Le Livre de Seyntz Medicines
Le Livre de Seyntz Medicines (The Book of Holy Medicines)
Grosmont was one of the wealthiest and most powerful men in England at the time. A close companion of
Le Livre was probably written at the urging of his friends and relatives, for a literary audience which would have primarily comprised his fellow nobility, but would also have included senior ecclesiastics, lawyers and the educated
Le Livre de Seyntz Medicines
Henry of Grosmont's devotional-medical treatise[4][5] is notable for being one of only a few written by individuals of such rank and power in the Middle Ages,[6][note 1] and, to the historian K. B. McFarlane it is "the most remarkable literary achievement of them all" for the period.[10] William Pantin concurred, writing that it was, to him, "one of the most interesting and attractive religious treatises of the period, and especially remarkable as the work of a devout layman".[11] Antonia Gransden has described the piece as "an allegory on the wounds in Henry's soul, discussing the remedies to be supplied by the Divine Physician and his assistant, the Douce Dame", all the while interspersed with personal reminiscences of how he sinned in the first place.[12] Arnould places it within the genre of the Confessions, as well as "the prolific literature of sin".[13] Grosmont sententiously informs the reader how he wishes that when he was young he had "as much covetousness for the kingdom of heaven as I had for £100 of land".[14] He blames those parts of his body which he later accuses of sin: his feet are guilty, for example, of being unwilling to allow him on pilgrimage yet being willing and able to bring him wine.[14] Robert Ackerman has noted that, while Le Livre is an exceptional piece of work in its field, the field is a crowded one, arguing that "moralistic and confessional writings... were produced in overwhelming profusion. Duke Henry could scarcely have found a more time-worn topic and method of treatment when he penned his allegory of the sins and their remedies."[15]
It stands out from both of these categorisations due to its highly personal, almost autobiographical tone,[13] and avoids being merely an exemplum by the images of everyday life—"and finding in everyone a wealth of 'mystic' interpretations"—with which he illustrates the work.[16] Contemporaries understood that to cleanse the soul, one required self-knowledge; this was only obtainable after lengthy, close examination of the self, as Le Livre does.[17] Grosmont states at the beginning that he had numerous motives for writing the work, but the most important was to "make use of times which were wont to be idle in the service of God;"[18] in other words, following the church's dictum that the devil makes work for idle hands.[19] The lengths of paragraphs would appear to reflect the amount of time the author had to work on that section each day, rather than reflect any pre-planning.[18] Structurally, the book is divided into two portions. The first describes the sinner's body, with its wounds of sin, while the second explains the spiritual cures and holy medicines necessary for its healing.[20]
Composition
Arnould describes the surviving Stonyhurst copy as being written in a bold, clear hand with each paragraph represented with a large gold
Cest livre estoit comencee et parfaite en l'an de grace Nostre Seignur Jesu Crist MCCCLIIII. Et le fist un fole cheitif peccheour qe l'en appelle ERTSACNAL ED CUD IRNEH, a qi Dieux ses malfaitz pardoynt. Amen.[21]
The book was composed, Teresa Tavormina suggests, "at the urging of friends" of the duke, possibly including
Grosmont's focus on mortality reflected a renewed interest in the topic which had appeared in the years following the Black Death in 1348 and sporadically since, with a concomitant emphasis on penance regardless of social status.[40] The Bible made it clear to the nobility that, whereas the poor were almost certain to enter heaven, the rich had no such guarantees, and as such the Black Death may have made a more intellectual impact on the aristocracy than the lower classes.[40]
Sins of the author
The book is structured so that the reader receives an overview of Grosmont's self-view before opening himself up to "the Divine assistant and his Assistant", the Douce Dame.[42][note 5] He states that when he was younger, one of his chief sins was that of vanity, stating that "when I was young and strong and agile, I prided myself on my good looks, my figure, my gentle blood and all the qualities and gifts that you, O Lord, had given me for the salvation of my soul". But pride was not confined to himself: he was proud of the richness of his possessions, whether finger rings, shoes, or armour. Likewise his dancing skills or his dress, and much as he flaunted himself he liked, even more, to be praised by others for these things.[46] He also confesses to the sin of sloth, which beset him to such an extent that he regularly failed to rise in time for morning mass, and gluttony, with overindulgence in the best food and drink,[47] with its rich sauces and strong wine.[14] Arnould comments how
Even the sense of smell was a frequent occasion of sin to him, as when he delighted in the sweet scent of the ladies or of anything appertaining to them, or again when he took an inordinate pleasure in smelling the fine scarlet cloth.[48]
And, comments Pantin, "he lets us know that his sensuality did not stop short at smelling
Grosmont then describes the wounds in his soul as having been attacked: the
Metaphors and similes
The whole book is effectively allegorical: so a wounded man needs a physician, so a sinner needs redemption. The metaphors Grosmont uses to describe his remedy—including food, drinks, potions, bandages—"sounds rather banal", comments Pantin, but, rather, is "a work of great freshness and simplicity".
The governing conceit is that Lancaster's sins and the senses through which they enter are wounds which can only be healed once they have been bathed with the milk and tears of the Virgin, anointed with the blood from Christ's wounds, and bandaged with the Virgin's joys.[50]
These similes, argues Arnould, represent the hidden dangers of the sinful world, a place into which conscience is driven to corner sin, and a meeting place for the sins.
In part, this loose structure was probably a direct result of the nature of its composition if, as has been surmised, that Grosmont wrote portions of it each day, dipping in and out of writing in between a myriad of other duties and responsibilities.[18]
The author
The son and heir of
Piety
Grosmont was also religious,[78] and Rothwell calls Le Livre "a long, painful act of contrition".[58] Labarge argues that he was symbolic of the "more secular" 14th-century knight than his predecessor of the previous century, to whom crusading had still been a Holy state.[note 12] His piety appears occasionally throughout his military campaigns. For example, when the citizens of Bergerac begged for mercy in return for surrender in 1345, Henry replied "who prays for mercy shall have mercy". When an indecisive chevauchée took him almost to Toulouse,[81] Geoffrey the Baker's Chronicon describes how a Carmelite prior had "a silver banner with a picture in gold of the blessed virgin on it, and, amid a hail of missiles, he displayed the picture on his banner at the walls of the town and he caused the Duke of Lancaster and many of his army to kneel in devotion to it" in a spontaneous act of piety.[82] Conversely, argues Richard Kaeuper, there are "perhaps contradictions in Lancaster's piety", as his 1346 raid into Poitou was particularly bloody, and involved the burning of many churches,[83] demonstrating what Batt calls both "generous and unsparing... pitilessness as well as courtliness".[84] This was to the extent that when Pope Clement heard of Grosmont's sacking of Saint-Jean-d'Angély abbey—in which, as well as emptying the house of its valuables the monks were taken captive and held to ransom—Clement wrote to the earl asking him to restrain his men from attacking religious buildings or ecclesistics.[83]
Grosmont's
Life experiences in Le Livre
Labarge argues that the number and range of metaphors Grosmont uses are testament to the breadth of his life experience and knowledge. Specific examples include that salmon are not truly such until they have lived in the sea first, before swimming upstream for breeding purposes[14] (whereby sins are like salmon, which only become mortal when they reach the heart).[89] Spring is the optimum time to drink goat's milk because of the fresh herbs the animal will have eaten by then. He includes a recipe for cooking capon in a bain-marie,[90] what Batt calls "a classic recipe for chicken soup, necessary food for the convalescent" and the sinner also.[91] Grosmont also uses the metaphor of hunting—a traditional aristocratic pastime—as a way of fighting sin. He describes his confessor as a forester whose job is, metaphorically, to maintain a balance in the chase between the animals and predators, in which the body is the park, a man's virtues are the game, under constant threat of attack from vice.[92] He compares fighting in tournaments to Christ fighting the devil on behalf of mankind.[26] Surgeons at the University of Montpellier were donated the bodies of executed criminals for dissection and research purposes; Grosmont uses this as a means of expressing his wish that his soul could be so opened up to expose its sin. his knowledge of the dangers of the sea probably stemmed from his official role as Admiral of the West and his numerous naval voyages. The comparison of his heart to a city marketplace, where all roads led to and therefore where all sin ends up, was clearly a reflection of every town's market day.[14] Labarge describes how Grosmont
Makes us see the cooks and innkeepers incessantly crying their wares, the women better dressed than on Easter, the men drinking in the taverns and going to brothels while citizens and merchants brawled loudly. Meanwhile, the lord's officials inflexibly asserted his rights and collected the tolls while the sergeant, whom Henry compares to the devil, stood ready to carry out a distraint without mercy.[93]
One of the few occasions where Grosmont veers from real-life experience into medieval myth is in his description of curing
Historical context
Written in Anglo Norman[38] —the French dialect of medieval England[99]—the Livre[note 15] tells historians something as to Duke Henry's own upbringing and personality through his own words. He says he was a good looking youth, for example, but, as he was English, knew little French, and the learning that he had, had come to him late in life.[4] Although Fowler comments that "on the latter point he was modest about his own accomplishment",[4] Tavormina argues that this was not necessarily to be taken literally, as a number of similar expressions of self-apology are found in other contemporaneous texts and should be seen as intentional humility.[6] On the other hand, suggests Batt, the breadth of his observations may include references to the Divine Comedy, and even if not, Le Livre "is clearly the work of a well-read and cultured author".[100] Coleman suggests there is a tension between the admiration Grosmont had for the French language—being "respectful, rather humble" towards it—and his career as a great fighter in France against all things French.[75]
Grosmont may have been influenced by othern writers, such as Guillaume de Deguileville, whose treatment of the Lady Sloth character is similar to his,[101] and even though he is not known to have possessed many books, he probably had access to Leicester Abbey's[102] extensive library, which included over eighty medical books.[103] Batt suggests that the lack of direct influence is useful in itself as a historical reference point as, having "no obvious identifiable single source",[23] it sheds direct light on Grosmont's activities—more precisely, his view of his activities—over the preceding decade.[81] Although Le Livre rarely touches on chivalry,[104] Arnould has noted a stark difference in the Grosmont known to contemporaries and thence to historians—the great general, diligent royal servant and epitome of chivalry—and the one he presents himself, "so ingenuously humble and sometimes crudely frank".[42] He also displays qualities of tenderness, dignity and "gentle candour" through his writing.[48] These qualities are not, however, incompatible, argues Arnould, as the piety the author demonstrates combined with a lack of animosity towards enemies may back up the chivalric image rather than impinge upon it.[42] Batt argues that Grosmont personifies the contradictions inherent in the medieval chivalric ideal vis-à-vis the warrior knight and the penitent Christian.[105] The book also suggests the extent of Grosmont's own medical knowledge, and more broadly the extent to which continental expertise had impacted England; Grosmont's personal physician was from Bologna, for example. New medical concepts entwined with traditional religion as well; a confessional text from Exeter of 1340, for example, uses a similar metaphor to Grosmont, proposing that "Christ is the best physician".[106] Grosmont also points out that wisest of physicians, as such is Christ, will not waste his precious medicine on the incurable.[107]
Audience and legacy
Grosmont, notes Tavormina, "was remembered as the author of a devotional treatise for at least a century after his death".[38] Mary de Percy, widow of John, Lord Ros, left a copy to Isabel Percy in 1394. Mary was connected to Grosmont through her father, whose first wife—not Mary's mother— was Grosmont's younger sister. This is not, however, the copy that descended through to Duke Humphrey, as that was presented to him by Thomas Carew, who died in 1429.[110][111] The same copy appears to have been previously owned by John de Grailly, Captal de Buch, as both his and Humphrey's armorials are inscribed on various pages.[27]
Another reference to Le Livre comes in 1400, in the catalogue of
Þou þat neuere seȝe Duyk Henri,
Þat þe newe werk of Leycetre reised on hiȝ:
Þer-þi maiȝt þou wel wyte and se
Þat he was lord of gret pouste [power]
Þat hit made of his ownc cost—
I hope he naue þeron not lost.[114]
Grosmont's college in Leicester (the "new werke", also a play on its location) is used as an example of his earthly power and wealth, which the poet then explains has been turned, on Grosmont's death, into spiritual wealth ("I hope he naue þeron not lost").[115]
Scholarly history and reception
Grosmont's Livre was originally produced in 26
[Grosmont] suffers from seven perilous wounds in his ears, eyes, nose, mouth, hands, feet, and heart through which the seven deadly sins, like enemies breaching a castle, have entered his body (soul). His heart, moreover, he compares to the sea, a fox's hole, and a market-place to show its wickedness. Like a sick man, therefore, he seeks a physician, in this case, Jesus. The remedies, too, are allegorical. To take but one example, he compares his sinfulness to poisoning and spins out an allegory based on antidotes to venom. The medicines to cast out the venomous sin are saintly sermons, good lessons, and true examples received through his ears from good men and good books.[78]
The Livre had never been published until Henry Arnould's 1940 edition, which he based primarily on the Stonyhurst copy but compiled after examination of both that and the Cambridge copy.
Le Livre offers, argues Arnould, "an allegorical, but autobiographical, account of Henry's sins and penances".
Richard Kaeuper argues that—as its ownership by men such as de Grailly suggests—it was highly valued in the chivalric world.[27] He also argues that the book demonstrates Grosmont's belief in the efficacy of imitating Christ through the martial life, not just in the sacrifices it forces one to make but as a form of penance.[65] It is notable in Pantin's view for discussing Christology from the perspective of the layman rather than the professional.[128] Conversely, Andrew Taylor has argued that Grosmont demonstrates a tendency to be refractory in his recital of his own sins, perhaps suggesting that rejects absolute humility, even before Christ: "for all his religious instruction, [Grosmont] remained perversely attached to his own sinful body".[129] Labarge suggests that its importance to historians lies not so much in its colourful symbolism but Grosmont's extensive, and detailed, use of his own personal experiences to illustrate his message.[45] In its literary value, it has been compared—as a "valuable analogue"—to better-known works with similar messages such as Sir Gawain and the Green Knight.[130] Indeed, it has been suggested that Grosmont is an "outstanding candidate" of patron to the Gawain's now-anonymous author—and the basis for the eponymous hero—as the poem "would have appealed to every facet of Henry's complex character".[131][note 19]
Grosmont's work is also important, argues Catherine Batt, for what it says about the extent and knowledge of medieval medical knowledge. While predominantly metaphorical and allusional—Christ the doctor, Mary the nurse—it also reflects the practical medical knowledge of its author (for example, the practical efficacy of herbs in the springtime).
Sloth comes to the gate of the ear and begs to be let in, because she is very sick, and says that just as soon as she has rested a little while she will go; and she does so much that she gets in, and once she is here she goes to bed and falls asleep. And should anyone come to the gate and say: ‘I am a friend of Lady Sloth, let me come in to comfort her’, the gate will be very quickly opened to let in one of her friends, who is then eager to comfort Sloth by saying: ‘Lady, don't worry about anything at all, except your comfort, and especially the comfort of the body; and we shall think about the soul some other day, when we are old and shall have nothing else to do.[134]
Christopher Fletcher, discussing what Le Livre tells of the role of the nobility—and especially the martial nobility—in religion, argues that it is probably one of the few works of the period to address the contradiction between the secular and the ecclesiastic in religion. Le Livre, says Fletcher, raises the question as to who is the better Christian: "the priest, who is a man, but who can neither marry nor shed blood? Or a nobleman, who knows what it is to be a good Christian—thanks to his confessors, preachers and his own upbringing—but who lives in a competitive and violent world, and who desires other women than his wife?"[136]
Further fragments discovered
A further 26 fragmentary
Extant manuscripts
- Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales, Peniarth, 388 c 2, p. 1-52.
- Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Parker Library, 218, f. 1ra-68ra.
- Hatfield, Hatfield House, Cecil Papers, 312.
- Hurst Green, Stonyhurst College, 24 (HMC 27), f. 1ra-126ra.
Notes
- ^ There were others, including Grosmont's contemporary Geoffroi de Charney—"with whom Henry has much in common in terms of both devotional practice and religious observance"—who was killed at the Battle of Poitiers in 1356 and authored Le Livre de Chvalerie,[7] Edward, Duke of York, who wrote a hunting treatise in the early 15th century[8] and James I of Scotland with his The Kingis Quair,[9] although Grosmont's is the longest original piece of work.[6]
- ^ In this context, simples were medicines made out of a single ingredient rather than a compound.[24]
- ^ Batt notes that as of 2014 she had never come across another example of a reverse signature such as Grosmont uses, although occasionally simpler forms are found, for example, Robert being transposed as Trebor.[32]
- ^ Although it is perhaps curious, suggests Batt, that he never names them.[35]
- Virgin Mary was also a figurative Douce Dame, sitting at the side of Christ,[44] and this is the context Grosmont uses the phrase.[45]
- Silk Route.[51] It was an alexipharmic, or antidote, considered a panacea,[52] Theriac was expensive, but a homegrown version-treacle-was readily available and considered to have similarly cathartic properties.[53]
- literary device.[45]
- broken in a tourney, and likewise mouths "beaten and twisted out of shape", reflecting the wounds Christ received during his flagellation.[65]
- ^ For example, Clifford J. Rogers calls him a "superb and innovative tactician";[69] Alfred Burne, "brilliant";[70] and Nicholas Gribit "stunning".[71]
- Black Prince to that of Cornwall; David Crouch comments that, while cousins, Grosmont's "distance from the throne was sufficient to reckon him as the first non-royal duke".[74]
- ^ In spite of this, at least by the 15th century, Grosmont was also credited with the authorship of the now-lost Livre des Drois de Guerre.[77]
- ^ This belief had been weakened, argues Labarge, as a result of the "series of ignominious defeats" the crusading armies had suffered in the Holy Land, as well the blatantly political crusades[79]—such as France's invasion of Castille or the papacy's campaign against Frederick the Great[80]—of the later years of the century, all of which contributed to the image of the crusading knight being tarnished. By Grosmont's time, it was as much a sound strategy for financial or political reasons as a religious ideal. [79]
- ^ Originally founded by Grosmount's father in 1330.[20]
- King John II of France—a thorn from Christ's crown—following a tournament in 1352.[86]
- ^ So-called because of the colophon to the text body.[38]
- ^ Indeed, by the time Arnould got to write the brief introduction he did, he had already, in his words, "answered the call to arms" and signed the proofs off with "somewhere in France, 23 December 1939".[119]
- ^ Published by Didier as E. J. Arnould Etude sur le Livre des Saintes Médecines du Duc Henri de Lancastre: Accompagné d'Extraits du Texte (Paris, 1948).[121]
- ^ Rothwell's underlying point, however, is that this—and the concomitant lack of interest from scholars of French or literature—is indicative of over-compartmentalisation between subject areas rather than a reflection on either the original work or Arnould's edition.[122]
- ^ This is due to the events of Gawain being traditionally viewed as taking place in the northwest Midlands, where Grosmont had a concentration of estates, being active at the same time as Gawain is generally thought to be composed, Grosmont's self-identification and adherence to the chivalric code, and of course his known literary ability as seen from Le Livre.[132]
- ^ Wynne also was unsure of the exact nature of the manuscript, and catalogued it as "Fragment of a French M.S. of the fifteenth century—Query, upon religion or medicine—not easy to make out the abbreviations, and some of the letters".[138]
References
- ^ Parker 2020.
- ^ a b Yoshikawa 2009, p. 397.
- ^ a b Batt 2014, p. 1.
- ^ a b c Fowler 1969, p. 26.
- ^ Batt 2006, p. 407.
- ^ a b c d e f Tavormina 1999, p. 20.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 8.
- ^ Baillie-Groham & Baillie-Groham 2005, p. xi.
- ^ Mooney & Arn 2005, pp. 17–112.
- ^ McFarlane 1973, p. 242.
- ^ Pantin 1955, p. 107.
- ^ a b Gransden 1998, p. 62.
- ^ a b Arnould 1937, p. 354.
- ^ a b c d e Labarge 1980, p. 188.
- ^ a b Ackerman 1962, p. 114.
- ^ a b Arnould 1937, p. 370.
- ^ Goodman 2002, p. 11.
- ^ a b c d e Arnould 1937, p. 367.
- ^ Boyson 2017, p. 168.
- ^ a b c Batt 2014, p. 2.
- ^ a b c d Arnould 1937, p. 353.
- ^ a b c d e f Krochalis & Dean 1973, p. 87.
- ^ a b c d Batt 2006, p. 409.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 35.
- ^ Taylor 1994, p. 116 n.2.
- ^ a b c d e Pantin 1955, p. 232.
- ^ a b c Kaeuper 2009, p. 38.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 195.
- ^ Arnould 1940, p. viii.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 48.
- ^ Legge 1971, pp. 218–219.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 282 n.588.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 280.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 12.
- ^ Batt 2014, pp. 11–12.
- ^ a b c Labarge 1980, p. 186.
- ^ Tavormina 1999, pp. 20–21.
- ^ a b c d e f Tavormina 1999, p. 21.
- ^ Taylor 1994, p. 113.
- ^ a b Yoshikawa 2009, p. 398.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 282.
- ^ a b c d Arnould 1937, p. 364.
- ^ Wilkins 1979, pp. 20–22.
- ^ O'Sullivan 2005, p. 112.
- ^ a b c d Labarge 1980, p. 187.
- ^ Arnould 1937, p. 383.
- ^ Arnould 1937, pp. 383–384.
- ^ a b c Arnould 1937, p. 384.
- ^ a b Arnould 1937, pp. 364–365.
- ^ a b Taylor 1994, p. 103.
- ^ Boulnois 2005, p. 131.
- ^ Griffin 2004, p. 317.
- ^ a b Cantor 2015, p. 174.
- ^ Arnould 1937, p. 373.
- ^ a b Pantin 1955, p. 231.
- ^ a b Arnould 1937, p. 368.
- ^ Batt 2014, pp. 53–54.
- ^ a b c Rothwell 2004, p. 316.
- ^ Badea 2018, p. 6.
- ^ Ackerman 1962, p. 116.
- ^ a b Arnould 1937, p. 374.
- ^ Arnould 1937, p. 382.
- ^ Kaeuper 2009, p. 39.
- ^ Arnould 1937, pp. 382–383.
- ^ a b Kaeuper 2009, p. 41.
- ^ a b Ormrod 2004.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 89.
- ^ King 2005, p. 196.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 107 n.61.
- ^ Burne 1949, p. 117.
- ^ Gribit 2016, p. 22.
- ^ Labarge 1980, p. 183.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 3.
- ^ a b Crouch 2017, p. 206.
- ^ a b c Coleman 1981, p. 19.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 32.
- ^ Taylor 2009, p. 67 n.16.
- ^ a b c d e Waugh 1991, p. 139.
- ^ a b Labarge 1980, pp. 183–184.
- ^ Duffy 2014, p. 156.
- ^ a b Labarge 1980, p. 185.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 68.
- ^ a b Kaeuper 2009, p. 234 n.2.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 6.
- ^ a b c Labarge 1980, p. 184.
- ^ Labarge 1980, pp. 185–186.
- ^ a b Batt 2014, p. 39.
- ^ Pantin 1955, p. 49.
- ^ Taylor 1994, p. 104.
- ^ Labarge 1980, p. 189.
- ^ a b Batt 2006, p. 411.
- ^ Badea 2018, p. 9.
- ^ Labarge 1980, pp. 188–189.
- ^ a b Labarge 1980, p. 190.
- ^ a b c Batt 2014, p. 37.
- ^ Yoshikawa 2009, p. 401.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 11.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 50.
- ^ Coleman 1981, p. 20.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 34.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 52.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 59.
- ^ Page 2013, p. 28.
- ^ Barnie 1974, p. 63.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 5.
- ^ Yoshikawa 2009, pp. 400–401.
- ^ Batt 2014, pp. 27–28.
- ^ Fletcher 2015, p. 55.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 61.
- ^ Krochalis & Dean 1973, p. 91.
- ^ Yoshikawa 2009, p. 397 n.1.
- ^ Krochalis & Dean 1973, p. 92.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 7.
- ^ Batt 2014, pp. 56–57.
- ^ a b Batt 2014, p. 57.
- ^ Arnould 1937, pp. 352, 353.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 14.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 16.
- ^ a b Arnould 1940, p. vi.
- ^ a b Rothwell 2004, p. 317.
- ^ Rothwell 2004, p. 317 n.30.
- ^ Rothwell 2004, p. 318.
- ^ Bartlett & Bestul 1999, p. 14.
- ^ Arnould 1937, p. 352.
- ^ Arnould 1992, p. 673.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 26.
- ^ McFarlane 1973, pp. 47, 242.
- ^ Pantin 1955, p. 233.
- ^ Taylor 1994, p. 115.
- ^ Fletcher 2015, p. 54.
- ^ Cooke & Boulton 1999, p. 46.
- ^ Cooke & Boulton 1999, pp. 46–47.
- ^ Batt 2006, pp. 407–408, 411.
- ^ a b Batt 2010, p. 26.
- ^ Batt 2010, p. 28.
- ^ Fletcher 2015, p. 69.
- ^ Batt 2016, p. 59 n.22.
- ^ a b Krochalis & Dean 1973, p. 90.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 58.
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