Law and Justice
This article needs to be updated.(February 2024) |
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|
Law and Justice Prawo i Sprawiedliwość | |
---|---|
Abbreviation | PiS |
Chairman | Jarosław Kaczyński |
Founders | Lech Kaczyński[1] Jarosław Kaczyński |
Founded | 13 June 2001 |
Split from | |
Headquarters | ul. Nowogrodzka 84/86, 02-018 Warsaw |
Youth wing | Law and Justice Youth Forum |
Membership | 48,000 (2023 est.)[2] |
Ideology | |
Political position | Right-wing |
National affiliation | United Right |
European affiliation | European Conservatives and Reformists Party |
European Parliament group | European Conservatives and Reformists |
Colours | Blue White Red[3] |
Seats in the Sejm | 163 / 460 |
Seats in the Senate | 29 / 100 |
Seats in the European Parliament | 23 / 52 |
Regional assemblies | 239 / 552 |
City Presidents | 4 / 107 |
Voivodes | 0 / 16 |
Voivodeship Marshals | 6 / 16 |
Website | |
www | |
Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [ˈpravɔ i ˌspravjɛˈdlivɔɕt͡ɕ] ⓘ, PiS) is a right-wing populist and national-conservative political party in Poland. Its chairman is Jarosław Kaczyński.
It was founded in 2001 by Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński as a direct successor of the Centre Agreement after it split from the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS). It won the 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections, after which Lech became the president of Poland. It headed a parliamentary coalition with the League of Polish Families and Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland between 2005 and the 2007 election. It placed second and they remained in the parliamentary opposition until 2015. It regained the presidency in the 2015 election, and later won a majority of seats in the parliamentary election. They retained the positions following the 2019 and 2020 election, but lost their majority following the 2023 Polish parliamentary election.
During its foundation, it sought to position itself as a
It is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists,[11] and on national-level, it heads the United Right coalition. It currently holds 189 seats in the Sejm and 34 in the Senate.
It has attracted widespread international criticism and domestic protest movements for allegedly dismantling liberal-democratic
History
Formation
The party was created on a wave of popularity gained by
In coalition government: 2005–2007
In the 2005 general election, PiS took first place with 27.0% of votes, which gave it 155 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 49 out of 100 seats in the Senate. It was almost universally expected that the two largest parties, PiS and Civic Platform (PO), would form a coalition government.[9] The putative coalition parties had a falling out, however, related to a fierce contest for the Polish presidency. In the end, Lech Kaczyński won the second round of the presidential election on 23 October 2005 with 54.0% of the vote, ahead of Donald Tusk, the PO candidate.
After the 2005 elections, Jarosław should have become Prime Minister. However, in order to improve his brother's chances of winning the presidential election (the first round of which was scheduled two weeks after the parliamentary election), PiS formed a minority government headed by Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz as prime minister, an arrangement that eventually turned out to be unworkable. In July 2006, PiS formed a right-wing coalition government with the agrarian populist Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland and the nationalist League of Polish Families, headed by Jarosław Kaczyński. Association with these parties, on the margins of Polish politics, severely affected the reputation of PiS. When accusations of corruption and sexual harassment against Andrzej Lepper, the leader of Self-Defence, surfaced, PiS chose to end the coalition and called for new elections.[citation needed]
In opposition: 2007–2015
In the 2007 general election, PiS managed to secure 32.1% of votes. Although an improvement over its showing from 2005, the results were nevertheless a defeat for the party, as Civic Platform (PO) gathered 41.5%. The party won 166 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 39 seats in Poland's Senate.
On 10 April 2010, its former leader Lech Kaczyński died in the
In majority government: 2015–2023
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The party won the 2015 parliamentary election, this time with an outright majority—something no Polish party had done since the fall of communism. In the normal course of events, this should have made Jarosław Kaczyński prime minister for a second time. However, Beata Szydło, perceived as being somewhat more moderate than Kaczyński, had been tapped as PiS's candidate for prime minister.[13][14]
The party supported controversial reforms carried out by the Hungarian Fidesz party, with Jarosław Kaczyński declaring in 2011 that "a day will come when we have a Budapest in Warsaw".[15] PiS's 2015 victory prompted creation of a cross-party opposition movement, the Committee for the Defence of Democracy (KOD).[16] Law and Justice has Proposed 2017 judicial reforms, which according to the party were meant to improve efficiency of the justice system, sparked protest as they were seen as undermining judicial independence.[22] While these reforms were initially unexpectedly vetoed by President Duda, he later signed them into law.[23] In 2017, the European Union began an Article 7 infringement procedure against Poland due to a "clear risk of a serious breach" in the rule of law and fundamental values of the European Union.[24]
The party has caused what constitutional law scholar
The party won reelection in the 2019 parliamentary election. With 44% of the popular vote, Law and Justice received the highest vote share by any party since Poland returned to democracy in 1989, but lost its majority in the Senate.[33][34][35]
Breakaways
In January 2010, a breakaway faction led by Jerzy Polaczek split from the party to form Poland Plus. Its seven members of the Sejm came from the centrist, economically liberal wing of the party. On 24 September 2010, the group was disbanded, with most of its Sejm members, including Polaczek, returning to Law and Justice.
On 16 November 2010, MPs Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska, Elżbieta Jakubiak and Paweł Poncyljusz, and MEPs Adam Bielan and Michał Kamiński formed a new political group, Poland Comes First (Polska jest Najważniejsza).[36] Kamiński said that the Law and Justice party had been taken over by far-right extremists. The breakaway party formed following dissatisfaction with the direction and leadership of Kaczyński.[37]
On 4 November 2011, MEPs
Base of support
Like Civic Platform, but unlike the fringe parties to the right, Law and Justice originated from the anti-communist Solidarity trade union (which is a major cleavage in Polish politics), which was not a theocratic organisation.[42] Solidarity's leadership wanted to back Law and Justice in 2005, but was held back by the union's last experience of party politics, in backing Solidarity Electoral Action.[9]
Today, the party enjoys great support among working class constituencies and union members. Groups that vote for the party include miners, farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, the unemployed, and pensioners. With its left-wing approach toward economics, the party attracts voters who feel that economic liberalisation and European integration have left them behind.[43] The party's core support derives from older, religious people who value conservatism and patriotism. PiS voters are usually located in rural areas and small towns. The strongest region of support is the southeastern part of the country. Voters without a university degree tend to prefer the party more than college-educated voters do.
Regionally, it has more support in regions of Poland that were historically part of western Galicia-Lodomeria and Congress Poland.[44] Since 2015, the borders of support are not as clear as before and party enjoys support in western parts of country, especially these deprived ones.[citation needed] Large cities in all regions are more likely to vote for a more liberal party like PO or .N. Still, PiS receives good support from poor and working class areas in large cities.[citation needed]
Based on this voter profile, Law and Justice forms the core of the conservative post-Solidarity bloc, along with the
Ideology
This section needs to be updated.(October 2020) |
For the first years after its foundation, Law and Justice was characterized as a moderate, single-issue party narrowly focused on the issue of 'law and order', appealing to voters concerned about corruption and high crime rates.[47] In its 2002 assessment of Poland, the Immigration and Nationality Directorate led by the UK government described Law and Justice as "basically a law and order party".[48] In 2003, German political scientist Nikolaus Werz classified Law and Justice as a centrist, law-and-order party that "advocates a strong state, the fight against corruption and the tightening of criminal law". Werz contrasted the moderation of PiS with the radicalism of League of Polish Families, which he described as a nationalist and 'Catholic-fundamentalist' party.[49]
The party then started radicalizing and broadening its program following its victory in the 2005 Polish parliamentary election. In 2006, Chicago Tribune wrote that "President Kaczynski’s Law and Justice Party ran on a populist reform platform but veered sharply to the right after its victory". The same year, Polish journalist Krzysztof Bobiński wrote: "When they started out, the Kaczynski brothers were fairly mainstream … but now they’ve gotten into bed with the League of Polish Families and Samoobrona. They are moving to the right, and it’s a pretty intolerant right."[50] According to Polish political scientists Krzysztof Kowalczyk and Jerzy Sielski, Law and Justice had moved from a single-issue party in 2001 to a staunchly and broadly conversative one by 2006. They noted that by 2006 the party started calling for a "conservative revolution" that would restore traditional values to Poland, and gradually adopted right-wing populist rhetoric characterized by a "somewhat leftist" economical policy to undercut the appeal of far-right anti-capitalist League of Polish Families (LPR), agrarian socialist Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona) and agrarian Polish People's Party (PSL).[51] The populist pivot of PiS is credited with causing the electoral blowout of Samoobrona and LPR in the 2007 Polish parliamentary election.[52]
Initially, the party was broadly pro-market, although less so than the
On
Platform
Economy
The party supports a state-guaranteed minimum
National political structures
PiS has presented a project for constitutional reform including, among others: allowing the president the right to pass laws by decree (when prompted to do so by the Cabinet), a reduction of the number of members of the Sejm and Senat, and removal of constitutional bodies overseeing the media and monetary policy. PiS advocates increased criminal penalties. It postulates aggressive anti-corruption measures (including creation of an Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), open disclosure of the assets of politicians and important public servants), as well as broad and various measures to smooth the working of public institutions.
PiS is a strong supporter of
Diplomacy and defence
The party is in favour of strengthening the Polish Army through diminishing bureaucracy and raising military expenditures, especially for modernisation of army equipment. PiS planned to introduce a fully professional army and end conscription by 2012; in August 2008, compulsory military service was abolished in Poland. It is also in favour of participation of Poland in foreign military missions led by the United Nations, NATO and United States, in countries like Afghanistan and Iraq.
PiS is eurosceptic,[75][76][77] although the party supports integration with the European Union on terms beneficial for Poland. It supports economic integration and tightening cooperation in areas of energy security and military operations, but is sceptical about closer political integration. It is against the formation of a European superstate or federation. PiS is in favour of a strong political and military alliance between Poland and the United States.
In the European Parliament, it is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists, a group founded in 2009 to challenge the prevailing pro-federalist ethos of the European Parliament and address the perceived democratic deficit existing at a European level.
They have frequently expressed
Law and Justice has taken a hardline stance against Russia in its foreign policy since the party's foundation.[84] The party vocally advocated for military aid to Ukraine during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, but announced it would halt arms transfers in September 2023 following disagreements over the export of Ukrainian grain to Poland.[85] The party has been described as divided between pro-Ukrainian and anti-Ukrainian factions.[86]
Though the PiS government initially advocated a
The PiS government supported accession of Turkey to the European Union.[89] PiS also advocates for a strong relationship with Hungary under Viktor Orbán, though they diverged over the Russo-Ukrainian War.[90][91]
Social policies
The party's views on social issues are much more traditionalist than those of
Family
The party strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party and encourages married couples to have more children. Prior to 2005 elections, it promised to build three million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples start a family. Once in government, it passed legislation lengthening parental leaves.
In 2017, the PiS government commenced the so-called "500+" programme under which all parents residing in Poland receive an unconditional monthly payment of 500 PLN for each second and subsequent child (the 500 PLN support for the first child being linked to income). It also revived the idea of a housing programme based on state-supported construction of inexpensive housing units.
Also in 2017, the party's MPs passed a law that bans most retail trade on Sundays on the premise that workers will supposedly spend more time with their families.
Abortion
The party is
In 2016, PiS supported legislation to ban abortion under all circumstances, and investigate miscarriages. After the
In October 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that one of three circumstances (foetal defects) is unconstitutional. However, many constitutionalists argue that this judgement is invalid.
The party is against
Disability rights
In April 2018, the PiS government announced a PLN 23 billion (EUR 5.5 billion) programme (named "Accessibility+") aimed at reducing barriers for disabled people, to be implemented 2018–2025.[106][107]
Also in April 2018, parents of disabled adults who required long-term care protested in Sejm over what they considered inadequate state support, in particular, the reduction of support once the child turns 18.[108][109] As a result, the monthly disability benefit for adults was raised by approx. 15 per cent to PLN 1,000 (approx. EUR 240) and certain non-cash benefits were instituted, although protesters' demands of an additional monthly cash benefit were rejected.
Gay rights
The party opposes
On 21 September 2005, PiS leader
In 2016, Beata Szydło's government disbanded the Council for the Prevention of Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Intolerance, an advisory body set up in 2011 by then-Prime Minister Donald Tusk. The council monitored, advised and coordinated government action against racism, discrimination and hate crime.[119][120]
Many local towns, cities,[121][122] and Voivodeship sejmiks[123] comprising a third of Poland's territory have declared their respective regions as LGBT-free zones with the encouragement of the ruling PiS.[124][121] Polish President Andrzej Duda, who was the Law and Justice party's candidate for presidency in 2015 and 2020, stated that "LGBT is not people, it's an ideology which is worse than Communism."[125][126] During his 2020 successful election campaign, he pledged he would ban teaching about LGBT issues in schools[127] and he proposed changing the constitution to ban LGBT couples from adopting children.[128]
Nationalism
Academic research has characterised Law and Justice as a partially nationalist party,
Refugees and economic migrants
PiS opposed the quota system for mass relocation of immigrants proposed by the European Commission to address the 2015
Examples of anti-migration and anti-
Structure
Internal factions
Law and Justice is divided into many internal factions, but they can be grouped into three main blocs.[162]
The most influential group within PiS is unofficially named "Order of the Centre Agreement". It is led by leader is Jarosław Kaczyński, and its main members are Joachim Brudziński, Adam Lipiński and Mariusz Błaszczak.
The second major group is a radical,
The third major group is a Christian-democratic, republican and moderate social conservative faction focused around Mateusz Morawiecki, Łukasz Szumowski, Jacek Czaputowicz that has close views to The Republicans party of Adam Bielan. Although not officially a party member, Polish president Andrzej Duda can also be placed in this faction.
Political committee
President:
Vice-Presidents:
Treasurer:
- Teresa Schubert
'Spokesperson':
Party discipline spokesman:
Chairman of the Executive Committee:
President of the Parliamentary Club:
Leadership
No. | Image | Name | Tenure |
---|---|---|---|
1. | Lech Kaczyński | 13 June 2001 – 18 January 2003 | |
2. | Jarosław Kaczyński | 18 January 2003 Incumbent |
Election results
Sejm
Election year | Leader | # of votes |
% of vote |
# of overall seats won |
+/– | Government |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2001 | Lech Kaczyński | 1,236,787 | 9.5 (#4) | 44 / 460
|
SLD–UP–PSL (2001-2003) | |
SLD–UP Minority (2003-2004) | ||||||
SLD-UP-SDPL Minority (2004-2005) | ||||||
2005 | Jarosław Kaczyński | 3,185,714 | 27.0 (#1) | 155 / 460
|
111 | PiS Minority (2005-2006)
|
PiS–SRP–LPR | ||||||
PiS Minority (2007)
| ||||||
2007 | 5,183,477 | 32.1 (#2) | 166 / 460
|
11 | PO–PSL | |
2011 | 4,295,016 | 29.9 (#2) | 157 / 460
|
9 | PO–PSL | |
2015 | 5,711,687 | 37.6 (#1) | 193 / 460
|
36 | PiS | |
As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 235 seats in total.[163] | ||||||
2019 | 8,051,935 | 43.6 (#1) | 187 / 460
|
6 | PiS | |
As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 235 seats in total. | ||||||
2023 | 7,640,854 | 35.4 (#1) | 165 / 460
|
22 | KO–PL2050–KP–NL | |
As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 194 seats in total. |
Senate
Election year | # of overall seats won |
+/– | Majority |
---|---|---|---|
2001 | 0 / 100
|
Opposition | |
As part of the Senate 2001 coalition, which won 15 seats. | |||
2005 | 49 / 100
|
49 | Coalition |
2007 | 39 / 100
|
10 | Opposition |
2011 | 31 / 100
|
8 | Opposition |
2015 | 61 / 100
|
30 | PiS |
2019 | 38 / 100
|
23 | Opposition |
As part of the United Right coalition, which won 48 seats. | |||
2023 | 29 / 100
|
9 | Opposition |
As part of the United Right coalition, which won 34 seats. |
European Parliament
Election year | # of votes |
% of vote |
# of overall seats won |
+/– |
---|---|---|---|---|
2004 | 771,858 | 12.7 (#3) | 7 / 54
|
|
2009 | 2,017,607 | 27.4 (#2) | 15 / 50
|
8 |
2014 | 2,246,870 | 31.8 (#2) | 19 / 51 *
|
4 |
2019 | 6,192,780 | 45.38 (#1) | 27 / 51 *
|
8 |
*Currently 16: Zdzisław Krasnodębski is elected from the PiS register, but not a member of the party, Mirosław Piotrowski left PiS (08.10.2014), Marek Jurek is a member of Right Wing of the Republic.
Presidential
Election year | Candidate | 1st round | 2nd round | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
# of overall votes | % of overall vote | # of overall votes | % of overall vote | ||
2005 | Lech Kaczyński | 4,947,927 | 33.1 (#2) | 8,257,468 | 54.0 (#1) |
2010 | Jarosław Kaczyński | 6,128,255 | 36.5 (#2) | 7,919,134 | 47.0 (#2) |
2015 | Andrzej Duda | 5,179,092 | 34.8 (#1) | 8,719,281 | 51.5 (#1) |
2020 | Supported Andrzej Duda | 8,450,513 | 43.50 (#1) | 10,440,648 | 51.03% (#1) |
Regional assemblies
Election year | % of vote |
# of overall seats won |
+/– | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2002 | 12.1 (#4) | 79 / 561
| ||||
In coalition with Civic Platform as POPiS. | ||||||
2006 | 25.1 (#2) | 170 / 561
|
||||
2010 | 23.1 (#2) | 141 / 561
|
29 | |||
2014 | 26.9 (#1) | 171 / 555
|
30 | |||
2018 | 34.1 (#1) | 254 / 552
|
83 | |||
2024 | 34.3 (#1) | 239 / 552
|
15 |
County councils
Election year | % of vote |
# of overall seats won |
+/– |
---|---|---|---|
2002 | no data | 0 / 6,294
|
|
2006 | 19.8 (#1) | 1,242 / 6,284
|
1242 |
2010 | 17.3 (#2) | 1,085 / 6,290
|
157 |
2014 | 23.5 (#1) | 1,514 / 6,276
|
429 |
2018 | 30.5 (#1) | 2,114 / 6,244
|
600 |
2024 | 30.0 (#1) | 2,080 / 6,170
|
34 |
Mayors
Election | No. | Change |
---|---|---|
2002 | 2 | |
2006 | 77 | 75 |
2010 | 37 | 40 |
2014 | 124 | 87 |
2018 | 234 | 110 |
2024 | 105 | 129 |
Presidents of the Republic of Poland
Name | Image | From | To |
---|---|---|---|
Lech Kaczyński | 23 December 2005 | 10 April 2010 | |
Andrzej Duda | 6 August 2015 | incumbent |
Prime Ministers of the Republic of Poland
Name | Image | From | To |
---|---|---|---|
Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz | 31 October 2005 | 14 July 2006 | |
Jarosław Kaczyński | 14 July 2006 | 16 November 2007 | |
Beata Szydło | 16 November 2015 | 11 December 2017 | |
Mateusz Morawiecki | 11 December 2017 | 13 December 2023 |
Voivodeship Marshals
Name | Image | Voivodeship | Date vocation |
---|---|---|---|
Grzegorz Schreiber | Łódź Voivodeship | 22 November 2018 | |
Jarosław Stawiarski | Lublin Voivodeship | 21 November 2018 | |
Władysław Ortyl | Podkarpackie Voivodeship
|
27 May 2013 | |
Andrzej Bętkowski | Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship | 22 November 2018 | |
Witold Kozłowski | Lesser Poland Voivodeship | 19 November 2018 | |
Artur Kosicki | Podlaskie Voivodeship | 11 December 2018 |
See also
- 2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash
- Liberal Democratic Party (Japan)
- List of Law and Justice politicians
- People Power Party (South Korea)
- Polish constitutional crisis, 2015
- Polish nationalism
- Slovenian Democratic Party
Explanatory notes
- ^ During the 2008 Polish Independence Day celebrations, Lech Kaczyński said in his speech during the visit to the city of Elbląg that "the state is a great value, and attachment to the state, to one's fatherland, we call patriotism – beware of the word nationalism, as nationalism is evil!"[137] On the same day during the celebrations in Warsaw, L. Kaczyński again stated: "patriotism doesn't equal nationalism."[138] In 2011, Jarosław Kaczyński criticised pre-war Polish nationalism for "its intellectual, political and moral failure" by emphasising that the movement "did not know how to deal with and solve the problems of Polish minorities."[139]
Citations
- ^ "Historia PiS". e-sochaczew.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 11 November 2023.
- ^ Drabik, Piotr (1 June 2023). "PiS nie jest największą partią w Polsce. "Liczy się tylko kartel czterech"". Radio ZET (in Polish).
Drugie miejsce należy do Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, które przez 22 lata istnienia mocno ugruntowało się także w terenie. Sekretarz generalny partii Krzysztof Sobolewski przekazał nam, że ugrupowanie rządzące ma ok. 48 tys. członków. - Najwięcej w województwie mazowieckim - dodał. Na pytanie, jak liczebność PiS zmieniła się w ostatnich trzech latach, odpowiedział tylko: - Znacząco wzrosła.
[Second place belongs to Law and Justice, which has also become firmly established on the ground over its 22 years of existence. The party's general secretary Krzysztof Sobolewski told us that the ruling grouping has around 48,000 members. - The largest number in the Mazowieckie Voivodeship," he added. When asked how the size of PiS had changed in the last three years, he replied only: - It has increased significantly.] - .
- ^ "Premier o PiS. "Myśl socjalistyczna również jest dla nas ważna"". Wirtualna Polska (in Polish). 21 July 2019. Retrieved 6 June 2023.
- ^ Turczyn, Andrzej (22 July 2019). "Mateusz Morawiecki: robotnicza myśl socjalistyczna jest głęboko obecna w filozofii Prawa i Sprawiedliwości". Trybun Broni Palnej (in Polish). Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ Szeląg, Wojciech (24 May 2021). "Marek Goliszewski, prezes BCC: Polski Ład wystraszył nawet tych, którzy wspierają PiS". Interia (in Polish). Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ Kołakowska, Agnieszka (9 October 2019). "In defense of Poland's ruling party". Politico. Archived from the original on 9 October 2019. Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ Orenstein, Mitchell (4 July 2018). "Populism with socialist characteristics". The Jordan Times. Archived from the original on 4 July 2018. Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ a b c d e f g Bale, Tim; Szczerbiak, Aleks (December 2006). "Why is there no Christian Democracy in Poland (and why does this matter)?". SEI Working Paper (91). Sussex European Institute.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - ^ Santora, Marc (14 October 2019). "In Poland, Nationalism With a Progressive Touch Wins Voters (Published 2019)". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
- ISBN 9783732292509.
- .
Over the past decade, a scholarly consensus has emerged that that democracy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is deteriorating, a trend often subsumed under the label 'backsliding'. ... the new dynamics of backsliding are best illustrated by the one-time democratic front-runners Hungary and Poland.
</ref/>- Piotrowski, Grzegorz (2020). "Civil Society in Illiberal Democracy: The Case of Poland". Politologický časopis – Czech Journal of Political Science. XXVII (2): 196–214. S2CID 226544116.
- Sata, Robert; Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel (2020). "Caesarean politics in Hungary and Poland". East European Politics. 36 (2): 206–225. S2CID 213911605.
- Drinóczi, Tímea; Bień-Kacała, Agnieszka (2019). "Illiberal Constitutionalism: The Case of Hungary and Poland". German Law Journal. 20 (8): 1140–1166. .
- Ágh, Attila (2019). Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe: The Divide in the EU and Emerging Hard Populism. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 175–176. ISBN 978-1-78897-473-8.
- Sadurski, Wojciech (2019). "Illiberal Democracy or Populist Authoritarianism?". Poland's Constitutional Breakdown. Oxford University Press. pp. 242–266. ISBN 978-0-19-884050-3.
- Lendvai-Bainton, Noemi; Szelewa, Dorota (2020). "Governing new authoritarianism: Populism, nationalism and radical welfare reforms in Hungary and Poland". Social Policy & Administration. 55 (4): 559–572. .
- Fomina, Joanna; Kucharczyk, Jacek (2016). "Populism and Protest in Poland". Journal of Democracy. 27 (4): 58–68. S2CID 152254870.
The 2015 victory of Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) party is an example of the rise of contemporary authoritarian populism... the PiS gained a parliamentary absolute majority; it has since drawn on this majority to dismantle democratic checks and balances. The PiS's policies have led to intensifying xenophobia, aggressive nationalism, and unprecedented polarisation that have engendered deep splits within Polish society and have given rise to social protest movements not seen in Poland since 1989.
- Markowski, Radoslaw (2019). "Creating Authoritarian Clientelism: Poland After 2015". Hague Journal on the Rule of Law. 11 (1): 111–132. S2CID 158160832.
- Surowiec, Paweł; Štětka, Václav (2020). "Introduction: media and illiberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe". East European Politics. 36 (1): 1–8. S2CID 212988926.
- Piotrowski, Grzegorz (2020). "Civil Society in Illiberal Democracy: The Case of Poland". Politologický časopis – Czech Journal of Political Science. XXVII (2): 196–214.
- ^ "Poland Ousts Government as Law & Justice Gains Historic Majority". Bloomberg. 25 October 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
- ^ "Poland elections: Conservatives secure decisive win". 25 October 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
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- .
- ^ "EU and Poland edge closer to showdown over judicial reform". Financial Times. 12 September 2017. Archived from the original on 10 December 2022.
- ^ Koper, Pawel; Sobczak, Anna. "Polish president backs down in judicial reform spat". Reuters.
- ^ "The Observer view on Poland's assault on law and the judiciary". The Guardian. 22 July 2017.
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- ISBN 978-0-19-884050-3.
- ^ S2CID 149662184.
Lacking the two-thirds of majority needed to change the constitution outright, as Hungary's government had done several years earlier, PiS sought to accomplish the same goal through ordinary legislation. When the Constitutional Tribunal objected, its rulings were ignored until it could be packed with government supporters, some of whom were sworn in by the president—a strong partisan of PiS himself, who made no effort to stand in the government's way—in a rushed, middle-of-the-night ceremony. The national legislature was likewise turned into a rubber-stamp body through routine side-stepping of parliamentary procedure.
- .
- S2CID 164430720.
- S2CID 226544116.
- S2CID 213911605.
- ^ Sadurski 2019, Illiberal Democracy or Populist Authoritarianism?.
- ISBN 978-1-78897-473-8.
- ^ Wyniki wyborów 2019 do Sejmu RP, retrieved 3 October 2022
- ^ Wyniki wyborów 2019 do Senatu RP, retrieved 3 October 2022
- ^ Barteczko, Agnieszka; Krajewski, Adrian (26 October 2015). "Outright majority for Polish eurosceptics hangs in balance". Reuters. Retrieved 3 October 2022.
- ^ Law and Justice breakaway politicians form new 'association', thenews.pl
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- ^ Myant et al. (2008), p. 3
- ^ ISBN 978-0-7425-5501-3.
- ^ Frank Jacobs, "Zombie Borders", The New York Times Opinionator blog, 12 December 2011
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- ^ Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 103
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- ^ Myant et al. (2008), p. 88
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General references
- Jungerstam-Mulders, Susanne (2006). Post-Communist EU Member States: Parties and Party Systems. London: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7546-4712-6.
- Maier, Michaela; Tenscher, Jens (2004). Campaigning in Europe – Campaigning for Europe. Münster: LIT Verlag Münster. ISBN 978-3-8258-9322-4.
- Myant, Martin R.; Cox, Terry (2008). Reinventing Poland: Economic and Political Transformation and Evolving National Identity. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-45175-8.