Leo von Caprivi
Leo von Caprivi | |
---|---|
Preceded by | Otto von Bismarck |
Succeeded by | Chlodwig von Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst |
Minister President of Prussia | |
In office 20 March 1890 – 22 March 1892 | |
Monarch | Wilhelm II |
Preceded by | Otto von Bismarck |
Succeeded by | Botho zu Eulenburg |
Chief of the Imperial Admiralty | |
In office 20 March 1883 – 5 July 1888 | |
Chancellor | Otto von Bismarck |
Preceded by | Albrecht von Stosch |
Succeeded by | Alexander von Monts |
Personal details | |
Born | Georg Leo von Caprivi 24 February 1831 Independent |
Awards | Pour le Mérite |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance | Prussia German Confederation North German Confederation German Empire |
Branch/service | Prussian Army |
Years of service | 1849–1888 |
Rank | General der Infanterie Vize Admiral |
Battles/wars | Second Schleswig War Austro-Prussian War |
Georg Leo Graf von Caprivi de Caprara de Montecuccoli (
Early life
Leo von Caprivi was born in
Caprivi's origins differentiated him from the majority of the Prussian upper class, since he was not a large landowner. Accordingly, he later described himself as "without
Military career
Rise
Caprivi was educated at the
Caprivi had gained a reputation as one of the most gifted students of Helmuth von Moltke and was confirmed in his post as chief of the general staff of the X Army Corps with the rank of lieutenant colonel during the Franco-Prussian War. This appointment brought the comparatively young Caprivi to public attention. During the war, he distinguished himself at the Battle of Mars-la-Tour, the Siege of Metz and the Battle of Beaune-la-Rolande, receiving the military order Pour le Mérite.[7]
After the war Caprivi first served as a department head in the
In 1883, he succeeded
Caprivi showed significant administrative talent,
Chancellor of Germany
Office | Incumbent | In office | Party |
---|---|---|---|
Chancellor | Leo von Caprivi | 20 March 1890 – 26 October 1894 | None |
Vice-Chancellor of Germany Secretary for the Interior |
Karl von Boetticher | 20 March 1890 – 26 October 1894 | None |
Secretary for the Foreign Affairs | Herbert von Bismarck | 20 March 1890 – 26 March 1890 | None |
Adolf von Bieberstein | 26 March 1890 – 26 October 1894 | None | |
Secretary for the Treasury | Helmuth von Maltzahn | 20 March 1890 – 26 October 1894 | None |
Secretary for the Justice | Otto von Oehlschläger | 20 March 1890 – 2 February 1891 | None |
Robert Bosse | 2 February 1891 – 2 March 1892 | None | |
Eduard Hanauer | 2 March 1892 – 10 July 1893 | None | |
Rudolf Arnold Nieberding | 10 July 1893 – 26 October 1894 | None | |
Secretary for the Navy | Karl Eduard Heusner | 26 March 1890 – 22 April 1890 | None |
Friedrich von Hollmann | 22 April 1890 – 26 October 1894 | None | |
Secretary for the Post | Heinrich von Stephan | 20 March 1890 – 26 October 1894 | None |
In February 1890, Caprivi was summoned to Berlin by Emperor Wilhelm II and informed that he was Wilhelm's intended candidate to replace Bismarck as Chancellor, if the latter resisted Wilhelm's proposed changes to the government. Upon Bismarck's dismissal on 18 March, Caprivi became chancellor of Germany and Minister President of Prussia. Though his exact motives are unknown, Wilhelm appears to have viewed Caprivi as a moderate who would make a sufficiently strong replacement for Bismarck, should the former chancellor make trouble in retirement, yet lacked the ambition to seriously oppose the throne.[12][13] For his part, Caprivi was unenthusiastic, yet felt duty-bound to obey the Emperor. He said to one gathering, "I know that I shall be covered in mud, that I shall fall ingloriously".[12] After his appointment, Caprivi wrote in the Berliner Tageblatt that the main task of Bismarck's successor would be "to lead the nation back after the preceding epoch of great men and deeds to an everyday existence."[14]
Caprivi's administration was marked by moves towards conciliation of the Social Democrats on the domestic front, and towards a pro-British foreign policy. This approach is known to historians as the "Neuer Kurs " ("New Course"), a term coined by Wilhelm II in 1890.[15][16]
The American historian Robert K. Massie characterises Caprivi at the time of his appointment as follows:
"Caprivi, fifty-nine, was the model Prussian officer. He lived a Spartan life, had never married, did not smoke, and had few inimate friends and few enimies. He read history and spoke fluent English. His movements were quiet, his manner open and friendly, his language sensible. With a large round head, fringe of white hair, and sweeping mustache, he was, The Times told its readers, "a typical Teuton of the hugest and most impressive type. He might very well pass for a brother, or even a double of Prince Bismarck himself."
Caprivi promised at the beginning of his tenure "To adopt what is good, wherever and whomever it comes from, if it is compatible with the national interest."
In order to carry out his political agenda, Caprivi, like Bismarck before him, required the approval of the Reichstag. A new factor, however, was that the Emperor now wished to exercise direct political influence. His changing positions and apparently absolutist desires became a decisive political factor from the time of Caprivi's appointment onwards. Opposition from Bismarck also remained a significant factor. A further problem for Caprivi was the relationship between the German Empire and Prussia. Unlike Bismarck, Caprivi's leadership style within the Prussian State Ministry was markedly collegial. This change was made clear even in his appointment speech in the Prussian House of Representatives.[20] Unlike Bismarck, he never demanded to be present with the emperor when one of his ministers was exercising his rights of immediate authority. However, this made it more difficult for him to get political policies implemented and allowed the Prussian finance minister Miquel to gain influence well beyond his area of authority.[21]
Foreign Policy
Ending the Reinsurance Treaty
Only a week into office, Caprivi was forced to choose whether to renew the
The decision led to the Reinsurance Treaty becoming public knowledge for the first time and prompted sharp criticism from supporters of Bismarck. In the press, Caprivi was subsequently attacked as a dilettante in foreign policy. Several historians have argued that this decision caused the encirclement of Germany which finally led to it fighting on two fronts in the
In place of the Reinsurance Treaty, Caprivi pursued the Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and Italy. He then sought to expand this through good relations with Britain.
Colonial policy
Success in Caprivi's pro-British policy was exemplified by the
In general, Caprivi did not believe that Germany should compete with other powers for overseas colonies but rather should focus on its position within Europe, since he did not think that Germany would be able to defend an extensive colonial empire against the British in the event of a war. As a result, he did not support expansion of the
Trade policy
Caprivi pursued an aggressive trade policy, saying "either we export goods or we export men." In his view, German
In sum, Caprivi's approach marked the end of the protectionist Schutzzollpolitik of the later part of Bismarck's chancellorship, but it was far from being a policy of free trade. Caprivi's policy enjoyed the support of a majority in the Reichstag and Wilhelm II cited his economic policies as grounds for his decision to promote Caprivi to the status of Count.[32] This general support subsided quickly after Caprivi ended the trade war with Russia in 1894. This not only allowed the export of German industrial products but also a limited increase in agricultural imports to Germany. The damaged relationship with Russia was clearly improved, but internally it brought fierce opposition from agriculturalists.[33]
Opponents were angry at the downplaying of German agriculture in favor of urban workers. Led by East Elbian Junkers, a coalition emerged that included peasant farmers, artisans, and conservative intellectuals hostile to the emerging industrial society. They demanded the Kaiser remove Caprivi.[34][35] The Agrarian League was launched in 1893 to protest the reduction in tariffs against imported grains. The league was organized nationally like a political party, with local chapters, centralized discipline, and a clear-cut platform. It fought against free trade, industrialization, and liberalism. Its most hated enemy was socialism, which it blamed on Jewish financial capitalism. The League helped establish grassroots anti-Semitism of the sort that flourished into the 1930s.[36]
Domestic policy
Policy of compromise
Caprivi saw the state as a monarchical-social authority, based on Christian traditions. He sought to include all political parties through a balance of opposing domestic viewpoints.[37] This was welcomed in the Reichstag and in public discourse. Caprivi saw himself as a kind of mediator between the crown and the Reichstag. However, he could not rely on the support of a strong party in the Reichstag and had to cobble together regularly shifting majorities. Nonetheless, the policy of compromise (Politik des Ausgleichs) initially had a real chance of success.
He attempted not only to win the support of civic liberals and conservative forces, but also to forge a working arrangement with representatives of the
More consequential were his overtures to the Centre Party and the Social Democrats. By reimbursing the Catholic Church for state money that had been frozen during the Kulturkampf, Caprivi sought to win over the Catholic camp represented by the Centre Party. He conciliated the SDB by abandoning any attempt to renew the Anti-Socialist Laws and announcing reforms to the Prussian three-class franchise. However, this policy had clear limits: the executive, police, and judiciary continued to oppose the social democrats even without a special law.[40][41] The attempt to modify the Prussian three-class franchise was rebuffed by the traditional elites, who forced the resignation of the interior minister Ernst Ludwig Herrfurth and his replacement with the conservative Botho zu Eulenburg.[42]
Social policy and tax reform
The social question meant that a progressive social policy was a central aspect of the reforms. Initially, these reforms were fully supported by Wilhelm II, in line with his idea of a "social empire." Caprivi attempted to use socio-political measures to neutralise the "revolutionary threat" supposedly posed by social democracy. In addition to the initial express support of Wilhelm II, the reforms were especially pushed by the Prussian minister of trade, Hans Hermann von Berlepsch . The employment of children under the age of 13, who had not yet completed their compulsory schooling, in factories was forbidden and 13- to 18-year-olds restricted to a maximum 10-hour day. In 1891 Sunday working was forbidden and a guaranteed minimum wage introduced, and working hours for women were reduced to a maximum of 11.[43] In addition, labour regulations were passed and industrial tribunals were established in 1890 to arbitrate in industrial disputes. Caprivi explicitly invited social-democratic representatives of trade unions to sit on these tribunals. An amendment of the Prussian mining law was proposed and support was offered for workers' housing. However, this policy had already come to a standstill in the later part of Caprivi's chancellorship.
The "Miquelsche tax reform", named for
Opposition to Caprivi
Due to his "Policy of Compromise" and especially his foreign and trade policies, opposition to Caprivi became widespread. It was particularly strong on the right, but eventually the army and Wilhelm II became opponents as well.
Right-wing opposition
An important role in the development of right-wing opposition was played by Otto von Bismarck, who took advantage of positive statements about Caprivi from his "support parties", in order to publicly campaign against the "leftist policy" of his successor. Bismarck's position was strengthened by Caprivi's clumsiness, when he blocked a planned meeting between Bismarck and
After the conclusion of the Zanzibar treaty with Britain, supporters of colonialism attacked Caprivi for selling off German interests. Even Bismarck, whose attitudes towards overseas expansion were lukewarm, participated in the attacks, with sharp criticism.
We must scream until it is heard at the steps of the throne!... I suggest nothing more or less than that we join with the social democrats and earnestly form a front against the government, show it that we are not minded to allow ourselves to be so badly treated, as we have been up till now, and make our strength known to them.
This proclamation in 1893 led to the establishment of the German Agrarian League.[46]
On 20 December 1893, the conservative
Education bill and resignation in Prussia
Caprivi was also attacked by the National Liberals, Progressives, Free-minded liberals, and Free Conservatives whom he had tried to bring into his tent. The reason for this was an educational bill providing denominational board schools, a failed attempt to re-integrate the Catholic Centre Party into the conservative establishment after the Kulturkampf. Caprivi, although himself a Protestant, needed the 100 votes of the Catholic Centre Party but that alarmed the Protestant politicians.[49] The publication of the draft law prompted an unexpectedly strong storm of indignation from civic liberals and moderate conservatives. Wilhelm II withdrew his support from the law. After the culture minister, Robert von Zedlitz-Trützschler resigned in 1892, Caprivi offered his own resignation as well. As a result, Caprivi lost his position as Prussian Minister President and was replaced by Count Botho zu Eulenburg, leading to an untenable division of powers between the Chancellor and the Prussian premier. Caprivi had lost the Emperor's trust, even as the conflict between Caprivi and Eulenburg increased the Emperor's ability to exercise personal authority.[50]
Clash over the Military bill
Simultaneously, a conflict arose over a new military bill. This consisted of an increase in the strength of the Imperial German Army and a decrease in military service from three years to two. The shortening of military service provoked considerable criticism from traditional military men in the Emperor's circle. Wilhelm himself harshly criticised the reduction of military service, since his grandfather Wilhelm I had instituted the three-year military service through considerable personal effort with the support of Bismarck in the 1860s.[51] Some modernisers welcomed the measures, because they raised the number of reservists, but overall Caprivi lost support in military circles. Wilhelm II initially opposed the bill, but eventually allowed himself to be persuaded by the chancellor. Caprivi was unable to get the bill through the Reichstag, so he had it dissolved and called an early election in 1893. The newly elected Reichstag approved a plan which accorded with Caprivi's intentions.[52] The left-liberals splintered on the military question. Eugen Richter and his Free-minded People's Party rejected the plan completely, but the Free-minded Union sought a compromise with Caprivi.[53] The Centre Party was initially prepared to support Caprivi, but withdrew from him after the failure of the school reforms and as the criticism of the military plan increased.[54]
Fall
By 1893, Gaprivi's position had been weakened by several factors. Caprivi clashed with Wilhelm increasingly during his term as Chancellor, offering his resignation nearly a dozen times in four years. The Kaiser privately called him "a sensitive old fathead".[55] In the Reichstag, there was no stable majority. Prussia had become an independent centre of power. The anger of the Conservatives intensified, accompanied by constant public attacks by retired Bismarck.
The actual end of Caprivi's chancellorship was triggered by his approach to the social democrats. The emperor had moved away from his initial social policy, under the influence of
Caprivi destroyed his papers on the evening of his resignation and departed for Montreux the next day. He made no public appearances for months and, throughout his retirement, he refused to speak or write publicly about his experiences as Chancellor or share his opinions on current events.[58] He lived with his nephew at Skyren (today known as Skórzyn, Poland) and died there in 1899.[56][59]
Contemporary evaluations and historiography
Caprivi's contemporaries differed in their evaluations of him. The social democrat historian Franz Mehring wrote a retrospective in Die Neue Zeit, in which he said that Caprivi had "the most earnest wish to eliminate the dirty corruption, which had pervaded the German sphere under Bismarck... so long as society remains the same, it will not deliver an Imperial Chancellor better than Caprivi was."[37] Karl Bachem, the Centre Party's expert on history, also evaluated Caprivi positively.[60] Unlike his successors, Caprivi had a positive reputation in Britain.
Otto von Bismarck had initially praised Caprivi, saying that he "has a clear head, a good heart, a magnanimous nature, and a great capacity for work. All in all, a man of the first rank."[60] But the old chancellor soon became one of Caprivi's fiercest critics. His portrayal of Caprivi as a "political midget" had an enduring impact on his reputation. Additionally, Caprivi's rival characterised him mockingly as a "mixture of a junior officer and an audit committee."[61]
Bismarck's judgement was closely linked to negative judgements on his decision not to extend the Reinsurance Treaty with Russia. This decision appeared to have been a catastrophic reversal of the principles of Bismarck's policy. For a long time, historians characterised Caprivi as a hard-working and honourable, but limited general, who was not capable of continuing Bismarck's genius. In the 1920s, General von Schweidnitz, who had been ambassador to Russia under Caprivi, made a statement which has been frequently cited as evidence of Caprivi's incompetence in foreign affairs:
Humble, honourable, and earnest, he explained to me that the greatest difficulty, which he now faced, was the question of the renewal of the Russian treaty, since, unlike Prince Bismarck, whom Wilhelm I famously compared to a juggler juggling five glass balls, he could only hold two glass balls at a time.
This image has been nuanced in recent years. Current scholarship no longer considers the decision not to extend the Reinsurance Treaty to have been a catastrophe and the treaty itself is seen as a stopgap rather than a stroke of diplomatic genius.[63]
An alternative evaluation of Caprivi developed gradually. In 1957, Heinrich Otto Meisner characterised him as a capable orator but a poor persuader. In his view, he was not a political general and as a "chancellor in uniform" was a politician of limited ability, a conscientious character who sought to persuade and be persuaded, and managed only through great toil and study to match what came naturally to others.[64] In the late 1950s, Golo Mann painted a picture of Caprivi that was almost diametrically opposed to the negative evaluations of the first half of the twentieth century, characterising him as single-minded, unbiased, and incorruptible: "among the series of German chancellors between 1890 and 1918, he was the best." According to Mann, Caprivi sought only to do what was right, but was politically inexperienced and naively expected to receive support from "good men," failing to realise that in politics few people are "good," nor can be good.[65] Current research is more sober, but acknowledges that Caprivi had some important achievements. In 2006, Klaus Rüdiger Metze considered that Caprivi had understood that Germany was transforming from an agrarian economy to an industrial one and had helped this process through his social and trade policies. In Metze's view, Caprivi was capable of compromise and self-criticism, as well as tenacious pursuit of his goals. Metze attributes the failure of his policy of liberal-conservative reform to his inability to negotiate effectively with his internal political opponents.[66]
Heinrich August Winkler concludes that Caprivi and his allies in the Imperial service were motivated by an honest desire for reform, but that Caprivi undermined these efforts as a result of "major mistakes" like the school reform law and the military plan.[67] Thomas Nipperdey argued that Caprivi's New Course was a promising and optimistic attempt at a systematic and open re-orientation of Imperial politics and that it failed as a result of the particular party system at the time, the opposition of special interest groups, the tension between Prussia and the rest of the Empire, and the supercilious attitude of feudal agrarian conservativism and the semi-absolute military monarchy towards Caprivi's rational-bureaucratic brand of conservativism. Nipperdey also concludes that he failed to manage the Emperor's volatility and desire to participate directly in government.[68] Hans-Ulrich Wehler judged that Caprivi's New Course represented a sharp break with Bismarck's policy, but that the problems he faced were not resolvable without firm political support.[69]
Honours
He received the following orders and decorations:[70]
- Prussia:
- Knight of the Crown Order, 3rd Class with Swords, 1866; 1st Class with Swords on Ring, 22 March 1884[71]
- War Commemorative Cross (1866)[72]
- Service Award Cross
- Iron Cross (1870), 1st Class
- Pour le Mérite (military), 18 January 1871[73]
- Knight of the Red Eagle, 2nd Class with Oak Leaves, 1879; with Star, 18 January 1884;[71] Grand Cross with Crown, 12 June 1892[74]
- Commander's Cross of the Royal House Order of Hohenzollern, 12 January 1878;[71] Grand Commander's Cross, 16 March 1894[74]
- Knight of the Black Eagle, 17 June 1890; with Collar, 17 January 1891;[74] in Brilliants
- Anhalt: Grand Cross of the Order of Albert the Bear, 1893[75]
- Austria-Hungary:[76]
- Knight of the Iron Crown, 2nd Class, 1872
- Grand Cross of the Royal Hungarian Order of St. Stephen, 1890
- Baden: Knight of the House Order of Fidelity, 1890[77]
- Bavaria:
- Knight of St. Hubert
- Grand Cross of the Military Merit Order
- Belgium: Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold
- Brunswick: Grand Cross of the Order of Henry the Lion, with Swords, 1889[78]
- China: Order of the Double Dragon, Class I Grade III
- Ernestine duchies: Grand Cross of the Saxe-Ernestine House Order
- Hesse-Darmstadt: Grand Cross of the Ludwig Order, 7 October 1890[79]
- Japan: Grand Cordon of the Rising Sun
- Italy: Knight of the Annunciation, 10 November 1890[80]
- Mecklenburg: Grand Cross of the Wendish Crown
- Netherlands: Grand Cross of the Netherlands Lion
- Oldenburg: Grand Cross of the Order of Duke Peter Friedrich Ludwig, with Golden Crown and Swords on Ring
- Ottoman Empire:
- Order of Osmanieh, 1st Class in Brilliants
- Order of the Medjidie, 1st Class
- Reuss-Gera: Cross of Honour, 1st Class with Swords
- Romania: Grand Cross of the Star of Romania
- Russia:
- Knight of St. Andrew, in Brilliants, 1894
- Knight of St. Anna, 2nd Class with Swords
- Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach: Grand Cross of the White Falcon, 1891[81]
- Saxony:
- Commander of the Albert Order, 2nd Class, 1875[82]
- Knight of the Rue Crown
- Schaumburg-Lippe: Cross of Honour of the House Order of Schaumburg-Lippe, 1st Class
- Württemberg:[83]
- Commander of the Friedrich Order, 1st Class, 1875
- Grand Cross of the Württemberg Crown, 1890
See also
Notes and references
- ^ a b c d Rines, George Edwin, ed. (1920). Encyclopedia Americana. .
- ^ John C. G. Röhl (1967). Germany Without Bismarck: The Crisis of Government in the Second Reich, 1890–1900. University of California Press. pp. 77–90.
- ^ J. Alden Nichols, Germany after Bismarck, the Caprivi era, 1890-1894 (1958) online pp 367–377.
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 699.
- ^ Massie, p. 110; Meisner, p. 134.
- ^ Headlam 1911, p. 291.
- ^ Metze, S. 42.
- ^ Massie, p. 110.
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 243.
- ^ Massie, p. 110
- ^ Metze, pp. 42 f.
- ^ a b Massie, p. 111.
- ^ Röhl, John C. G. Germany Without Bismarck: The Crisis of Government in the Second Reich, 1890–1900. Univ. of California Press, 1974. p. 57.
- ^ Erich Ekkehard (ed.): Sigilla veri. 2nd edition (Philipp Stauff's Semi-Kürschner), Vol. 1, Bodung-Verlag, Berlin 1929, p. 949.
- ISBN 9780521299664. Retrieved 27 February 2015.
- ^ Wehler, Gesellschaftsgeschichte Vol. 3, p. 1005.
- ISBN 978-1-78185-668-0.
- ^ quoted in Metze, p. 43.
- ^ Thomas Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 700; Spenkuch, Einleitung in Acta Borussica, vol. 8/I, p. 5.
- ^ Neueste Mittheilungen of 18 April 1890
- ^ Thomas Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 114, 485, 700.
- ^ Massie, p. 113.
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 212
- ^ Massie, p. 114.
- ^ Massie, p. 115.
- ^ Metze, pp. 44f.; Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 621 f.
- ^ Raymond James Sontag, Germany and England: Background of Conflict, 1848–1894 (1938) ch 9
- ^ Massie, p. 137.
- ^ Metze, pp. 44f; Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 623 f.
- ^ Metze, pp. 45 f.
- ^ Volker Ullrich: Die nervöse Großmacht. Aufstieg und Untergang des deutschen Kaiserreichs 1871–1918. Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1999, ISBN 3-596-11694-5, S. 186.
- ^ A. Freiherr von Houwald: Brandenburg-Preußische Standeserhebungen und Gnadenakte für die Zeit 1873-1918. Görlitz 1939, p. 81.
- ^ Metze, pp. 46 f., Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 701 f., Winkler, Weg nach Westen, pp. 267.
- ^ Andrew R. Carlson, German Foreign Policy, 1890-1914, and Colonial Policy to 1914: A Handbook and Annotated Bibliography (Scarecrow Press, 1970) p. 101.
- ^ Herman Lebovics, "'Agrarians' Versus 'Industrializers': Social Conservative Resistance to Industrialism and Capitalism in Late Nineteenth Century Germany." International Review of Social History 12.1 (1967): 31-65.
- ^ James C. Hunt, "The 'Egalitarianism' of the Right: The Agrarian League in Southwest Germany, 1893-1914." Journal of Contemporary History 10.3 (1975): 513-530 online.
- ^ a b Metze, p. 50
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 272 f., p. 704, Spenkuch, Einleitung in Acta Borussica. vol. 8/I, p. 5
- ^ cf. Entry on Caprivi on deutsche-und-polen.de
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 700 f., Metze, pp. 49 f.
- ^ Caprivi in summer 1890 on combatting social democracy
- ^ a b Metze, pp. 49 f., cf. Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 700 f., p. 704, Spenkuch, Einleitung in Acta Borussica. Band 8/I, S. 4.
- ^ Rolf Weitowitz: Deutsche Politik und Handelspolitik unter Reichskanzler Leo von Caprivi 1890–1894. Droste, Düsseldorf 1978, ISBN 3-7700-0484-1, pp. 9–15.
- ^ Metze, p. 51, Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 700.
- ^ Metze, p. 46, Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 603
- ^ Metze, pp. 48 f.
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 703.
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 326.
- ^ John C. G. Röhl (1967). Germany Without Bismarck: The Crisis of Government in the Second Reich, 1890–1900. pp. 77–90.
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 705, on the content of the educational bill, cf. Thomas Nipperdey: Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918. Arbeitswelt und Bürgergeist. München 1990, ISBN 3-406-34453-4, pp. 535 f.
- ISBN 978-3-608-98318-0.
- ^ Neueste Mittheilungen of 18 July 1893
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 533.
- ^ Metze, pp. 51 f., Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 209, 544.
- ^ Massie, pp. 116–117.
- ^ a b "Leo, count von Caprivi." Encyclopædia Britannica. 17 February 2018.
- ^ Nipperdey, Machtstaat, pp. 707f., R. Geis: Der Sturz des Reichskanzlers Caprivi, 1930 (= Historische Studien, Band 192), Metze, p. 52.
- ^ Massie, p. 117.
- ^ Robert K. Massie, Die Schalen des Zorns. Großbritannien, Deutschland und das Heraufziehen des ersten Weltkriegs. Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-596-13497-8, p. 147.
- ^ a b Spenkuch: Einleitung in Acta Borussica. Vol. 8/I, p. 27.
- ^ cited in Spenkuch: Einleitung in Acta Borussica. Vol. 8/I, p. 27.
- ^ cited in Ewald Frie: Das Deutsche Kaiserreich (= Kontroversen um die Geschichte). Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 2004, ISBN 3-534-14725-1, p. 57.
- ^ Full discussion in Frie, Deutsches Kaiserreich. pp. 57–67.
- ^ Meisner, p. 135.
- ^ Golo Mann, Deutsche Geschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt am Main 1992 (originally Frankfurt 1958), pp. 502 f.
- ^ Metze, p. 53.
- ^ Winkler: Weg nach Westen. p. 268.
- ^ Nipperdey: Machtstaat. pp. 708 f.
- ^ Wehler: Gesellschaftsgeschichte. vol. 3, p. 1005.
- ^ Handbuch über den Königlich Preussischen Hof und Staat. 1899. p. 54.
- ^ a b c "Königlich Preussische Ordensliste", Preussische Ordens-Liste (in German), 1, Berlin: 14, 60, 560, 939, 1886 – via hathitrust.org
- ^ "Georg Leo Graf von Caprivi de Caprara de Montecucculi". the Prussian Machine. Retrieved 1 March 2021.
- ^ Lehmann, Gustaf (1913). Die Ritter des Ordens pour le mérite 1812–1913 [The Knights of the Order of the Pour le Mérite] (in German). Vol. 2. Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler & Sohn. p. 511.
- ^ a b c "Königlich Preussische Ordensliste (supp.)", Preussische Ordens-Liste (in German), 1, Berlin: 5, 7, 129, 1886 – via hathitrust.org
- ^ Hof- und Staats-Handbuch des Herzogtum Anhalt (1894) "Herzoglicher Haus-orden Albrecht des Bären" p. 20
- ^ "Ritter-Orden", Hof- und Staatshandbuch der Österreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie, 1899, pp. 60, 100, retrieved 14 January 2021
- ^ Hof- und Staats-Handbuch des Großherzogtum Baden (1896), "Großherzogliche Orden" p. 64
- ^ "Hof- und Staatshandbuch des Herzogthums Braunschweig für das Jahr 1898". (1898). In Hof- und Staatshandbuch des Herzogtums Braunschweig (Vol. 1898). Meyer. p. 11
- ^ "Ludewigs-orden", Großherzoglich Hessische Ordensliste (in German), Darmstadt: Staatsverlag, 1898, p. 13 – via hathitrust.org
- ^ Italia : Ministero dell'interno (1898). Calendario generale del Regno d'Italia. Unione tipografico-editrice. p. 54.
- ^ Staatshandbuch für das Großherzogtum Sachsen / Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach (1891), "Großherzogliche Hausorden" p. 28
- ^ Sachsen (1888–1889). "Königlich Orden". Staatshandbuch für den Königreich Sachsen: 1888/89. Dresden: Heinrich. p. 90 – via hathitrust.org.
- ^ Württemberg (Kingdom). Statistisches Landesamt (1894). Staatshandbuch für Württemberg. Druck von W. Kohlhammer. pp. 43, 98.
Writings
- Speeches: Rudolf Arndt (ed.): Die Reden des Grafen von Caprivi im Deutschen Reichstage, Preußischen Landtage und bei besonderen Anlässen. 1883-1893. Mit der Biographie und dem Bildnis. Ernst Hofmann & Co., Berlin 1894 (Digitalisat); Reprint (= Deutsches Reich – Reichskanzler Vol. II/I) Severus, Hamburg 2011, ISBN 978-3-86347-147-7.
- Letters: M. Schneidewin (ed.): Briefe: Deutsche Revue. Vol. 47/2, 1922.
Bibliography
- Massie, Robert. Dreadnought. New York: Random House, 1991. p. 110
- Heinrich Otto Meisner (1957), "Caprivi, Leo von", Neue Deutsche Biographie (in German), vol. 3, Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, pp. 134–135; (full text online)
- Klaus Rüdiger Metze, "Leo von Caprivi (1831–1899)." In Wilhelm von Sternburg (ed.): Die deutschen Kanzler. Von Bismarck bis Merkel. Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-7466-8032-8, pp. 39–54 (Aufbau-Taschenbücher 8032).
- Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918. Machtstaat vor der Demokratie. C. H. Beck, München 1992, ISBN 3-406-34801-7.
- Bernhard von Poten (1903), "Caprivi, Leo Graf von", Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (in German), vol. 47, Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, pp. 445–450
- Hartwin Spenkuch (ed.), Die Protokolle des Preußischen Staatsministeriums 1817–1934/38. Band 8/I (PDF; 2,8 MB) and Band 8/II (PDF; 2,3 MB): 21. März 1890 bis 9. Oktober 1900. Olms-Weidmann, Hildesheim u. a. 2003, ISBN 3-487-11005-9 (Bd. 8/I), ISBN 3-487-11827-0 (Bd. 8/II), (Acta Borussica. Neue Folge, 1. Reihe: Die Protokolle des Preußischen Staatsministeriums 1817–1934/38.).
- ISBN 3-406-32490-8.
- Heinrich August Winkler: Der lange Weg nach Westen. Vol. 1: Deutsche Geschichte 1806–1933. Sonderausgabe. Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, Bonn 2002, ISBN 3-89331-463-6 (Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung. Schriftenreihe 85).
Further reading
- Carlson, Andrew R. German Foreign Policy, 1890-1914, and Colonial Policy to 1914: A Handbook and Annotated Bibliography (Scarecrow Press, 1970) pp 94–103.
- Carroll, E. Malcolm. Germany and the Great Powers, 1866–1914; A Study in Public Opinion and Foreign Policy (1938).
- Headlam, James Wycliffe (1911). Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 5 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 291–292. . In
- Lebovics, Herman. "'Agrarians' Versus 'Industrializers': Social Conservative Resistance to Industrialism and Capitalism in Late Nineteenth Century Germany." International Review of Social History 12.1 (1967): 31-65 online.
- Nichols, J. Alden. Germany after Bismarck: The Caprivi Era, 1890-1894 (1958) Online; the main scholarly book
- Nottleman, Dirk (2012). "From Ironclads to Dreadnoughts: The Development of the German Navy 1864–1918– Part III: The von Caprivi Era". Warship International. LXIX (4): 317–355. ISSN 0043-0374.
- Sempell, Charlotte. "The Constitutional and Political Problems of the Second Chancellor, Leo Von Caprivi," Journal of Modern History, (September 1953) 25#3 pp 234–254, in JSTOR
- Tirrell, Sarah Rebecca. "The Fall of Caprivi." in German Agrarian Politics After Bismarck’s Fall the Formation of the Farmers’ League (Columbia University Press, 1951) pp. 299–334. oenline
- Die Reden des Grafen von Caprivi im deutschen Reichstage, preussischen Landtage und besondern Anlässen "The Speeches of Count von Caprivi in the German Reichstag, in the Prussian Landtag, and on special occasions" in German (Google Books)