deborah (eds.). From the treasures of Syria: essays on art and archaeology in honour of Stefania Mazzoni. Leiden. )
- Zgoll, Christian (2021). "The Hittite 'Theogony' or Song of Going Forth (CTH 344): Stratification of Mythical Traditions". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 21 (2). Brill: 208–227. ISSN 1569-2116.