Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania
Author | John Dickinson |
---|---|
Country | British Empire |
Language | English |
Published | December 1767 – April 1768 |
Text | Letters from a farmer in Pennsylvania, to the inhabitants of the British Colonies at Wikisource |
Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania is a series of essays written by the Pennsylvania lawyer and legislator John Dickinson (1732–1808) and published under the pseudonym "A Farmer" from 1767 to 1768. The twelve letters were widely read and reprinted throughout the Thirteen Colonies, and were important in uniting the colonists against the Townshend Acts in the run-up to the American Revolution. According to many historians, the impact of the Letters on the colonies was unmatched until the publication of Thomas Paine's Common Sense in 1776.[1] The success of the letters earned Dickinson considerable fame.[2]
The twelve letters are written in the voice of a fictional farmer, who is described as modest but learned, an American
Background
In the 1760s, the
The passage of the
John Dickinson, a wealthy Philadelphia lawyer and member of the
The Letters
Though in reality, Dickinson had little to do with farming by 1767,[1] the first letter introduces the author as "a farmer settled after a variety of fortunes, near the banks of the river Delaware, in the province of Pennsylvania." In order to explain to the reader how he has acquired "a greater share of knowledge in history, and the laws and constitution of my country, than is generally attained by men of my class," the author informs the reader that he spends most of his time in the library of his small estate.[9] The author then turns to a discussion of the brewing crisis between the British Parliament and the colonies.
While acknowledging the power of
This argument implied that sovereignty in the British Empire was divided, with Parliament's power limited in certain spheres (such as taxation of the colonies), and with lesser bodies (such as colonial assemblies) exercising sovereign powers in other spheres. Dickinson further differentiated between the powers of Parliament and the Crown, with the Crown—but not Parliament—having the power to repeal colonial legislation and to wield executive authority in the colonies.[5]: 216 These views were a significant departure from prevailing British views on sovereignty as a central, indivisible power, and they implied that the British Empire did not function as a unitary nation.[5]: 216–217 After the publication of Dickinson's Letters, American colonists' views on the constitutional order in the British Empire rapidly changed, and were marked by an increasing rejection of Parliamentary power over the colonies.[5]: 216–217
Though the tax burden imposed by the Townshend Acts on the colonies was small, Dickinson argued that the duties were meant to establish the principle that Parliament could tax the colonies. Dickinson argued that in the aftermath of the Stamp Act crisis, Parliament was again testing the colonists' disposition.[1] Dickinson warned that once Parliament's right to levy taxes on the colonies was established and accepted by the colonists, much larger impositions would follow:[5]: 100–101 [1]
Nothing is wanted at home but a PRECEDENT, the force of which shall be established by the tacit submission of the colonies [...] If the parliament succeeds in this attempt, other statutes will impose other duties [...] and thus the Parliament will levy upon us such sums of money as they choose to take, without any other LIMITATION than their PLEASURE.
— Letter X
More broadly, Dickinson argued that the expense required to comply with any act of Parliament was effectively a tax.[2] Dickinson thus considered the Quartering Act of 1765, which required the colonies to host and supply British troops, to be a tax, to the extent that it placed a financial burden on the colonies.[2] Although he disagreed with the New York assembly's decision not to comply with the act, Dickinson viewed non-compliance as a legitimate right of the assembly, and decried Parliament's punitive order that the assembly dissolve.[2]
Though he disputed Parliament's right to raise revenue from the colonies, Dickinson acknowledged Parliament's authority over trade in the Empire, and saw the colonies' interests as being aligned with those of Great Britain:[13]: 177–178 [2]: 39 [8]: 115
[T]here is no privilege the colonies claim, which they ought, in duty and prudence, more earnestly to maintain and defend, than the authority of the British parliament to regulate the trade of all her dominions. Without this authority, the benefits she enjoys from our commerce, must be lost to her: The blessings we enjoy from our dependance on her, must be lost to us; her strength must decay; her glory vanish; and she cannot suffer, without our partaking in her misfortune.
— Letter VI
Beyond the questions of taxation and regulation of trade, Dickinson did not elaborate a detailed theory of the broader constitutional relationship between Britain and the colonies.[8]: 114–115 However, the letters warned against separation from Great Britain, and predicted tragedy for the colonies, should they become independent:[6]: 71
Torn from the body, to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, affections, relations, language, and commerce, we must bleed at every vein.
— Letter III
In his letters, Dickinson foresaw the possibility of future conflict between the colonies and Great Britain, but cautioned against the use of violence, except as a last resort:[6]: 71
If at length it becomes undoubted that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say generally, that it never can be justifiable until the people are fully convinced that any further submission will be destructive to their happiness.
— Letter III
Instead, Dickinson urged the colonists to seek redress within the British constitutional system.[6]: 71 In order to secure the repeal of the Townshend duties, Dickinson recommended further petitions, and proposed putting pressure on Britain by reducing imports, both through frugality and the purchase of local manufactures.[1][14]
The political philosophy underlying the Letters is often placed in the Whig tradition.[13]: 3–45 [4][14] The letters emphasize several important themes of Whig politics, including the threat that executive power poses to liberty, wariness of standing armies, the inevitability of increasing overreach should a precedent be set, and a belief in the existence of a conspiracy against liberty.[4][14]
Dickinson made use of the common Whig metaphor of "slavery,"
Literary style
In contrast to much of the rhetoric of the time, the letters were written in a mild tone.[1][9]: 126 [3]: 70–71 [15]: 101–103 Dickinson urged his fellow colonists, "Let us behave like dutiful children who have received unmerited blows from a beloved parent."[1] In the judgment of historian Robert Middlekauff, Dickinson "informed men's minds as to the constitutional issues but left their passions unmoved."[1]
The style of Dickinson's Letters is often contrasted with that of Paine's Common Sense. In the view of historian Pierre Marambaud , the contrast between "Dickinson's restrained argumentation with Paine's impassioned polemics" reflects the deepening of the conflict between Britain and the colonies—as well as the divergence of political views within the colonies—in the years separating the writing of the two works.[3] A. Owen Aldridge compares Dickinson's style to that of the English essayist Joseph Addison, and Paine's style to that of Jonathan Swift. Aldridge also notes the more pragmatic and less philosophical emphasis of Dickinson's Letters, which are less concerned with basic principles of government and society than Paine's Common Sense, and instead focus more on immediate political concerns.[9] Aldridge compares the character of "the farmer," who contemplates politics, law and history in his countryside library, to the political philosopher Montesquieu.[9]
The classical themes in the Letters—common in political writings of the time—are often commented on.[13]: 48–50 Dickinson quotes liberally from classical writers, such as Plutarch, Tacitus and Sallust,[9]: 130 and draws frequent parallels between the situation facing the colonies and classical history. The second letter, for example, compares Carthage's use of import duties on grains in order to extract revenues from Sardinia to Britain's use of duties to raise revenues in its colonies.[7] Each of the twelve letters ends with a Latin epigram intended to capture the central message to the reader, much as in Addison's essays in The Spectator.[3][7][13]: 49 The final letter concludes with an excerpt from Memmius' speech in Sallust's Jugurthine War:[7]
Certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a parente meo tradita est, experiar; verum id frustra an ob rem faciam, in vestra manusitum est, quirites.
"For my part, I am resolved strenuously to contend for the liberty delivered down to me from my ancestors; but whether I shall do this effectually or not, depends on you, my countrymen."
— Letter XII
The farmer—described as a man of genteel poverty, indifferent to riches—would have evoked classical allusions familiar to many English and colonial readers of the time:
Reception
Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania had a large impact on thinking in the colonies.[1] Between 2 December 1767 and 27 January 1768, the letters began to be published in 19 of the 23 English-language newspapers in the colonies, with the last of the letters appearing in February through April 1768.[4][14] The letters were subsequently published in seven American pamphlet editions.[4][14] The letters were also republished in Europe – in London, Dublin and Paris.[1][17] The letters likely reached a larger audience than any previous political writings in the colonies, and were unsurpassed in circulation until the publication of Paine's Common Sense in 1776.[4]: 326 [14]
Prior to the publication of the letters, there had been little discussion of the Townshend Acts in most of the colonies.[1] Dickinson's central constitutional theory was that Parliament had the right to regulate trade, but not to raise revenue from the colonies.[4]: 329 Dickinson was not the first to raise the regulation–revenue distinction; he drew on arguments that Daniel Dulany had made during the Stamp Act Crisis in his popular pamphlet, Considerations on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes in the British Colonies.[12]: 35–36 However, Dickinson expressed the theory more clearly than his predecessors,[5]: 215 and this constitutional interpretation quickly became widespread throughout the colonies, forming the basis for many protests against the Townshend Acts.[4]: 330 Nevertheless, Dickinson's interpretation was not universally accepted. Benjamin Franklin, then living in London, wrote of the practical difficulty of distinguishing between regulation and revenue-raising,[4]: 333 [2]: 39 and criticized what he called the "middle doctrine" of sovereignty.[8]: 116 [18] Writing to his son William, then Royal Governor of New Jersey, Franklin expressed his belief that "Parliament has a power to make all laws for us, or [...] it has a power to make no laws for us; and I think the arguments for the latter more numerous and weighty than those for the former".[2]: 39 [18] Thomas Jefferson later described the doctrine of partial parliamentary sovereignty over the colonies as "the half-way house of Dickinson".[4]: 330–331 [19] Franklin nevertheless arranged for the letters to be published in London on 1 June 1768,[20] and informed the English public that Dickinson's views were generally held by Americans.[4]: 333
The wide circulation of the Letters was, in part, due to the efforts of Whig printers and political figures in the colonies. Dickinson sent the letters to James Otis Jr., who had them published in the Boston Gazette, which was affiliated with the Sons of Liberty.[4]: 342–343 Dickinson's connections with political leaders throughout the colonies, including Richard Henry Lee in Virginia and Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina, helped ensure the wide publication of his letters.[4]: 347 Popular pressure was also brought to bear on printers in Boston, Philadelphia and elsewhere to print the letters, and to refrain from printing rebuttals.[4]: 343–344
As the letters were published anonymously, Dickinson's identity as the author was not generally known until May 1768.
Several colonial governors acknowledged the deep impact of the letters on political opinion in their colonies. Governor
The character of "the farmer" had an enduring legacy, as a symbol of "American moral virtues."
References
- ^ ISBN 9780199740925.
- ^ JSTOR 41298658.
- ^ JSTOR 25070812.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae Kaestle, Carl F. (1969). "The Public Reaction to John Dickinson's 'Farmer's Letters'". Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society; Worcester, Mass. 78: 323–359.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-674-97565-1.
- ^ ISBN 9780674022362.
- ^ JSTOR 3294943.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-521-76093-5.
- ^ JSTOR 25070772.
- ^ Labaree, Leonard W., ed. (1969). "Examination before the Committee of the Whole of the House of Commons, 13 February 1766". The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 13, January 1 through December 31, 1766. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 124–162 – via Founders Online, National Archives.
- .
- ^ ISBN 9780226923437.
- ^ .
- ^ ISBN 0-631-21058-X.
- ^ ISBN 9781572336711.
- ISBN 9781624665370.
- ^ ISBN 9780872207059.
- ^ a b c d Willcox, William B., ed. (1972). "From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 13 March 1768". The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 15, January 1 through December 31, 1768. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 74–78. Retrieved 12 September 2020 – via Founders Online, National Archives.
- ^ "Thomas Jefferson: Autobiography, 6 Jan.-29 July 1821, 6 January 1821". Founders Online, National Archives. Retrieved 12 September 2020.
What was the political relation between us & England? our other patriots Randolph, the Lees, Nicholas, Pendleton stopped at the half-way house of John Dickinson who admitted that England had a right to regulate our commerce, and to lay duties on it for the purposes of regulation, but not of raising revenue.
- JSTOR 20089013.
- ISBN 978-0-9852543-6-0.
- ^ Britain and the American Revolution, by H. T. Dickinson, p. 168
- ^ Neither Kingdom Nor Nation, By Neil Longley York, p. 88
- ^ An English Audience for American Revolutionary Pamphlets
External links
- Dickinson, John; Halsey, R. T. Haines (Richard Townley Haines) (1903). Letters from a farmer in Pennsylvania, to the inhabitants of the British Colonies. New York, The Outlook company.
- Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania public domain audiobook at LibriVox