Lebanese Civil War

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Lebanese Civil War
Part of the Cold War, the Arab Cold War, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the Iran–Israel proxy conflict

Left-to-right from top:
Monument at Martyrs' Square in the city of Beirut; the USS New Jersey firing a salvo off of the Lebanese coast; the ruined American barracks in Beirut shortly after the 1983 bombing; the ruined Holiday Inn Beirut shortly after the Battle of the Hotels; a Palestinian rally for Fatah in Beirut
Date13 April 1975 – 13 October 1990[Note 1]
(15 years and 6 months)
Location
Lebanon
Result
Territorial
changes
  • Syria occupies northern/eastern Lebanon until 30 April 2005
  • Israel occupies southern Lebanon until 25 May 2000
    • Belligerents

    Army of Free Lebanon (until 1977)
    SLA (from 1976)
     Israel (from 1978)
    Tigers Militia (until 1980)

    Lebanon Lebanese National Movement

    (1975–1982)
    Jammoul (1982–1990)

    PLO (1975–83)
    ASALA

    Hezbollah (1985–1990)
     Iran (from 1980, mainly IRGC and Army paramilitary units)

    Islamic Unification Movement (from 1982)

    Syria

    (1976, 1983–1991)
    Marada Brigades
    (left LF in 1978; aligned with Syria)

    Lebanese Armed Forces

    UNIFIL (from 1978)
    Multinational Force in Lebanon (1982–1984)

    Arab Deterrent Force (1976–1982)[1]

    List
    Commanders and leaders

    #
    Antoine Lahad
    Menachem Begin
    Ariel Sharon
    Rafael Eitan
    Avigdor Ben-Gal

     Dany Chamoun †

    Kamal Jumblatt †
    Walid Jumblatt
    Inaam Raad
    Abdallah Saadeh
    Assem Qanso
    George Hawi
    Elias Atallah
    Muhsin Ibrahim
    Ibrahim Kulaylat
    Ali Eid
    Yasser Arafat
    George Habash
    Hagop Hagopian
    Monte Melkonian

    Subhi al-Tufayli
    Abbas al-Musawi

    Said Shaaban    		 Hafez al-Assad
    Mustafa Tlass
    Nabih Berri
    Tony Frangieh †

    Michel Aoun

    Emmanuel Erskine
    William O'Callaghan
    Gustav Hägglund
    Timothy J. Geraghty
    Strength
    25,000 troops (1976)[1] 1,200 troops[1]
    1,000 troops[1]
    1,000 troops[1]
    700 troops[1]
    700 troops[1]
    120,000–150,000 people killed[4]
    Part of a series on the
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    The Lebanese Civil War (

    Arabic: الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية Al-Ḥarb al-Ahliyyah al-Libnāniyyah) was a multifaceted armed conflict that took place from 1975 to 1990. It resulted in an estimated 150,000 fatalities[5] and also led to the exodus of almost one million people from Lebanon.[6]

    The diversity of the Lebanese population played a notable role in the lead-up to and during the conflict: Christians and Sunni Muslims comprised the majority in the coastal cities; Shia Muslims were primarily based throughout all of southern Lebanon and the Beqaa Valley in the east; and Druze and Christians populated the country's mountainous areas. At the time, the Lebanese government was running under the significant influence of elites within the Maronite Christian community.[7][8] The link between politics and religion had been reinforced under the French Mandate from 1920 to 1943, and the country's parliamentary structure favoured a leading position for Lebanese Christians, who constituted the majority of Lebanon's population. However, the country's Muslim minority was still relatively large, and the influx of thousands of Palestinians—first in 1948 and again in 1967—contributed to Lebanon's demographic shift towards an eventual Muslim majority. Lebanon's Christian-dominated government had been facing increasing levels of opposition from Muslims, pan-Arabists, and a number of left-wing groups. To this end, the Cold War exerted a disintegrative effect on the country, closely linked to the political polarization that preceded the 1958 Lebanese crisis. Christians mostly sided with the Western world while Muslims, pan-Arabists, and leftists mostly sided with Soviet-aligned Arab countries.[9]

    Fighting between Lebanese Christian militias and Palestinian insurgents (mainly from the Palestine Liberation Organization) began in 1975 and triggered the establishment of an alliance between the Palestinians and Lebanese Muslims, pan-Arabists, and leftists.[10] However, over the course of the conflict, these alliances shifted rapidly and unpredictably. Furthermore, the internal strife deepened as foreign powers, namely Syria, Israel, and Iran, became involved and supported or fought alongside different factions. Various peacekeeping forces, such as the Multinational Force in Lebanon and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, were also stationed in the country during this time.

    In 1989, the

    Shias and Sunnis, persisted across Lebanon since the formal end of the hostilities in 1990.[13]

    Background

    Ottoman and European rule

    In 1860 a

    Mutasarrifate of Mount Lebanon
    , which had been divided between them in 1842. The war resulted in the massacre of about 10,000 Christians and at least 6,000 Druzes. The 1860 war was considered by the Druze as a military victory and a political defeat.

    Soldiers in Mount Lebanon during the mutasarrif period

    World War I was hard for the Lebanese. Lebanese people as most of the Arabs fought in the Ottoman army against the British and French invaders,[14][15][16][17][18] the people in Lebanon suffered from a famine that would last nearly four years.

    With the

    French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under the League of Nations. The French created the state of Greater Lebanon as a safe haven for the Maronites, but included a large Muslim population within the borders. In 1926, Lebanon was declared a republic, and a constitution was adopted. However, the constitution was suspended in 1932. Various factions sought unity with Syria, or independence from the French.[19]
    In 1934, the country's first (and only to date) census was conducted.

    In 1936, the Maronite Phalange party was founded by Pierre Gemayel.[20]

    Lebanese independence

    Shia
    Muslim.

    The

    civil war in Palestine, the end of Mandatory Palestine, and the Israeli Declaration of Independence on 14 May 1948. With nationhood, the ongoing civil war was transformed into a state conflict between Israel and the Arab states, the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. All this led to Palestinian refugees
    crossing the border into Lebanon. Palestinians would go on to play a very important role in future Lebanese civil conflicts, while the establishment of Israel, radically changed the region around Lebanon.

    U.S. Marine sits in a foxhole outside Beirut during the 1958 Lebanon crisis.

    In July 1958, Lebanon was

    Maronite Christians and Muslims. President Camille Chamoun
    had attempted to break the stranglehold on Lebanese politics exercised by traditional political families in Lebanon. These families maintained their electoral appeal by cultivating strong client–patron relations with their local communities. Although he succeeded in sponsoring alternative political candidates to enter the elections in 1957, causing the traditional families to lose their positions, these families then embarked upon a war with Chamoun, referred to as the War of the Pashas.

    In previous years, tensions with Egypt had escalated in 1956 when the non-aligned President, Camille Chamoun, did not break off diplomatic relations with the Western powers that attacked Egypt during the

    Baghdad Pact. Nasser felt that the pro-western Baghdad Pact posed a threat to Arab nationalism
    . However, president Chamoun looked to regional pacts to ensure protection from foreign armies: Lebanon historically had a small cosmetic army that was never effective in defending Lebanon's territorial integrity, and this is why in later years the PLO guerrilla factions had found it easy to enter Lebanon and set up bases, as well as take over army barracks on the border with Israel as early as 1968. Early skirmishes saw the army not only lose control over its barracks to the PLO but also lost many soldiers. Even prior to this, president Chamoun was aware of the country's vulnerability to outside forces.

    But his Lebanese pan-Arabist Sunni Muslim Prime Minister

    Khalil Wazir, also flew to Lebanon to use the insurrection as a means by which a war could be fomented toward Israel. They participated in the fighting by directing armed forces against the government security in the city of Tripoli according to Yezid Sayigh
    's work.

    In that year, President Chamoun was unable to convince the Maronite army commander,

    Fuad Chehab, to use the armed forces against Muslim demonstrators, fearing that getting involved in internal politics would split his small and weak multi-confessional force. The Phalange militia came to the president's aid instead to bring a final end to the road blockades which were crippling the major cities. Encouraged by its efforts during this conflict, later that year, principally through violence and the success of general strikes in Beirut, the Phalange achieved what journalists[who?] dubbed the "counterrevolution". By their actions the Phalangists brought down the government of Prime Minister Karami and secured for their leader, Pierre Gemayel
    , a position in the four-man cabinet that was subsequently formed.

    However, estimates of the Phalange's membership by Yezid Sayigh and other academic sources put them at a few thousand. Non-academic sources tend to inflate the Phalanges membership. What should be kept in mind was that this insurrection was met with widespread disapproval by many Lebanese who wanted no part in the regional politics and many young men aided the Phalange in their suppression of the insurrection, especially as many of the demonstrators were little more than proxy forces hired by groups such as the ANM and Fatah founders as well as being hired by the defeated parliamentary bosses.

    Demographic tensions

    Further information: Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon

    Palestinian insurgency in Lebanon

    During the 1960s Lebanon was relatively calm, but this would soon change. Fatah and other Palestinian Liberation Organization factions had long been active among the 400,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanese camps. Throughout the 1960s, the center for armed Palestinian activities had been in Jordan, but they were forced to relocate after being evicted by

    Black September in Jordan
    . Fatah and other Palestinian groups had attempted to mount a coup in Jordan by incentivizing a split in the Jordanian army, something that the ANM had attempted to do a decade earlier by Nasser's bidding. Jordan, however, responded and expelled the forces into Lebanon. When they arrived they created "a State within the State". This action was not welcomed by the Lebanese government and this shook Lebanon's fragile sectarian climate.

    Solidarity to the Palestinians was expressed through the Lebanese Sunni Muslims but with the aim to change the political system from one of consensus amongst different sects, towards one where their power share would increase. Certain groups in the Lebanese National Movement wished to bring about a more secular and democratic order, but as this group increasingly included Islamist groups, encouraged to join by the PLO, the more progressive demands of the initial agenda was dropped by January 1976. Islamists did not support a secular order in Lebanon and wished to bring about rule by Muslim clerics. These events, especially the role of Fatah and the Tripoli Islamist movement known as Tawhid, in changing the agenda being pursued by many groups, including Communists. This ragtag coalition has often been referred to as left-wing, but many participants were actually very conservative and had religious elements that did not share any broader ideological agenda; rather, they were brought together by the short-term goal of overthrowing the established political order, each motivated by their own grievances.

    These forces enabled the PLO / Fatah (Fatah constituted 80% of the membership of the PLO and Fatah guerrillas controlled most of its institutions now) to transform the Western Part of Beirut into its stronghold. The PLO had taken over the heart of Sidon and Tyre in the early 1970s, it controlled great swathes of south Lebanon, in which the indigenous Shiite population had to suffer the humiliation of passing through PLO checkpoints and now they had worked their way by force into Beirut. The PLO did this with the assistance of so-called volunteers from Libya and Algeria shipped in through the ports it controlled, as well as a number of Sunni Lebanese groups who had been trained and armed by PLO/ Fatah and encouraged to declare themselves as separate militias. However, as Rex Brynen makes clear in his publication on the PLO, these militias were nothing more than "shop-fronts" or in Arabic "Dakakin" for Fatah, armed gangs with no ideological foundation and no organic reason for their existence save the fact their individual members were put on PLO/ Fatah payroll.

    The strike of fishermen at Sidon in February 1975 could also be considered the first important episode that set off the outbreak of hostilities. That event involved a specific issue: the attempt of former President Camille Chamoun (also head of the Maronite-oriented National Liberal Party) to monopolize fishing along the coast of Lebanon. The injustices perceived by the fishermen evoked sympathy from many Lebanese and reinforced the resentment and antipathy that were widely felt against the state and the economic monopolies. The demonstrations against the fishing company were quickly transformed into a political action supported by the political left and their allies in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The state tried to suppress the demonstrators, and a sniper reportedly killed a popular figure in the city, the former Mayor of Sidon, Maarouf Saad.

    Many non-academic sources claim a government sniper killed Saad; however, there is no evidence to support such a claim, and it appears that whoever had killed him had intended that what began as a small and quiet demonstration to evolve into something more. The sniper targeted Saad right at the end of the demonstration as it was dissipating. Farid Khazen, sourcing the local histories of Sidon academics and eyewitnesses, gives a run-down of the puzzling events of the day that based on their research. Other interesting facts that Khazen reveals, based on the Sidon academic's work including that Saad was not in dispute with the fishing consortium made up of Yugoslav nationals. In fact, the Yugoslavian representatives in Lebanon had negotiated with the fisherman's union to make the fishermen shareholders in the company; the company offered to modernize the fishermen's equipment, buy their catch, and give their union an annual subsidy. Saad, as a union representative (and not the mayor of Sidon at the time as many erroneous sources claim), was offered a place on the company's board too. There has been some speculation that Saad's attempts to narrow the differences between the fishermen and the consortium, and his acceptance of a place on the board made him a target of attack by the conspirator who sought a full conflagration around the small protest. The events in Sidon were not contained for long. The government began to lose control of the situation in 1975.[citation needed]

    Political divide and sectarianism

    See also:
    List of militias in the Lebanese Civil War

    In the run-up to the war and its early stages, militias tried to be politically orientated non-sectarian forces, but due to the sectarian nature of Lebanese society, they inevitably gained their support from the same community as their leaders came from. In the long run almost all militias openly identified with a given community. The two main alliances were the Lebanese Front, consisting of nationalist Maronites who were against Palestinian militancy in Lebanon, and the Lebanese National Movement, which consisted of pro-Palestinian Leftists. The LNM dissolved after the Israeli invasion of 1982 and was replaced by the Lebanese National Resistance Front, known as Jammoul in Arabic.

    Throughout the war most or all militias operated with little regard for human rights, and the sectarian character of some battles, made non-combatant civilians a frequent target.

    Finances

    As the war dragged on, the militias deteriorated ever further into mafia-style organizations with many commanders turning to crime as their main occupation rather than fighting. Finances for the war effort were obtained in one or all of three ways:[citation needed]

    1. Outside support: Notably from Syria or Israel. Other Arab governments and Iran also provided considerable funds. Alliances would shift frequently.
    2. Local population: The militias, and the political parties they served, believed they had legitimate moral authority to raise taxes to defend their communities. Road checkpoints were a particularly common way to raise these (claimed) taxes. Such taxes were in principle viewed as legitimate by much of the population who identified with their community's militia. However, many militia fighters would use taxes/customs as a pretext to extort money. Furthermore, many people did not recognize militia's tax-raising authority, and viewed all militia money-raising activities as mafia-style extortion and theft.
    3. Smuggling: During the civil war, Lebanon turned into one of the world's largest
      Bekaa valley.[citation needed
      ] However, much else was also smuggled, such as guns and supplies, all kinds of stolen goods, and regular trade—war or no war, Lebanon would not give up its role as the middleman in European-Arab business. Many battles were fought over Lebanon's ports, to gain smugglers access to the sea routes.

    Cantons

    The East Beirut canton (Marounistan). One of many unrecognized administrations or "mini-states" during the Lebanese Civil War

    As central government authority disintegrated and rival governments claimed national authority, the various parties/militias started to create comprehensive state administrations in their territory. These were known as

    Zghorta was known as the "Northern Canton".[21][22][23][24]

    Wilton Wynn, a TIME correspondent, visited the East Beirut Christian canton in 1976, the same year as its foundation.[25] He reported that compared to the villages outside of the canton, in Maronite towns and villages no garbage littered the streets, gas was one-fifth the price charged in West Beirut and the price of bread was controlled to levels comparable to pre-war pricing.[26]

    Maronite Christians

    Maronite Christian militias acquired arms from

    Maronite
    -dominated, and other Christian sects played a secondary role.

    Initially, the most powerful of the Maronite militias was the National Liberal Party, locally known as "Ahrar", who were politically led by the former president Camille Chamoun. The NLP had its own militia which was founded in 1968 and led by Camille's son Dany Chamoun, the Tigers Militia. Another party was the

    Franjieh family in Zgharta, which became allied with Syria after breaking with the Lebanese Front
    in 1978.

    In 1980, after months of intra Christian clashes, the Tigers militia of Dany Chamoun split with the Lebanese Forces which was dominated by the Kataeb members. Led by Bachir Gemayel, Kataeb launched a surprise attack on the Tigers in what became known as the Safra massacre, which claimed the lives of up to 83 people, effectively bringing an end to the Tigers as a militia. In 1985, under the leadership of

    Geagea-Hobeika Conflict resulted in 800 to 1000 casualties before Geagea secured himself as LF leader and Hobeika fled. Hobeika formed the Lebanese Forces – Executive Command
    which remained allied with Syria until the end of the war.

    Secularists

    Although several Lebanese militias claimed to be

    Pan-Arab
    right.

    Examples of this were the

    Baalbeck, Hermel and Rashaya
    ).

    Another secular group was the

    Lebanese Army. Their initial goal was to be a bulwark against PLO raids and attacks into the Galilee, although they later focused on fighting Hezbollah. The officers tended to be mostly Christians, while the ordinary soldiers were an amalgam of Christians, Shiites, Druze and Sunnis
    . The SLA continued to operate after the civil war but collapsed after the Israeli army withdrew from South Lebanon in 2000. Many SLA soldiers fled to Israel, while others were captured in Lebanon and prosecuted for collaboration with Israel and treason.

    Two competing

    Shiite
    ).

    The Kurdistan Workers' Party at the time had training camps in Lebanon, where they received support from the Syrians and the PLO. During the Israeli invasion, all PKK units were ordered to fight the Israeli forces. Eleven PKK fighters died in the conflict. Mahsum Korkmaz was the commander of all PKK forces in Lebanon.[29][30][31]

    The Armenian

    Hagop Hagopian. Closely aligned with the Palestinians, ASALA fought many battles on the side of the Lebanese National Movement and the PLO, most prominently against Israeli forces and their right-wing allies during the 1982 phase of the war. Melkonian was field commander during these battles, and assisted the PLO in its defense of West Beirut.[32][33]

    Palestinians

    Palestinian Fatah fighters in Beirut in 1979

    The

    Yassir Arafat, controlled the PLO's largest and most dominant faction, Fatah, effectively making him the strongman of the PLO. Arafat allowed little oversight to be exercised over PLO finances as he was the ultimate source for all decisions made in directing financial matters. Arafat's control of funds, channeled directly to him by the oil producing countries like Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Libya
    meant that he had little real functional opposition to his leadership and although ostensibly rival factions in the PLO existed, this masked a stable loyalty towards Arafat so long as he was able to dispense financial rewards to his followers and members of the PLO guerrilla factions. Unlike the Lebanese, the Palestinians were not sectarian.
    Arab Nationalism
    and fought with their Muslim compatriots against the Maronite Lebanese militias.

    The PLO mainstream was represented by Arafat's powerful Fatah, which waged guerrilla warfare but did not have a strong core ideology, except the claim to seek the liberation of Palestine. As a result, they gained broad appeal with a refugee population of moderately conservative Islamic values. The more ideological factions, however, included George Habash's Marxist-Leninist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), and its splinter, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) of Nayef Hawatmeh. Both Habash and Hawatmeh were Christians.

    Fatah was instrumental in splitting the DF from the PFLP in the early days of the PFLPs formation so as to diminish the appeal and competition the PFLP posed to Fatah. Lesser roles were played by the fractious

    Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command (PFLP-GC). To complicate things, the rival Ba'athist countries of Syria and Iraq both set up Palestinian puppet organizations within the PLO. The as-Sa'iqa was a Syrian-controlled militia, paralleled by the Arab Liberation Front (ALF) under Iraqi command. The Syrian government could also count on the Syrian brigades of the Palestine Liberation Army (PLA), formally but not functionally the PLO's regular army. Some PLA units sent by Egypt
    were under Arafat's command.

    When the war officially started in 1975, Palestinian armed manpower numbered roughly 21,000, divided into:[34]

    Group Armed manpower
    Fatah 7,000
    As-Sa'iqa 4,500
    DFLP
    		 2,500
    Arab Liberation Front 2,500
    Popular Resistance 2,200
    PFLP 2,000
    PFLP–GC 2,000
    Popular Struggle Front 200
    Total 20,900

    Druze

    Flag of the PSP

    The small

    Jumblatt family, first Kamal Jumblatt (the LNM leader) and then his son Walid, the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) (الحزب التقدمي الاشتراكي, al-hizb al-taqadummi al-ishtiraki) served as an effective Druze militia, building excellent ties to the Soviet Union mainly, and with Syria upon the withdrawal of Israel to the south of the country. However, many Druze in Lebanon at the time were also members of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party
    .

    Under the leadership of Jumblatt, the PSP was a major political element in the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) which supported Lebanon's

    Lebanese Forces militia (which absorbed the Kataeb). However, the PSP suffered a major setback after the assassination of Kamal Jumblatt, who was then succeeded by his son Walid
    . From the Israeli withdrawal from the Chouf in 1983 to the end of the civil war, the PSP ran the Civil Administration of the Mountain in the area under its control. Tolls levied at PSP militia checkpoints provided a major source of income for the administration.

    The PSP played an important role in the Mountain War under the lead of Walid Jumblatt. After the Israelis withdrew from Chouf, important battles took place between the PSP backed by PFLP-GC, Fatah al-Intifada and Syrian army, and the Lebanese Forces backed by Lebanese army and the Multinational Force. PSP armed members were accused of several massacres that took place during that war.

    Shia Muslims

    Further information: History of Hezbollah
    Further information: Lebanese Resistance Regiments
    Flag of Amal Movement

    As Lebanon's poorest community, Shiites lacked an initial organization of their own and therefore lent their numbers to a wide variety of parties and organizations. They effectively formed the popular base for Leftist parties.[35][36][37]

    Shiites formed a majority in Communist parties, including the LCP, Communist Action Organization and ASAP.[35] Some Shiites also joined Baathist factions allied with Iraq (Socialist Arab Lebanon Vanguard Party) and Syria (Arab Socialist Baath Party), the Nasserist al-Mourabitoun (45% of membership),[38] and the SSNP.[39][35][40][38] Some Shiites also joined Palestinian factions and constituted sizeable numbers in the Fatah, the PFLP, and Arab Liberation Front.[36][41] Shiite clerics commonly joined the underground secret Islamic Dawa Party, which later partook in the formation of Hezbollah.[42]

    In 1975,

    Musa Sadr publicly announced the establishment of the Movement of the Dispossessed (later known as Amal). Sadr adamantly opposed the in-fighting and criticized the neglect of Shiite areas by the government and traditional Shiite leaderships.[36][43] A Palestinian supporter himself, Sadr criticized both Israeli and PLO actions in the South which had cost the lives of thousands of Shiite civilians.[44]
    Amal quickly attracted the unrepresented Shiites and its armed ranks quickly grew to an estimated 1,500–3,000 or 6,000 according to SAVAK.[41]

    A radical turnover occurred following the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, with the establishment of Hezbollah.[45][46][41][47] Hezbollah's main objective was to end Israeli occupation and western influence in Lebanon, and its Islamic ideology attracted many young Shiites eager to fight the new occupation.[46] By 1984, thousands of Shiites had been enlisted into Hezbollah as well as most of the important Shiite clergy, including Ragheb Harb.[48][36]

    Bekaa its training ground, and the South its operational ground.[46][36] Support for Leftist and Palestinian groups declined, and many Shiites moved their support to their communal parties.[43][48] In 1988, Hezbollah's militia could boast a total of 25,000 fighters.[49] By the 1990s, Hezbollah was the best organized Shia political party, and enjoyed the largest base of popular support.[50]

    Alawites

    The Lebanese

    Arab Democratic Party, which was pro-Syrian due to the Alawites being dominant in Syria, and mainly acted in Northern Lebanon around Tripoli.[51]

    Sunni Muslims

    Some

    Tawhid Movement that took its base in Tripoli, and the Jama'a Islamiyya, which gave a Lebanese expression of the Muslim Brotherhood in terms of political orientations and practice. The main Sunni-led organization was the al-Mourabitoun, a major west Beirut based force. They were led by Ibrahim Kulaylat, fought with the Palestinians against the Israelis during the invasion of 1982. There was also the Popular Nasserist Organization in Sidon that was formed through the followers of Maarouf Saad, and who rallied later behind his son Mustafa Saad, and now are led by Usama Saad. The Sixth of February Movement was another pro-Palestinian Nasserist minor militia that sided with the PLO in the War of the Camps
    in the 1980s.

    Armenians

    The Armenian parties tended to be Christian by religion and left-wing in outlook, and were therefore uneasy committing to either side of the fighting. As a result, the Armenian parties attempted, with some success, to follow a policy of militant neutrality, with their militias fighting only when required to defend the Armenian areas. However, it was not uncommon for individual Armenians to choose to fight in the Lebanese Forces, and a small number chose to fight on the other side for the Lebanese National Movement/Lebanese National Resistance Front.

    The Beirut suburbs of Bourj Hamoud and Naaba were controlled by the Armenian

    Bashir Gemayel
    's control. The Armenian Dashnak militia defeated the Kataeb attacks and retained control. The fighting led to 40 deaths.

    The Armenian Revolutionary Federation in Lebanon refused to take sides in the conflict though its armed wing the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide[52] and the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia did carry out assassinations and operations during the war.[53]

    Chronology of decisive events

    Chronology[54]
    13 April 1975 Battles between the
    Kataeb Christian militia spread to parts of Beirut, especially the downtown area which is totally destroyed leading to the demarcation line
    between the two parts of the city. Many militias are formed on both sides and hundreds of civilians are killed or taken hostage. The government divides and the army is split. The militias usurp many functions of the state.
    January 1976 The Karantina massacre and the Damour massacre
    May 1976
    Elias Sarkis
    is elected president.
    Summer 1976 The Tel al-Zaatar massacre occurs. The Syrian army intervenes for the first time.
    October 1976 An Arab League summit occurs to instill a ceasefire backed by the deployment of peacekeeping troops.
    March–April 1977 Multiple massacres of Christians occur in the Chouf following the assassination of Kamal Jumblatt.[55][56]
    February–March 1978 The Hundred Days' War begins and the ceasefire ends. The United Nations sends troops and foreign powers deploy aid to the two sides of the war.
    February 1979 The
    Iranian revolution occurs helping to radicalize the Shiite movement
    in Lebanon.
    July 1980
    Kataeb militia, unites all the Christian militias by force, putting in place the political party, Lebanese Forces
    .
    Summer, 1982 The
    Amin Gemayel
    is elected president.
    September 14, 1982 Bashir Gemayel was assassinated 22 days after getting elected.
    April 1983
    1983 United States embassy bombing occurs.
    Summer 1983 The Mountain War begins.
    October 1983
    1983 Beirut barracks bombing occurs.
    February 1984 The Lebanese army, who controlled Beirut since the Israeli withdrawal, were accused of partisanship with the Lebanese forces, mass arrests, etc. They were expelled from West Beirut following their defeat in the February 6 Intifada.

    The

    Amal Party and the Druze Progressive Socialist Party
    take control of West Beirut. The multi-nationals withdraw from Lebanon.

    February 1985 The Israelis withdraw from Sidon but remain in the south. Armed resistance to Israeli occupation intensifies. Especially from Hezbollah.

    The War of the Camps arises.

    March 1985 Assassination attempt on Hezbollah leader, Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah.
    June, December 1987 Rashid Karami is assassinated on 1 June 1987. The First Intifada begins and the anger toward Israel in Lebanon increases. There are hundreds of Lebanese and Palestinians imprisoned by Israel.
    September 1988
    General Michel Aoun
    as interim prime minister.
    14 March 1989 General Aoun declares war on the Syrian presence in Lebanon. After seven months of shelling a ceasefire is negotiated by the Arab League.
    October–November 1989 The Taif Agreement occurs. René Moawad is elected president and is assassinated 17 days later. Elias Hrawi is then elected. General Aoun denounces the legitimacy of these presidencies and a new commander of the army is appointed.
    30 January 1990 Heavy fighting begins between the Lebanese army still under General Aoun's control and the Lebanese Forces. As well as fighting between Amal and Hezbollah and continued resistance to Israeli occupation and Israeli reprisal raids.
    13 October 1990 General Aoun is forced out of the presidential palace and goes into exile. The
    Selim Hoss
    assumes command of the country except for the part still occupied by Israel. The armed forces are reunited under a central command.
    24 December 1990 A
    National Reconciliation is formed under the leadership of Omar Karami. The Taif Agreement
    is for the first time being put into practice.
    26 August 1991 Parliament passes the law of General Amnesty.
    Summer 1992 The first parliamentary elections in twenty years take place.

    First phase (1975–1977)

    Sectarian violence and massacres

    Throughout the spring of 1975, minor clashes in Lebanon had been building up towards all-out conflict, with the

    Bus Massacre". The Battle of the Hotels
    began in October 1975, and lasted until March in 1976.

    On 6 December 1975, a day later known as Black Saturday, the killings of four Phalange members led Phalange to quickly and temporarily set up roadblocks throughout Beirut at which identification cards were inspected for religious affiliation. Many Palestinians or Lebanese Muslims passing through the roadblocks were killed immediately. Additionally, Phalange members took hostages and attacked Muslims in East Beirut. Muslim and Palestinian militias retaliated with force, increasing the total death count to between 200 and 600 civilians and militiamen. After this point, all-out fighting began between the militias.

    On 18 January 1976 an estimated 1,000–1,500 people were killed by Maronite forces in the

    Palestine Liberation Organisation
    on the side of the LNM, as Palestinian sentiment was by now completely hostile to the Maronite forces.

    1976 Syrian invasion

    Main article: Syrian intervention in the Lebanese Civil War
    See also: Syrian occupation of Lebanon
    Power balance in Lebanon, 1976:
    Dark Green – controlled by Syria;
    Purple – controlled by Maronite groups;
    Light Green – controlled by Palestinian militias

    On 22 January 1976, Syrian President Hafez al-Assad brokered a truce between the two sides, while covertly beginning to move Syrian troops into Lebanon under the guise of the Palestine Liberation Army in order to bring the PLO back under Syrian influence and prevent the disintegration of Lebanon.[57] Despite this, the violence continued to escalate. In March 1976, Lebanese President Suleiman Frangieh requested that Syria formally intervene. Days later, Assad sent a message to the United States asking them not to interfere if he were to send troops into Lebanon.

    On 8 May 1976, Elias Sarkis, who was supported by Syria, defeated Frangieh in a presidential election held by the Lebanese Parliament. However, Frangieh refused to step down.

    Islamists and anti-Ba'athist Muslim Brotherhood
    .

    Since January, the Tel al-Zaatar refugee camp in East Beirut had been under siege by Maronite Christian militias. On 12 August 1976, supported by Syria, Maronite forces managed to overwhelm the Palestinian and leftist militias defending the camp. The Christian militia massacred 1,000–1,500 civilians,[61] which unleashed heavy criticism against Syria from the Arab world.

    On 19 October 1976, the Battle of Aishiya took place, when a combined force of

    PLO
    and a Communist militia attacked Aishiya, an isolated Maronite village in a mostly Muslim area. The Artillery Corps of the Israel Defense Forces fired 24 shells (66 kilograms of TNT each) from US-made 175-millimeter field artillery units at the attackers, repelling their first attempt. However, the PLO and Communists returned at night, when low visibility made Israeli artillery far less effective. The Maronite population of the village fled. They returned in 1982.

    In October 1976, Syria accepted the proposal of the Arab League summit in Riyadh. This gave Syria a mandate to keep 40,000 troops in Lebanon as the bulk of an Arab Deterrent Force charged with disentangling the combatants and restoring calm. Other Arab nations were also part of the ADF, but they lost interest relatively soon, and Syria was again left in sole control, now with the ADF as a diplomatic shield against international criticism. The Civil War was officially paused at this point, and an uneasy quiet settled over Beirut and most of the rest of Lebanon. In the south, however, the climate began to deteriorate as a consequence of the gradual return of PLO combatants, who had been required to vacate central Lebanon under the terms of the Riyadh Accords.

    During 1975–1977, 60,000 people were killed.[62]

    Uneasy quiet

    The Green Line that separated West and East Beirut, 1982

    The nation was now effectively divided, with southern Lebanon and the western half of Beirut becoming bases for the PLO and Muslim-based militias, and the Christians in control of East Beirut and the Christian section of Mount Lebanon. The main confrontation line in divided Beirut was known as the Green Line.

    In East Beirut, in 1976, Maronite leaders of the

    Bashir Gemayel
    , dominated the LF. In 1977–80, through absorbing or destroying smaller militias, he both consolidated control and strengthened the LF into the dominant Maronite force.

    In March the same year, Lebanese National Movement leader Kamal Jumblatt was assassinated. The murder was widely blamed on the Syrian government. While Jumblatt's role as leader of the Druze Progressive Socialist Party was filled surprisingly smoothly by his son, Walid Jumblatt, the LNM disintegrated after his death. Although the anti-government pact of leftists, Shi'a, Sunni, Palestinians and Druze would stick together for some time more, their wildly divergent interests tore at opposition unity. Sensing the opportunity, Hafez al-Assad immediately began splitting up both the Maronite and Muslim coalitions in a game of divide and conquer.

    Second phase (1977–1982)

    Hundred Days' War

    The Hundred Days' War was a sub-conflict within the Lebanese Civil War, which occurred in the Lebanese capital Beirut between February and April 1978.

    The only political person who remained in East Beirut Achrafiyeh all the 100 days was the president Camille Chamoun, and refused to get out of the area. It was fought between the Maronite, and the Syrian troops of the Arab Deterrent Force (ADF). The Syrian troops shelled the Christian Beirut area of Achrafiyeh for 100 days. The conflict resulted in Syrian Army's expulsion from East Beirut, the end of Arab Deterrent Force's task in Lebanon and revealed the true intentions of the Syrians in Lebanon. The conflict resulted in 160 dead and 400 injured.[citation needed]

    1978 Israeli invasion

    UNIFIL
    base, 1981

    PLO attacks from Lebanon into Israel in 1977 and 1978 escalated tensions between the countries. On 11 March 1978, eleven Fatah fighters landed on a beach in northern Israel and proceeded to hijack two buses full of passengers on the Haifa–Tel-Aviv road, shooting at passing vehicles in what became known as the

    UN Interim Force in Lebanon
    (UNIFIL), charged with attempting to establish peace.

    Israel's "Security Zone" in Lebanon

    The Blue Line demarcation line between Lebanon and Israel, established by the UN after the Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 1978

    Israeli forces withdrew later in 1978, but retained control of the southern region by managing a 12-mile (19 km) wide security zone along the border. These positions were held by the South Lebanon Army (SLA), a Christian-Shi'a militia under the leadership of Major Saad Haddad backed by Israel. The Israeli Prime Minister, Likud's Menachem Begin, compared the plight of the Christian minority in southern Lebanon (then about 5% of the population in SLA territory) to that of European Jews during World War II.[64] The PLO routinely attacked Israel during the period of the cease-fire, with over 270 documented attacks.[citation needed] People in Galilee regularly had to leave their homes during these shellings. Documents captured in PLO headquarters after the invasion showed they had come from Lebanon.[65] Arafat refused to condemn these attacks on the grounds that the cease-fire was only relevant to Lebanon.[66]

    Between June and August 1979 the IDF increased its artillery bombardments and air strikes on targets in Southern Lebanon resulting in the killing of around forty people and a mass exodus of civilians.[67] On 27 June four Syrian planes were shot down over Southern Lebanon. One of them reportedly hit by Palestinian ground fire.[68]

    In April 1980 the presence of UNIFIL soldiers in the buffer zone led to the At Tiri incident.

    Day of the Long Knives

    The

    Tigers Militia, which claimed the lives of 83 people, most of whom were normal citizens and not from the militia.[citation needed
    ]

    Battle of Zahleh

    See also:
    Battle of Zahle

    The first six months of 1981 brought Lebanon some of the worst violence since 1976. In the South, there was an increase in clashes between Haddad's rebel militia and

    Lebanese army soldiers into areas where UNIFIL forces where stationed. The agreement, which was reached in early March, was rejected by Haddad. On 16 March three Nigerian soldiers serving with UNIFIL were killed by artillery fire from Haddad's forces.[69]

    Another factor was political activity in Israel ahead of elections in June which Prime Minister

    PLO positions in the South.[70][71]

    In Beirut sniper fire across the Green Line between East and West Beirut increased, climaxing in April with lengthy artillery exchanges. The main combatants were elements of the Lebanese Army and the Syrian ADF.[72]

    Across the

    Phalangist militia had become dominant and were reinforcing outposts with artillery as well as opening a new road to the coast and their heartland. In early April clashes escalated around the town and the Syrian Army imposed a siege. There were also outbreaks of fighting in neighbouring Baalbek.[73]

    Meanwhile, in the South, on 19 April, Haddad's militia shelled

    PFLP-GC missile site near Damour, South of Beirut. Four Libyan technicians were killed. Two Syrian soldiers were also killed when their truck and a civilian car were destroyed.[77]
    Begin later revealed that the United States was informed in advance of the raid. In early July the Syrians ended the three month long siege of Zahleh. The Phalangists' power in the town had been reduced but their alliance with Israel remained intact.[78] The planned deployment of Government troops into the South was abandoned.

    On 17 July 1981, Israeli aircraft bombed multi-story apartment buildings in Beirut that contained offices of PLO associated groups. The Lebanese delegate to the United Nations Security Council claimed that 300 civilians had been killed and 800 wounded. The bombing led to worldwide condemnation, and a temporary embargo on the export of U.S. aircraft to Israel.[79] In August 1981, defense minister Ariel Sharon began to draw up plans to attack PLO military infrastructure in West Beirut, where PLO headquarters and command bunkers were located.[80]

    Third phase (1982–1984)

    1982 Israeli invasion

    Main article: 1982 Lebanon War
    Power balance in Lebanon, 1983:
    Green – controlled by Syria;
    Purple – controlled Maronite groups,
    Yellow – controlled by Israel,
    Blue – controlled by the United Nations

    Pretext

    On 3 June 1982, the Abu Nidal Organization, a splinter group of Fatah, attempted to assassinate Israeli ambassador Shlomo Argov in London. Israel carried out a retaliatory aerial attack on PLO and PFLP targets in West Beirut that led to over 100 casualties.[81] The PLO responded by launching a counterattack from Lebanon with rockets and artillery, which constituted a clear violation of the ceasefire.

    Meanwhile, on 5 June, the

    UN Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 508 calling for "all the parties to the conflict to cease immediately and simultaneously all military activities within Lebanon and across the Lebanese-Israeli border and no later than 0600 hours local time on Sunday, 6 June 1982".[82]

    Israeli alliance with Christian militias

    Israeli troops in South Lebanon, June 1982

    Israel launched Operation Peace for Galilee on 6 June 1982, attacking PLO bases in Lebanon. Israeli forces quickly drove 25 miles (40 km) into Lebanon, moving into East Beirut with the tacit support of Maronite leaders and militia. When the Israeli cabinet convened to authorize the invasion, Sharon described it as a plan to advance 40 kilometers into Lebanon, demolish PLO strongholds, and establish an expanded security zone that would put northern Israel out of range of PLO rockets. Israeli chief of staff Rafael Eitan and Sharon had already ordered the invading forces to head straight for Beirut, in accord with Sharon's plan from September 1981. The UN Security Council passed a further resolution on 6 June 1982, United Nations Security Council Resolution 509 demanding that Israel withdraw to the internationally recognized boundaries of Lebanon.[83] On 8 June 1982, the United States vetoed a proposed resolution demanding that Israel withdraw.[84]

    Siege of Beirut

    Main article: Siege of Beirut
    An aerial view of the stadium used as an ammunition supply site for the PLO after Israeli airstrikes in 1982

    By 15 June 1982, Israeli units were entrenched outside Beirut. The United States called for PLO withdrawal from Lebanon, and Sharon began to order bombing raids of West Beirut, targeting some 16,000 PLO fedayeen who had retreated into fortified positions. Meanwhile, Arafat attempted through negotiations to salvage politically what was clearly a disaster for the PLO, an attempt which eventually succeeded once the multinational force arrived to evacuate the PLO.

    Ceasefire negotiations by the United Nations

    On 26 June, a UN Security Council resolution was proposed that "demands the immediate withdrawal of the Israeli forces engaged round Beirut, to a distance of 10 kilometers from the periphery of that city, as a first step towards the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon, and the simultaneous withdrawal of the Palestinian armed forces from Beirut, which shall retire to the existing camps;"[85] the United States vetoed the resolution because it was "a transparent attempt to preserve the PLO as a viable political force,"[86] However, President Reagan made an impassioned plea to Prime Minister Begin to end the siege. Begin called back within minutes informing the President that he had given the order to end the attack.[87]

    Finally, amid escalating violence and civilian casualties,

    U.S. Marines
    along with French and Italian units that would ensure the departure of the PLO and protect defenseless civilians.

    International intervention

    Main article: Multinational Force in Lebanon
    US Navy Amphibian arriving in Beirut, 1982

    The first troops of a multinational force landed in Beirut on 21 August 1982 to oversee the PLO withdrawal from Lebanon and U.S. mediation resulted in the evacuation of Syrian troops and PLO fighters from Beirut. The agreement also provided for the deployment of a multinational force composed of

    U.S. Marines along with French, Italian and British units. However, Israel reported that some 2,000 PLO militants were hiding in Palestinian refugee camps
    on the outskirts of Beirut.

    Habib Tanious Shartouni, affiliated to the Syrian Social Nationalist Party
    .

    Sabra and Shatila massacre

    Main article: Sabra and Shatila massacre

    On 16–18 September 1982, Lebanese Phalangists (allied with the Israeli Defense Force) killed between 460 and 3,500 Lebanese and Palestinian Shiite civilians in the Shatila refugee camp and the adjacent Sabra neighborhood of Beirut.[88] The Israelis had ordered their Phalangist allies to clear out PLO fighters. Soldiers loyal to Phalangist leader Elie Hobeika began slaughtering civilians while Israeli forces blocked exits from Sabra and Shatila and illuminated the area with flares. IDF officials not only failed to act to stop the killings, but also prevented the escapees from fleeing the Phalangists and aided them later by lighting the camps during night at their request.[89][90][91][92]

    Ten days later, the Israeli government set up the Kahan Commission to investigate the circumstances of the Sabra and Shatila massacre.[93] In 1983, the commission published its findings that then-Defense Minister Ariel Sharon was personally responsible for the massacre and should resign. Under pressure, Sharon resigned as defense minister but remained in the government as a minister without portfolio.[94]

    May 17 Agreement

    On 17 May 1983, Lebanon's

    an agreement[95] on Israeli withdrawal conditioned on the departure of Syrian troops, reportedly after the US and Israel exerted severe pressure on Gemayel. The agreement stated that "the state of war between Israel and Lebanon has been terminated and no longer exists". Thus, the agreement in effect amounted to a peace agreement with Israel, and was additionally seen by many Lebanese Muslims as an attempt for Israel to gain a permanent hold on the Lebanese South.[96] The 17 May Agreement was widely portrayed in the Arab world as an imposed surrender, and Amine Gemayel was accused of acting as a Quisling
    President; tensions in Lebanon hardened considerably. Syria strongly opposed the agreement and declined to discuss the withdrawal of its troops, effectively stalemating further progress.

    Mountain War

    In August 1983, Israel withdrew from the Chouf District (southeast of Beirut), thus removing the buffer between the Druze and the Maronite militias and triggering another round of brutal fighting, the Mountain War. Israel did not intervene. By September 1983, the Druze had gained control over most of the Chouf, and Israeli forces had pulled out from all but the southern security zone.

    In September 1983, following the Israeli withdrawal and the ensuing battles between the Lebanese Army and opposing factions for control of key terrain during the Mountain War, the Reagan White House approved the use of naval gunfire to subdue Druze and Syrian positions in order to give support to and protect the Lebanese Army, which was under severe duress.[97]

    Iranian involvement and founding of Hezbollah

    In 1982, the Islamic Republic of Iran established a base in the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley in Lebanon. From that base, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) "founded, financed, trained and equipped

    Shi'a groups resisting the Israeli occupation and from the main Shi'a movement, Nabih Berri's Amal Movement. The group found inspiration for its revolutionary Islamism in the Iranian Revolution
    of 1979. With Iranian sponsorship and a large pool of disaffected Shi'a refugees from which to draw support, Hezbollah quickly grew into a strong, armed force.

    Suicide bombings against Americans and Europeans in Lebanon

    1983 Beirut barracks bombing

    On 18 April 1983, a

    suicide bombing attack at the U.S. Embassy
    in West Beirut killed 63, beginning a series of attacks against U.S. and Western interests in Lebanon.

    On 23 October 1983, a devastating Iranian-sponsored suicide bombing

    targeted the barracks of U.S. and French forces in Beirut, killing 241 American and 58 French servicemen.[98][99] On 18 January 1984, American University of Beirut President Malcolm H. Kerr
    was murdered.

    Anti-U.S. attacks continued even after U.S. forces withdrew, including a

    bombing of the U.S. embassy annex
    in East Beirut on 20 September 1984, which killed 24, including 2 U.S. servicemen.

    On 1 July 1985, following the hijacking of a

    Beirut airport, President Reagan issued a ban on all flights to and from Lebanon.[100]
    The travel ban that was only lifted 10 years later in 1997.

    February 6 Intifada

    Main article: February 6 Intifada

    The February 6 uprising in West Beirut or the February 6 Intifada, was a battle where the parties of West Beirut, led by the

    Lebanese Army. The day started with the defection of many Muslim and Druze units to militias, which as a major blow to the government and caused the army to virtually collapse.[101]

    U.S. disengagement from Lebanon

    Following the uprising, the U.S. Marines' position in Lebanon became untenable, and they were looking ready to withdraw. Syria and Muslim groups had gained the upper hand, and stepped up pressure on Gemayel. On 5 March 1984, the Lebanese Government canceled the 17 May Agreement, and the Marines departed a few weeks later.

    Fourth phase (1984–1990)

    War of the Camps

    USS New Jersey fires a salvo against targets in the Shouf, 9 January 1984.

    Between 1985 and 1989, sectarian conflict worsened as various efforts at national reconciliation failed. Heavy fighting took place in the War of the Camps of 1985–86 as a Syrian-backed coalition headed by the Amal militia sought to rout the PLO from their Lebanese strongholds. Many Palestinians died, and Sabra and Shatila and Bourj el-Barajneh refugee camps were largely destroyed.[102]

    On 8 March 1985 a

    car bomb exploded in Bir al-Abid, south Beirut, killing 80 and injuring over 400.[103]

    On 8 August 1985 a summit was held in Damascus with President

    Hafez Assad attempting to end the fighting between Christian and Druze militias. There followed a series of car bombs in Beirut which were seen as intended to thwart any agreement. On 14 August a car exploded in a Christian district control by the Lebanese Forces. On 17 August another exploded beside a supermarket, also in a district under LF control. 55 people were killed. Two days later two car bombs went off in a Druze and a Shi'ite district of Beirut. The following day another car bomb exploded in Tripoli. An unknown group, the "Black Brigades", claimed responsibility.[104] The violence quickly escalated with extensive artillery exchanges. It is estimated that in two weeks 300 people were killed.[105] On 15 September fighting broke out in Tripoli between Alawite and Sunni militias. 200,000 people fled the city. The harbour district was heavily bombarded. The arrival of the Syrian army a week later ended the violence which left 500 killed.[106][107]

    In late December 1985 an agreement was reached between the Syrians and their Lebanese allies to stabilise the situation in Lebanon. It was opposed by President

    Amin Gemayel and the Phalangist Party. On 15 January 1986 the pro-Syrian leader of the Lebanese Forces, Elie Hobeika, was overthrown. Shortly afterwards, 21 January, a car bomb killed 20 people in Furn ash-Shebbak, East Beirut. Over the next 10 days a further 5 smaller explosions occurred close to Phalagist targets.[108]

    In April 1986, following American airstrikes on Libya, three western hostages were executed and a new round of hostage taking started.[109]

    Major combat returned to Beirut in 1987, when Palestinians, leftists, and Druze fighters allied against Amal, eventually drawing further Syrian intervention. On 22 February 1987 eight thousand

    Ayatollah Khomeini issued a fatwa forbidding attacks on Syrian forces.[110]

    War of Brothers

    Violent confrontations flared up again in Shiite areas between Amal and Hezbollah in 1988. In early May, Hezbollah issued a large-scale attack on Amal positions in the southern Beirut suburbs of Dahieh, and by May 11 seized 80% of the suburbs, emerging for the first time as a strong force in the capital.

    On 2 January 1989, clashes erupted in Iqlim al-Tuffah in Southern Lebanon between the two sides without any significant territorial changes. Clashes re-erupted in December 1989 in Iqlim al-Tuffah, in which more than 3,500 Amal and Palestinian fighters clashed with 2,000 Hezbollah fighters in the region.

    Most of the fighting toned down by December 28. Minor skirmishes took place later in 1990, but completely stopped by November 1990.

    Iraqi support for Christian anti-Shia factions

    Meanwhile, Prime Minister

    Lebanese Armed Forces Commanding General Michel Aoun, as acting Prime Minister, contravening the National Pact. Conflict in this period was also exacerbated by increasing Iraqi involvement, as Saddam Hussein searched for proxy battlefields for the Iran–Iraq War. To counter Iran's influence through Amal and Hezbollah, Iraq backed Maronite groups; Saddam Hussein helped Aoun and the Lebanese Forces led by Samir Geagea between 1988 and 1990.[111]

    Muslim groups rejected the violation of the National Pact and pledged support to

    Selim al-Hoss
    , a Sunni who had succeeded Karami. Lebanon was thus divided between a Maronite military government in East Beirut and a civilian government in West Beirut.

    On 8 March 1989 Aoun started the blockade of illegal ports of Muslim militias, and this touched off bloody exchanges of artillery fire that lasted for half a year.

    Selim al-Hoss
    . Militarily, this war did not achieve its goal, and instead caused considerable damage to East Beirut and provoked massive emigration among the Christian population.

    Taif Agreement of 1989

    The Taif Agreement of 1989 marked the beginning of the end of the fighting. In January of that year, a committee appointed by the

    Rene Mouawad
    as president the following day. Military leader Michel Aoun in East Beirut refused to accept Mouawad, and denounced the Taif Agreement.

    Mouawad was assassinated 17 days later in a car bombing in Beirut on 22 November as his motorcade returned from Lebanese independence day ceremonies. He was succeeded by Elias Hrawi (who remained in office until 1998). Aoun again refused to accept the election, and dissolved Parliament.

    Infighting in East Beirut

    Main article:
    October 13 massacre

    On 16 January 1990, General Aoun ordered all Lebanese media to cease using terms like "President" or "Minister" to describe Hrawi and other participants in the Taif government. The Lebanese Forces (LF), led by Samir Geagea, which had grown into a rival power broker in the Christian East Beirut, responded by suspending all its broadcasts. Tension with the LF grew, as Aoun feared that the militia was planning to link up with the Hrawi administration.

    On 31 January 1990, Lebanese Army forces loyal to Aoun attacked the LF positions in East Beirut, after Aoun had stated that it was in the national interest for the government to "unify the weapons" (i.e. that the LF must submit to his authority as acting head of state). The fighting continued until 8 March when Aoun announced a unilateral ceasefire and called for negotiations. During this period East Beirut saw levels of destruction and casualties that it had not experienced during the entire 15 years of civil war. Aoun's forces had made no significant inroads on the areas under Geagea's control.[113]

    In August 1990, the Lebanese Parliament, which did not heed Aoun's order to dissolve, and the new president agreed on constitutional amendments embodying some of the political reforms envisioned at Taif. The National Assembly expanded to 128 seats and was for the first time divided equally between Christians and Muslims.

    As Saddam Hussein focused his attention on Kuwait, Iraqi supplies to Aoun dwindled.

    On 13 October 1990, Syria launched a

    major operation involving its army, air force (for the first time since Zahle's siege in 1981) and Lebanese allies (mainly the Lebanese Army led by General Émile Lahoud
    ) against Aoun's stronghold around the presidential palace, where hundreds of Aoun supporters were killed. It then cleared out the last Aounist pockets, cementing its hold on the capital. Aoun fled to the French Embassy in Beirut, and later into exile in Paris. He was not able to return until May 2005.

    William Harris claims that the Syrian operation could not take place until Syria had reached an agreement with the United States, that in exchange for support against the Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War, it would convince Israel not to attack Syrian aircraft approaching Beirut. Aoun claimed in 1990 that the United States "has sold Lebanon to Syria".[114]

    Lebanon's amnesty law and Hezbollah's hegemony

    In March 1991, parliament passed an

    Lebanese Armed Forces
    began to slowly rebuild themselves as Lebanon's only major non-sectarian institution.

    Some violence still occurred. In late December 1991 a car bomb (estimated to carry 220 pounds of TNT) exploded in the Muslim neighborhood of Basta. At least thirty people were killed, and 120 wounded, including former Prime Minister Shafik Wazzan, who was riding in a bulletproof car.

    Aftermath

    Post-conflict Syrian occupation

    The post-war occupation of the country by Syrian Arab Republic was particularly politically disadvantageous to the Maronite population as most of their leadership was driven into exile, or had been assassinated or jailed.[115]

    In 2005, the assassination of

    Rafik Hariri sparked the Cedar Revolution leading to Syrian military withdrawal from the country. Contemporary political alliances in Lebanon reflect the alliances of the Civil War as well as contemporary geopolitics. The March 14 Alliance brings together Maronite-dominated parties (Lebanese Forces, Kataeb, National Liberal Party, National Bloc, Independence Movement) and Sunni-dominated parties (Future Movement, Islamic Group) whereas the March 8 Alliance is led by the Shia-dominated Hezbollah and Amal parties, as well as assorted Maronite- and Sunni-dominated parties, the SSNP, Ba'athist and Nasserist parties. The Syrian civil war
    is also having a significant impact on contemporary political life.

    Long-term effects

    War-damaged buildings still standing in Beirut, 2006

    Since the end of the war, the Lebanese have conducted several elections, most of the militias have been weakened or disbanded, and the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) have extended central government authority over about two-thirds of the country. Following the cease-fire which ended 12 July 2006 Israeli-Lebanese conflict, the army has for the first time in over three decades moved to occupy and control the southern areas of Lebanon.

    Since 1990, Lebanon has undergone a thorough re-constructive process, in which the Downtown of Beirut was fully restructured according to international standards

    Casualties

    In all, it is estimated that around 150,000 people were killed,[116] and another 100,000 permanently handicapped by injuries. In 1989 AP reported 150,000 dead over fourteen and a half years. Reuters gave a figure of 140,000. These very high figures (200 killed/week for fourteen years) contrast with totals from official figures of 35–40,000 dead.[117]

    Approximately 900,000 people, representing one-fifth of the pre-war population, were displaced from their homes. Perhaps a quarter of a million emigrated permanently.

    Landmines and forced disappearances

    Thousands of land mines remain buried in the previously contested areas. Some Western hostages kidnapped during the mid-1980s were held until June 1992.[citation needed] Lebanese victims of kidnapping and wartime "disappeared" number in the tens of thousands.[118]

    In the 15 years of strife, there were at least 3,641 car bombs, which left 4,386 people dead and thousands more injured.[119]

    "Lebanonization"

    1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon.[120][121][122][123][124][125]

    In popular culture

    See also

    Explanatory notes

    1. ^ Last battle took place from 2–6 July 1991 between the Lebanese government and the Palestine Liberation Organization due to the latter's refusal to accept the Taif Agreement.

    References

    1. ^ a b c d e f g Mays, Terry M. Historical Dictionary of Multinational Peacekeeping. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 1996, pp. 9–10
    2. ^ "The Taif Agreement" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 April 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2017.
    3. ^ Ranstorp, Magnus, Hizb'allah in Lebanon: The Politics of the Western Hostage Crisis, New York, St. Martins Press, 1997, p. 105
    4. ^ World Political Almanac, 3rd ed., Chris Cook.
    5. ^ UN Human Rights Council. 23 November 2006. "IMPLEMENTATION OF GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 60/251 OF 15 MARCH 2006 ENTITLED HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL." p.18.
    6. Kenneth Michael Pollack
      . Things Fall Apart: Containing the Spillover from an Iraqi Civil War. p. 139
    7. ^ Inhorn, Marcia C., and Soraya Tremayne. 2012. Islam and Assisted Reproductive Technologies. p. 238.
    8. ^ "Who are the Maronites?". BBC News – Middle East. 6 August 2007.
    9. ^ "Beware of Small States: Lebanon, Battleground of the Middle East." p. 62
    10. ^ Halliday, 2005: 117
    11. ^ "Ex-militia fighters in post-war Lebanon" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 September 2015. Retrieved 23 September 2013.
    12. ^ "Lebanon's History: Civil War". ghazi.de.
    13. ISBN 978-1590338711
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    14. ISBN 978-1-64469-090-1
      .
    15. ^ Provence, Michael. "Arab Officers in the Ottoman Army". 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
    16. S2CID 144274670
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    19. ^ "National Council of Arab Americans (NCA)" (PDF). Archived from the original on 19 March 2009. Retrieved 26 February 2009.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
    20. ^ "History of the Kataeb Party". Kataeb Party (in Arabic). Retrieved 9 May 2022.
    21. ISBN 978-0786744411
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    22. ^ "A Setback for Syria in Lebanon". Los Angeles Times. 2 February 1986. Retrieved 19 June 2022.
    23. JSTOR 4283575
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    24. ^ "Lebanon: Carving Out a Christian Canton". Time. 11 May 2022. Archived from the original on 11 May 2022. Retrieved 19 June 2022.
    25. ISSN 0040-781X
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    26. ISSN 0040-781X
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    27. ^ Bregman and El-Tahri, 1998, p. 158. (This reference only mentions Israel.)
    28. ISBN 978-0394723594
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    29. ^ "In the Spotlight: PKK (a.k.a KADEK) Kurdish Worker's Party". Cdi.org. Archived from the original on 13 August 2011. Retrieved 23 February 2012.
    30. ^ "Abdullah Öcalan en de ontwikkeling van de PKK". Xs4all.nl. Archived from the original on 15 December 2010. Retrieved 23 February 2012.
    31. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 14 March 2012. Retrieved 29 February 2012.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
    32. ^ "Lebanon – Armenian Parties". Countrystudies.us. Retrieved 23 February 2012.
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    36. ^
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    38. ^
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