Macedonia (ancient kingdom)

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Macedonia
Μακεδονία
  • c. 7th century – 168 BC
  • 150–148 BC
The Kingdom of Macedonia in 336 BC (orange)
The Kingdom of Macedonia in 336 BC (orange)
Capital
Common languages
Basileus
 
• 359–336 BC
Philip II
• 336–323 BC
Alexander the Great
• 179–168 BC
Perseus (last)
• 149–148 BC
Andriscus (rebel claim)
Legislature
Rise of Macedon
359–336 BC
338–337 BC
335–323 BC
323 BC
322–275 BC
168 BC
Area
323 BC[4][5]5,200,000 km2 (2,000,000 sq mi)
CurrencyTetradrachm
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Greek Dark Ages
Achaemenid Macedonia
League of Corinth
Achaemenid Empire
Pauravas
Lysimachian Empire
Seleucid Empire
Ptolemaic Kingdom
Attalid kingdom
Macedonia province

Macedonia (

Greek peninsula,[8] and bordered by Epirus to the southwest, Illyria to the northwest, Paeonia to the north, Thrace to the east and Thessaly
to the south.

Before the 4th century BC, Macedonia was a small kingdom outside of the area dominated by the great

science spread across the empire and beyond. Of particular importance were the contributions of Aristotle, tutor to Alexander, whose writings became a keystone of Western philosophy
.

After

Mediterranean power. At the end of the Third Macedonian War in 168 BC, the Macedonian monarchy was abolished and replaced by Roman client states. A short-lived revival of the monarchy during the Fourth Macedonian War in 150–148 BC ended with the establishment of the Roman province of Macedonia
.

The Macedonian kings, who wielded

popular assemblies
.

Etymology

The name Macedonia (

μακεδνός (makednós), meaning "tall, slim", also the name of a people related to the Dorians (Herodotus), and possibly descriptive of Ancient Macedonians.[10] It is most likely cognate with the adjective μακρός (makros), meaning "long" or "tall" in Ancient Greek.[10] The name is believed to have originally meant either "highlanders", "the tall ones", or "high grown men".[note 1] Linguist Robert S. P. Beekes claims that both terms are of Pre-Greek substrate origin and cannot be explained in terms of Indo-European morphology,[11] however Filip De Decker rejects Beekesʼ arguments as insufficient.[12]

History

Early history and legend

UNESCO World Heritage Site

The

Macedonian kings of the Argead dynasty were descendants of Temenus, king of Argos, and could therefore claim the mythical Heracles as one of their ancestors as well as a direct lineage from Zeus, chief god of the Greek pantheon.[13] Contradictory legends state that either Perdiccas I of Macedon or Caranus of Macedon were the founders of the Argead dynasty, with either five or eight kings before Amyntas I.[14] The assertion that the Argeads descended from Temenus was accepted by the Hellanodikai authorities of the Ancient Olympic Games, permitting Alexander I of Macedon (r. 498–454 BC) to enter the competitions owing to his perceived Greek heritage.[15] Little is known about the kingdom before the reign of Alexander I's father Amyntas I of Macedon (r. 547–498 BC) during the Archaic period.[16]

The kingdom of Macedonia was situated along the Haliacmon and Axius rivers in Lower Macedonia, north of Mount Olympus. Historian Robert Malcolm Errington suggests that one of the earliest Argead kings established Aigai (modern Vergina) as their capital in the mid-7th century BC.[17] Before the 4th century BC, the kingdom covered a region corresponding roughly to the western and central parts of the region of Macedonia in modern Greece.[18] It gradually expanded into the region of Upper Macedonia, inhabited by the Greek Lyncestae and Elimiotae tribes, and into regions of Emathia, Eordaia, Bottiaea, Mygdonia, Crestonia, and Almopia, which were inhabited by various peoples such as Thracians and Phrygians.[note 2] Macedonia's non-Greek neighbors included Thracians, inhabiting territories to the northeast, Illyrians to the northwest, and Paeonians to the north, while the lands of Thessaly to the south and Epirus to the west were inhabited by Greeks with similar cultures to that of the Macedonians.[19]

octadrachm of Alexander I of Macedon (r. 498–454 BC), minted c. 465–460 BC, showing an equestrian figure wearing a chlamys (short cloak) and petasos
(head cap) while holding two spears and leading a horse
Achaemenid army, wearing the petasos or kausia, c. 480 BC.[21]

A year after

Mardonius brought it back under Achaemenid suzerainty.[22]

Although Macedonia enjoyed a large degree of

Battle of Platea.[24] Following the Greek victory at Salamis in 480 BC, Alexander I was employed as an Achaemenid diplomat to propose a peace treaty and alliance with Athens, an offer that was rejected.[25] Soon afterwards, the Achaemenid forces were forced to withdraw from mainland Europe, marking the end of Persian control over Macedonia.[26]

Involvement in the Classical Greek world

Macedon (orange) during the Peloponnesian War around 431 BC, with Athens and the Delian League (yellow), Sparta and Peloponnesian League (red), independent states (blue), and the Persian Achaemenid Empire (purple)

Although initially a Persian vassal, Alexander I of Macedon fostered friendly diplomatic relations with his former Greek enemies, the Athenian and

Chalcidice and subsequently won over the strategic city of Potidaea.[31] After capturing the Macedonian cities Therma and Beroea, Athens besieged Potidaea but failed to overcome it; Therma was returned to Macedonia and much of Chalcidice to Athens in a peace treaty brokered by Sitalces, who provided Athens with military aid in exchange for acquiring new Thracian allies.[32]

Perdiccas II sided

baggage train.[35] Perdiccas then changed sides and supported Athens, and he was able to put down Arrhabaeus's revolt.[36]

Archelaus I of Macedon
(r. 413–399 BC)

Brasidas died in 422 BC, the year Athens and Sparta struck an accord, the

Archelaus I (r. 413–399 BC).[40] Athens then provided naval support to Archelaus I in the 410 BC Macedonian siege of Pydna, in exchange for timber and naval equipment.[41]

Although Archelaus I was faced with some internal revolts and had to fend off an invasion of Illyrians led by

royal pages at his court), the kingdom was plunged into chaos, in an era lasting from 399 to 393 BC that included the reign of four different monarchs: Orestes, son of Archelaus I; Aeropus II, uncle, regent, and murderer of Orestes; Pausanias, son of Aeropus II; and Amyntas II, who was married to the youngest daughter of Archelaus I.[46] Very little is known about this turbulent period; it came to an end when Amyntas III (r. 393–370 BC), son of Arrhidaeus and grandson of Amyntas I, killed Pausanias and claimed the Macedonian throne.[47]

A silver stater of Amyntas III of Macedon (r. 393–370 BC)

Amyntas III was forced to flee his kingdom in either 393 or 383 BC (based on conflicting accounts), owing to a massive invasion by the

Olynthos, but with the aid of Teleutias, brother of the Spartan king Agesilaus II, the Macedonians forced Olynthos to surrender and dissolve their Chalcidian League in 379 BC.[49]

Alexander II (r. 370–368 BC), son of Eurydice I and Amyntas III, succeeded his father and immediately invaded Thessaly to wage war against the tagus (supreme Thessalian military leader) Alexander of Pherae, capturing the city of Larissa.[50] The Thessalians, desiring to remove both Alexander II and Alexander of Pherae as their overlords, appealed to Pelopidas of Thebes for aid; he succeeded in recapturing Larissa and, in the peace agreement arranged with Macedonia, received aristocratic hostages including Alexander II's brother and future king Philip II (r. 359–336 BC).[51] When Alexander was assassinated by his brother-in-law Ptolemy of Aloros, the latter acted as an overbearing regent for Perdiccas III (r. 368–359 BC), younger brother of Alexander II, who eventually had Ptolemy executed when reaching the age of majority in 365 BC.[52] The remainder of Perdiccas III's reign was marked by political stability and financial recovery.[53] However, an Athenian invasion led by Timotheus, son of Conon, managed to capture Methone and Pydna, and an Illyrian invasion led by Bardylis succeeded in killing Perdiccas III and 4,000 Macedonian troops in battle.[54]

Rise of Macedon

Left, a bust of Philip II of Macedon (r. 359–336 BC) from the Hellenistic period, located at Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Right, another bust of Philip II, a 1st-century AD Roman copy of a Hellenistic Greek original, now in the Vatican Museums.
dependent states
(yellow)

Philip II was twenty-four years old when he acceded to the throne in 359 BC.[55] Through the use of deft diplomacy, he was able to convince the Thracians under Berisades to cease their support of Pausanias, a pretender to the throne, and the Athenians to halt their support of another pretender.[56] He achieved these by bribing the Thracians and their Paeonian allies and establishing a treaty with Athens that relinquished his claims to Amphipolis.[57] He was also able to make peace with the Illyrians who had threatened his borders.[58]

Philip II spent his initial years radically transforming the Macedonian army. A reform of its organization, equipment, and training, including the introduction of the Macedonian phalanx armed with long pikes (i.e. the sarissa), proved immediately successful when tested against his Illyrian and Paeonian enemies.[59] Confusing accounts in ancient sources have led modern scholars to debate how much Philip II's royal predecessors may have contributed to these reforms and the extent to which his ideas were influenced by his adolescent years of captivity in Thebes as a political hostage during the Theban hegemony, especially after meeting with the general Epaminondas.[60]

The Macedonians, like the other Greeks, traditionally practiced

Olynthian War (349–348 BC) against the Chalcidian League.[65]

While Athens was preoccupied with the Social War (357–355 BC), Philip II retook Amphipolis from them in 357 BC and the following year recaptured Pydna and Potidaea, the latter of which he handed over to the Chalcidian League as promised in a treaty.[66] In 356 BC, he took Crenides, refounding it as Philippi, while his general Parmenion defeated the Illyrian king Grabos II of the Grabaei.[67] During the 355–354 BC siege of Methone, Philip II lost his right eye to an arrow wound, but managed to capture the city and treated the inhabitants cordially, unlike the Potidaeans, who had been enslaved.[note 6]

Philip II then involved Macedonia in the

Amphictyonic League to declare war on Phocis and a civil war among the members of the Thessalian League aligned with either Phocis or Thebes.[68] Philip II's initial campaign against Pherae in Thessaly in 353 BC at the behest of Larissa ended in two disastrous defeats by the Phocian general Onomarchus.[note 7] Philip II in turn defeated Onomarchus in 352 BC at the Battle of Crocus Field, which led to Philip II's election as leader (archon) of the Thessalian League, provided him a seat on the Amphictyonic Council, and allowed for a marriage alliance with Pherae by wedding Nicesipolis, niece of the tyrant Jason of Pherae.[69]

Philip II had some early involvement with the Achaemenid Empire, especially by supporting

satraps and mercenaries who rebelled against the central authority of the Achaemenid king. The satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia Artabazos II, who was in rebellion against Artaxerxes III, was able to take refuge as an exile at the Macedonian court from 352 to 342 BC. He was accompanied in exile by his family and by his mercenary general Memnon of Rhodes.[70][71] Barsine, daughter of Artabazos, and future wife of Alexander the Great, grew up at the Macedonian court.[71]

After campaigning against the Thracian ruler

Thracian Chersonese.[76] Meanwhile, Phocis and Thermopylae were captured by Macedonian forces, the Delphic temple robbers were executed, and Philip II was awarded the two Phocian seats on the Amphictyonic Council and the position of master of ceremonies over the Pythian Games.[77] Athens initially opposed his membership on the council and refused to attend the games in protest, but they eventually accepted these conditions, perhaps after some persuasion by Demosthenes in his oration On the Peace.[78]

Alexander Severus. Right, the ruins of the Philippeion at Olympia, Greece, which was built by Philip II of Macedon to celebrate his victory at the Battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC.[79]

Over the next few years, Philip II reformed local governments in Thessaly, campaigned against the Illyrian ruler

western Anatolia.[88] The latter region, yielding far more wealth and valuable resources than the Balkans, was also coveted by the Macedonian king for its sheer economic potential.[89]

When Philip II married

Ptolemy, Nearchus, and Harpalus.[91] To reconcile with Olympias, Philip II had their daughter Cleopatra marry Olympias' brother (and Cleopatra's uncle) Alexander I of Epirus, but Philip II was assassinated by his bodyguard, Pausanias of Orestis, during their wedding feast and succeeded by Alexander in 336 BC.[92]

Empire

Left, Bust of Alexander the Great by the Athenian sculptor Leochares, 330 BC, Acropolis Museum, Athens. Right, Bust of Alexander the Great, a Roman copy of the Imperial Era (1st or 2nd century AD) after an original bronze sculpture made by the Greek sculptor Lysippos, Louvre, Paris.
Alexander's empire and his route

Modern scholars have argued over the possible role of

Persia, and much of Central and South Asia (i.e. modern Pakistan).[94] Among his first acts was the burial of his father at Aigai.[95] The members of the League of Corinth revolted at the news of Philip II's death, but were soon quelled by military force alongside persuasive diplomacy, electing Alexander as hegemon of the league to carry out the planned invasion of Achaemenid Persia.[96]

In 335 BC, Alexander

prisoners of war, and burned the city to the ground as a warning that convinced all other Greek states except Sparta not to challenge Alexander again.[100]

Throughout his military career, Alexander won every battle that he personally commanded.

King Porus of the Pauravas threatened Alexander's troops, he had them form open ranks to surround the elephants and dislodge their handlers by using their sarissa pikes.[104] When his Macedonian troops threatened mutiny in 324 BC at Opis, Babylonia (near modern Baghdad, Iraq), Alexander offered Macedonian military titles and greater responsibilities to Persian officers and units instead, forcing his troops to seek forgiveness at a staged banquet of reconciliation between Persians and Macedonians.[105]

, one of Alexander's loyal companions.

Alexander perhaps undercut his own rule by demonstrating signs of

Stateira II, eldest daughter of Darius III, and Parysatis II, youngest daughter of Artaxerxes III, at the Susa weddings in 324 BC.[111]

Meanwhile, in Greece, the

tyrannies installed in Greece were to be abolished and Greek freedom was to be restored.[115]

Kingdoms of the Diadochi c. 301 BC, after the Battle of Ipsus
  Kingdom of Ptolemy I Soter
  Kingdom of Cassander
  Kingdom of Lysimachus
  Kingdom of Seleucus I Nicator
  Epirus
Other
Philip III Arrhidaeus (r. 323–317 BC) bearing images of Athena (left) and Nike
(right)

When Alexander the Great died at Babylon in 323 BC, his mother Olympias immediately accused Antipater and his faction of poisoning him, although there is no evidence to confirm this.[116] With no official heir apparent, the Macedonian military command split, with one side proclaiming Alexander's half-brother Philip III Arrhidaeus (r. 323–317 BC) as king and the other siding with the infant son of Alexander and Roxana, Alexander IV (r. 323–309 BC).[117] Except for the Euboeans and Boeotians, the Greeks also immediately rose up in a rebellion against Antipater known as the Lamian War (323–322 BC).[118] When Antipater was defeated at the 323 BC Battle of Thermopylae, he fled to Lamia where he was besieged by the Athenian commander Leosthenes. A Macedonian army led by Leonnatus rescued Antipater by lifting the siege.[119] Antipater defeated the rebellion, yet his death in 319 BC left a power vacuum wherein the two proclaimed kings of Macedonia became pawns in a power struggle between the diadochi, the former generals of Alexander's army.[120]

A

Eumenes of Cardia managed to kill Craterus in battle, this had little to no effect on the outcome of the 321 BC Partition of Triparadisus in Syria where the victorious coalition settled the issue of a new regency and territorial rights.[124] Antipater was appointed as regent over the two kings. Before Antipater died in 319 BC, he named the staunch Argead loyalist Polyperchon as his successor, passing over his own son Cassander and ignoring the right of the king to choose a new regent (since Philip III was considered mentally unstable), in effect bypassing the council of the army as well.[125]

Forming an alliance with Ptolemy, Antigonus, and Lysimachus, Cassander had his officer Nicanor capture the Munichia fortress of Athens' port town Piraeus in defiance of Polyperchon's decree that Greek cities should be free of Macedonian garrisons, sparking the Second War of the Diadochi (319–315 BC).[126] Given a string of military failures by Polyperchon, in 317 BC, Philip III, by way of his politically engaged wife Eurydice II of Macedon, officially replaced him as regent with Cassander.[127] Afterwards, Polyperchon desperately sought the aid of Olympias in Epirus.[127] A joint force of Epirotes, Aetolians, and Polyperchon's troops invaded Macedonia and forced the surrender of Philip III and Eurydice's army, allowing Olympias to execute the king and force his queen to commit suicide.[128] Olympias then had Nicanor and dozens of other Macedonian nobles killed, but by the spring of 316 BC, Cassander had defeated her forces, captured her, and placed her on trial for murder before sentencing her to death.[129]

Cassander married Philip II's daughter

Seleucus Nicator from his Babylonian satrapy, leading Cassander, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus to issue a joint ultimatum to Antigonus in 315 BC for him to surrender various territories in Asia.[9] Antigonus promptly allied with Polyperchon, now based in Corinth, and issued an ultimatum of his own to Cassander, charging him with murder for executing Olympias and demanding that he hand over the royal family, King Alexander IV and the queen mother Roxana.[131] The conflict that followed lasted until the winter of 312/311 BC, when a new peace settlement recognized Cassander as general of Europe, Antigonus as "first in Asia", Ptolemy as general of Egypt, and Lysimachus as general of Thrace.[132] Cassander had Alexander IV and Roxana put to death in the winter of 311/310 BC, and between 306 and 305 BC the diadochi were declared kings of their respective territories.[133]

Hellenistic era

Naples National Archaeological Museum

The beginning of

King of Thrace, defeated the Antigonids at the Battle of Ipsus in 301 BC, killing Antigonus and forcing Demetrius into flight.[135]

Cassander died in 297 BC, and his sickly son

Antipater II of Macedon (r. 297–294 BC), with their mother Thessalonike of Macedon acting as regent.[136] While Demetrius fought against the Antipatrid forces in Greece, Antipater II killed his own mother to obtain power.[136] His desperate brother Alexander V then requested aid from Pyrrhus of Epirus (r. 297–272 BC),[136] who had fought alongside Demetrius at the Battle of Ipsus, but was sent to Egypt as a hostage as part of an agreement between Demetrius and Ptolemy I.[137] In exchange for defeating the forces of Antipater II and forcing him to flee to the court of Lysimachus in Thrace, Pyrrhus was awarded the westernmost portions of the Macedonian kingdom.[138] Demetrius had his nephew Alexander V assassinated and was then proclaimed king of Macedonia, but his subjects protested against his aloof, Eastern-style autocracy.[136]

War broke out between Pyrrhus and Demetrius in 290 BC when

Antigonus II of Macedon (r. 277–274, 272–239 BC).[144]

In 280 BC, Pyrrhus embarked on a campaign in

rise of Rome because Greek cities in southern Italy such as Tarentum now became Roman allies.[145] Pyrrhus invaded Macedonia in 274 BC, defeating the largely mercenary army of Antigonus II at the 274 BC Battle of Aous and driving him out of Macedonia, forcing him to seek refuge with his naval fleet in the Aegean.[146]

Mieza (modern-day Lefkadia), Imathia, Central Macedonia, Greece
, 2nd century BC

Pyrrhus lost much of his support among the Macedonians in 273 BC when his unruly Gallic mercenaries plundered the royal cemetery of Aigai.[147] Pyrrhus pursued Antigonus II in the Peloponnese, yet Antigonus II was ultimately able to recapture Macedonia.[148] Pyrrhus was killed while besieging Argos in 272 BC, allowing Antigonus II to reclaim the rest of Greece.[149] He then restored the Argead dynastic graves at Aigai and annexed the Kingdom of Paeonia.[150]

The

Antiochus II, a peace settlement between Antigonus II and Ptolemy II Philadelphus of Egypt was finally struck in 255 BC.[155]

The Temple of Apollo at Corinth, built c. 540 BC, with the Acrocorinth (i.e. the acropolis of Corinth that once held a Macedonian garrison)[156] seen in the background

In 251 BC,

Demetrius II of Macedon (r. 239–229 BC). Seeking an alliance with Macedonia to defend against the Aetolians, the queen mother and regent of Epirus, Olympias II, offered her daughter Phthia of Macedon to Demetrius II in marriage. Demetrius II accepted her proposal, but he damaged relations with the Seleucids by divorcing Stratonice of Macedon.[160] Although the Aetolians formed an alliance with the Achaean League as a result, Demetrius II was able to invade Boeotia and capture it from the Aetolians by 236 BC.[156]

The Achaean League managed to capture

Dardanian Kingdom, invaded Macedonia and defeated an army of Demetrius II shortly before his death in 229 BC.[163] Although his young son Philip immediately inherited the throne, his regent Antigonus III Doson (r. 229–221 BC), nephew of Antigonus II, was proclaimed king by the army, with Philip as his heir, following a string of military victories against the Illyrians in the north and the Aetolians in Thessaly.[164]

obverse and on the reverse a scene depicting Apollo sitting on the prow of a ship

Aratus sent an embassy to Antigonus III in 226 BC seeking an unexpected alliance now that the reformist king

Arcadia from Sparta. After forming a Hellenic league in the same vein as Philip II's League of Corinth, he managed to defeat Sparta at the Battle of Sellasia in 222 BC.[167] Sparta was occupied by a foreign power for the first time in its history, restoring Macedonia's position as the leading power in Greece.[168] Antigonus died a year later, perhaps from tuberculosis, leaving behind a strong Hellenistic kingdom for his successor Philip V.[169]

Roman Sicily to patrol the Illyrian coasts, causing Philip V to reverse course and order his fleet to retreat, averting open conflict for the time being.[173]

Conflict with Rome

Ptolemaic Empire
(violet purple)

In 215 BC, at the height of the

Lissus in 212 BC, the Roman Senate responded by inciting the Aetolian League, Sparta, Elis, Messenia, and Attalus I (r. 241–197 BC) of Pergamon to wage war against Philip V, keeping him occupied and away from Italy.[178]

The Aetolian League concluded a

Hellespont and Bosporus as well as Ptolemaic Samos, which led Rhodes to form an alliance with Pergamon, Byzantium, Cyzicus, and Chios against Macedonia.[183] Despite Philip V's nominal alliance with the Seleucid king, he lost the naval Battle of Chios in 201 BC and was blockaded at Bargylia by the Rhodian and Pergamene navies.[184]

brandishing a thunderbolt on the reverse

While Philip V was busy fighting Rome's Greek allies, Rome viewed this as an opportunity to punish this former ally of Hannibal with a war that they hoped would supply a victory and require few resources.[note 12] The Roman Senate demanded that Philip V cease hostilities against neighboring Greek powers and defer to an international arbitration committee for settling grievances.[185] When the comitia centuriata finally voted in approval of the Roman Senate's declaration of war in 200 BC and handed their ultimatum to Philip V, demanding that a tribunal assess the damages owed to Rhodes and Pergamon, the Macedonian king rejected it. This marked the beginning of the Second Macedonian War (200–197 BC), with Publius Sulpicius Galba Maximus spearheading military operations in Apollonia.[186]

Bronze bust of Eumenes II of Pergamon, a Roman copy of a Hellenistic Greek original, from the Villa of the Papyri in Herculaneum

The Macedonians successfully defended their territory for roughly two years,[187] but the Roman consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus managed to expel Philip V from Macedonia in 198 BC, forcing his men to take refuge in Thessaly.[188] When the Achaean League switched their loyalties from Macedonia to Rome, the Macedonian king sued for peace, but the terms offered were considered too stringent, and so the war continued.[188] In June 197 BC, the Macedonians were defeated at the Battle of Cynoscephalae.[189] Rome then ratified a treaty that forced Macedonia to relinquish control of much of its Greek possessions outside of Macedonia proper, if only to act as a buffer against Illyrian and Thracian incursions into Greece.[190] Although some Greeks suspected Roman intentions of supplanting Macedonia as the new hegemonic power in Greece, Flaminius announced at the Isthmian Games of 196 BC that Rome intended to preserve Greek liberty by leaving behind no garrisons and by not exacting tribute of any kind.[191] His promise was delayed by negotiations with the Spartan king Nabis, who had meanwhile captured Argos, yet Roman forces evacuated Greece in 194 BC.[192]

Encouraged by the Aetolian League and their calls to liberate Greece from the Romans, the

war indemnity, dismantle most of its navy, and abandon its claims to any territories north or west of the Taurus Mountains in the 188 BC Treaty of Apamea.[195] With Rome's acceptance, Philip V was able to capture some cities in central Greece in 191–189 BC that had been allied to Antiochus III, while Rhodes and Eumenes II (r. 197–159 BC) of Pergamon gained territories in Asia Minor.[196]

Failing to please all sides in various territorial disputes, the Roman Senate decided in 184/183 BC to force Philip V to abandon

Left, a tetradrachm of Perseus of Macedon (r. 179–168 BC), British Museum. Right, The Triumph of Aemilius Paulus (detail) by Carle Vernet, 1789.

Eumenes II came to Rome in 172 BC and delivered a speech to

Roman province of Macedonia.[207]

Institutions

Division of power

The Vergina Sun, the 16-ray star covering the royal burial larnax of Philip II of Macedon (r. 359–336 BC), discovered in the tomb of Vergina, formerly ancient Aigai

At the head of

hetairoi), friends (philoi), an assembly that included members of the military, and (during the Hellenistic period) magistrates.[208] Evidence is lacking regarding the extent to which each of these groups shared authority with the king or if their existence had a basis in a formal constitutional framework.[note 16] Before the reign of Philip II, the only institution supported by textual evidence is the monarchy.[note 17]

Kingship and the royal court

The earliest known government of ancient Macedonia was that of its

Archelaus I of Macedon, son of Perdiccas II of Macedon and a slave woman, although Archelaus succeeded the throne after murdering his father's designated heir apparent.[212]

Macedonia, Greece
, c. 340 BC

It is known that Macedonian kings before Philip II upheld the privileges and carried out the responsibilities of hosting foreign diplomats, determining the kingdom's foreign policies, and negotiating alliances with foreign powers.

royal land, the early Macedonian kings were also capable of bribing foreign and domestic parties with impressive gifts.[214]

Little is known about the

royal secretary, royal archive, royal pages, and a seated throne.[218]

Royal pages

Dionysos riding a cheetah, mosaic floor in the "House of Dionysos" at Pella, Greece, c. 330–300 BC. Right, a framentary votive relief depicting a youth ladling wine from a krater next to a round table with vases, from the agora of Pella, end of 4th century BC, Archaeological Museum of Pella
.

The

conscripted from aristocratic households and serving the kings of Macedonia perhaps from the reign of Philip II onward, although more solid evidence dates to the reign of Alexander the Great.[note 19] Royal pages played no direct role in high politics and were conscripted as a means to introduce them to political life.[219] After a period of training and service, pages were expected to become members of the king's companions and personal retinue.[220] During their training, pages were expected to guard the king as he slept, supply him with horses, aid him in mounting his horse, accompany him on royal hunts, and serve him during symposia (i.e. formal drinking parties).[221] Although there is little evidence for royal pages in the Antigonid period, it is known that some of them fled with Perseus of Macedon to Samothrace following his defeat by the Romans in 168 BC.[222]

Bodyguards

Royal bodyguards served as the closest members to the king at court and on the battlefield.

hypaspistai, a type of ancient special forces usually numbering in the hundreds, and a smaller group of men handpicked by the king either for their individual merits or to honor the noble families to which they belonged.[219] Therefore, the bodyguards, limited in number and forming the king's inner circle, were not always responsible for protecting the king's life on and off the battlefield; their title and office was more a mark of distinction, perhaps used to quell rivalries between aristocratic houses.[219]

Companions, friends, councils, and assemblies

inscription bearing the names of six city archons (politarchs), 2nd century BC, Archaeological Museum of Pella
.

The companions, including the elite

pezhetairoi infantry, represented a substantially larger group than the king's bodyguards.[note 20] The most trusted or highest ranking companions formed a council that served as an advisory body to the king.[223] A small amount of evidence suggests the existence of an assembly of the army during times of war and a people's assembly during times of peace.[note 21]

Members of the council had the right to speak freely, and although there is no direct evidence that they voted on affairs of state, it is clear that the king was at least occasionally pressured to agree to their demands.

high treason and assign punishments for them, such as when Alexander the Great acted as prosecutor in the trial and conviction of three alleged conspirators in his father's assassination plot (while many others were acquitted).[225] However, there is perhaps insufficient evidence to allow a conclusion that councils and assemblies were regularly upheld or constitutionally grounded, or that their decisions were always heeded by the king.[226] At the death of Alexander the Great, the companions immediately formed a council to assume control of his empire, but it was soon destabilized by open rivalry and conflict between its members.[227] The army also used mutiny as a tool to achieve political ends.[note 22]

Magistrates, the commonwealth, local government, and allied states

Antigonid Macedonian kings relied on various regional officials to conduct affairs of state.[228] This included high-ranking municipal officials, such as the military strategos and the politarch, i.e. the elected governor (archon) of a large city (polis), as well as the politico-religious office of the epistates.[note 23] No evidence exists about the personal backgrounds of these officials, although they may have been chosen among the same group of aristocratic philoi and hetairoi who filled vacancies for army officers.[215]

Macedonian commonwealth

In

priesthoods.[233]

Within the

prostates) of the league.[238]

Military

bas relief from the Alexander Sarcophagus, 4th century BC. Right, an ancient Macedonian bronze shield excavated from the archaeological site at Bonče in North Macedonia
, dated 4th century BC.

Early Macedonian army

The basic structure of the

muscled cuirasses, became renowned in Greece during and after their involvement in the Peloponnesian War, at times siding with either Athens or Sparta.[241] Macedonian infantry in this period consisted of poorly trained shepherds and farmers, while the cavalry was composed of noblemen.[242] As evidenced by early 4th century BC artwork, there was a pronounced Spartan influence on the Macedonian army before Philip II.[243] Nicholas Viktor Sekunda states that at the beginning of Philip II's reign in 359 BC, the Macedonian army consisted of 10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry,[244] yet Malcolm Errington cautions that these figures cited by ancient authors should be treated with some skepticism.[245]

Philip II and Alexander the Great

After spending years as a political hostage in Thebes, Philip II sought to imitate the Greek example of

hypaspistai infantry, composed of handpicked men from the ranks of the pezhetairoi, were formed during the reign of Philip II and saw continued use during the reign of Alexander the Great.[248] Philip II was also responsible for the establishment of the royal bodyguards (somatophylakes).[249]

An ancient fresco of Macedonian soldiers from the tomb of Agios Athanasios, Thessaloniki, Greece, 4th century BC

For his lighter missile troops, Philip II employed mercenary Cretan archers as well as Thracian, Paeonian, and Illyrian javelin throwers, slingers, and archers.[250] He hired engineers such as Polyidus of Thessaly and Diades of Pella, who were capable of building state of the art siege engines and artillery that fired large bolts.[247] Following the acquisition of the lucrative mines at Krinides (renamed Philippi), the royal treasury could afford to field a permanent, professional standing army.[251] The increase in state revenues under Philip II allowed the Macedonians to build a small navy for the first time, which included triremes.[252]

The only Macedonian cavalry units attested under Alexander were the companion cavalry,

cavalrymen from Thessaly, 600 cavalrymen from the rest of Greece, and 900 prodromoi cavalry from Thrace.[254] Antipater was able to quickly raise a force of 600 native Macedonian cavalry to fight in the Lamian War when it began in 323 BC.[254] The most elite members of Alexander's hypaspistai were designated as the agema, and a new term for hypaspistai emerged after the Battle of Gaugamela in 331 BC: the argyraspides (silver shields).[255] The latter continued to serve after the reign of Alexander the Great and may have been of Asian origin.[note 27] Overall, his pike-wielding phalanx infantry numbered some 12,000 men, 3,000 of which were elite hypaspistai and 9,000 of which were pezhetairoi.[note 28] Alexander continued the use of Cretan archers and introduced native Macedonian archers into the army.[256] After the Battle of Gaugamela, archers of West Asian backgrounds became commonplace.[256]

Antigonid period military

İstanbul Archaeology Museums

Celtic invaders of the 270s BC who settled in Galatia, central Anatolia.[259]

Thanks to contemporary inscriptions from Amphipolis and Greia dated 218 and 181 BC, respectively, historians have been able to partially piece together the organization of the Antigonid army under Philip V.[note 30] From at least the time of Antigonus III Doson, the most elite Antigonid-period infantry were the peltasts, lighter and more maneuverable soldiers wielding peltai javelins, swords, and a smaller bronze shield than Macedonian phalanx pikemen, although they sometimes served in that capacity.[note 31] Among the peltasts, roughly 2,000 men were selected to serve in the elite agema vanguard, with other peltasts numbering roughly 3,000.[260] The number of peltasts varied over time, perhaps never more than 5,000 men.[note 32] They fought alongside the phalanx pikemen, divided now into chalkaspides (bronze shield) and leukaspides (white shield) regiments.[261]

The Antigonid Macedonian kings continued to expand and equip

lemboi at the outbreak of the Third Macedonian War in 171 BC.[263]

Society and culture

Archaeological Museum of Dion
.

Language and dialects

Following its adoption as the court language of

Northwestern Greek,[note 34] or a language closely related to Greek.[note 35] The vast majority of surviving inscriptions from ancient Macedonia were written in Attic Greek and its successor Koine.[264] Attic (and later Koine) Greek was the preferred language of the Ancient Macedonian army, although it is known that Alexander the Great once shouted an emergency order in Macedonian to his royal guards during the drinking party where he killed Cleitus the Black.[265] Macedonian became extinct in either the Hellenistic or the Roman period, and entirely replaced by Koine Greek.[266][note 36]

Religious beliefs and funerary practices

A mosaic of the Kasta Tomb in Amphipolis depicting the abduction of Persephone by Pluto, 4th century BC
The Lion of Amphipolis in Amphipolis, northern Greece, a 4th-century BC marble tomb sculpture[267] erected in honor of Laomedon of Mytilene, a general who served under Alexander the Great

By the 5th century BC, the Macedonians and the southern Greeks worshiped more or less the

mystery cult.[271]

In the three royal tombs at

cult worship of the dead.[275] In 2014, the ancient Macedonian Kasta Tomb was discovered outside of Amphipolis and is the largest ancient tomb found in Greece (as of 2017).[276]

Economics and social class

Young Macedonian men were typically expected to engage in hunting and martial combat as a by-product of their transhumance lifestyle of herding livestock such as goats and sheep, while horse breeding and raising cattle were other common pursuits.[277] Some Macedonians engaged in farming, often with irrigation, land reclamation, and horticulture activities supported by the Macedonian state.[note 38] The Macedonian economy and state finances were mainly supported by logging and by mining valuable minerals such as copper, iron, gold, and silver.[278] The conversion of these raw materials into finished products and the sale of those products encouraged the growth of urban centers and a gradual shift away from the traditional rustic Macedonian lifestyle during the course of the 5th century BC.[279]

The Macedonian king was an

Hellenistic kingdoms that succeeded Alexander the Great's empire where greater social mobility for members of society seeking to join the aristocracy could be found, especially in Ptolemaic Egypt.[282] Although governed by a king and martial aristocracy, Macedonia seems to have lacked the widespread use of slaves seen in contemporaneous Greek states.[283]

Visual arts

Mieza (modern-day Lefkadia), Imathia, Central Macedonia, Greece, depicting religious imagery of the afterlife
, 4th century BC.

By the reign of

metalwork usually followed Athenian styles of vase shapes from the 6th century BC onward, with drinking vessels, jewellery, containers, crowns, diadems, and coins among the many metal objects found in Macedonian tombs.[286]

Alexander (left), wearing a kausia and fighting an Asiatic lion with his friend Craterus (detail); late 4th-century BC mosaic,[287] Pella Museum.

Surviving Macedonian painted artwork includes

bas-reliefs of the late 4th-century BC Alexander Sarcophagus.[288] Macedonian paintings have allowed historians to investigate the clothing fashions as well as military gear worn by the ancient Macedonians.[289] Aside from metalwork and painting, mosaics are another significant form of surviving Macedonian artwork.[286] The Stag Hunt Mosaic of Pella, with its three-dimensional qualities and illusionist style, show clear influence from painted artwork and wider Hellenistic art trends, although the rustic theme of hunting was tailored to Macedonian tastes.[290] The similar Lion Hunt Mosaic of Pella illustrates either a scene of Alexander the Great with his companion Craterus, or simply a conventional illustration of the royal diversion of hunting.[290] Mosaics with mythological themes include scenes of Dionysus riding a panther and Helen of Troy being abducted by Theseus, the latter of which employs illusionist qualities and realistic shading similar to Macedonian paintings.[290] Common themes of Macedonian paintings and mosaics include warfare, hunting, and aggressive masculine sexuality (i.e. abduction of women for rape or marriage); these subjects are at times combined within a single work and perhaps indicate a metaphorical connection.[note 39]

Theatre, music and performing arts

Philip II was assassinated in 336 BC at the theatre of

tragedians Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, whose works formed part of a proper Greek education for his new eastern subjects alongside studies in the Greek language, including the epics of Homer.[293] While he and his army were stationed at Tyre (in modern-day Lebanon), Alexander had his generals act as judges not only for athletic contests but also for stage performances of Greek tragedies.[294] The contemporaneous famous actors Thessalus and Athenodorus performed at the event.[note 40]

empire of Alexander the Great was the presence of an odeon for musical performances.[295] This was the case not only for Alexandria in Egypt, but also for cities as distant as Ai-Khanoum in what is now modern-day Afghanistan.[295]

Literature, education, philosophy, and patronage

Portrait bust of Aristotle, an Imperial Roman (1st or 2nd century AD) copy of a lost bronze sculpture made by Lysippos

Menedemos of Eretria, founder of the Eretrian school of philosophy, and Zenon, the founder of Stoicism.[292]

In terms of early

the popular assembly of the Athenian democracy, ostensibly while attending the school of Aristotle.[301] Philip V of Macedon had manuscripts of the history of Philip II written by Theopompus gathered by his court scholars and disseminated with further copies.[292]

Sports and leisure

A fresco showing Hades and Persephone riding in a chariot, from the tomb of Queen Eurydice I of Macedon at Vergina, Greece, 4th century BC

When Alexander I of Macedon petitioned to compete in the

horse race or chariot race) on the same day his son Alexander the Great was born, on either 19 or 20 July 356 BC.[304] Non-royal Macedonians also competed in and won various Olympic contests by the 4th century BC.[305] In addition to literary contests, Alexander the Great staged competitions for music and athletics across his empire.[293]

Dining and cuisine

A banquet scene from a Macedonian tomb of Agios Athanasios, Thessaloniki, 4th century BC; shown are six men reclining on couches, with food arranged on nearby tables, a male servant in attendance, and female musicians providing entertainment.[306]

Ancient Macedonia produced only a few fine foods or beverages that were highly appreciated elsewhere in the Greek world, including

during the wine course.[309] This particular dish was derided and connected with licentiousness and drunkenness in a play by the Athenian comic poet Alexis about the declining morals of Athenians in the age of Demetrius I of Macedon.[310]

The

game meat as well as for sport.[281]

Ethnic identity

Athenian terracotta figurine, c. 300 BC.
Macedonian terracotta figurine, 3rd century BC
Terracotta statues depicting ancient Macedonians wearing the kausia, a headgear that led the Persians to refer to the Macedonians as "Yaunã Takabara" ("Greeks with hats that look like shields").[312]

Ancient authors and modern scholars alike disagree about the precise ethnic identity of the ancient Macedonians. The predominant viewpoint supports that the Macedonians were "truly Greeks" who had just retained a more archaic lifestyle than those living in southern parts of Greece.

hegemon Philip II, when he was not a member of the league itself);[note 43] N. G. L. Hammond asserts that ancient views differentiating Macedonia's ethnic identity from the rest of the Greek-speaking world should be seen as an expression of conflict between two different political systems: the democratic system of the city-states (e.g. Athens) versus the monarchy (Macedonia).[315] Other academics who concur that the difference between the Macedonians and Greeks was a political rather than a true ethnic discrepancy include Michael B. Sakellariou,[316] Malcolm Errington,[note 44] and Craige B. Champion.[note 45]

Anson argues that some Hellenic authors expressed complex or even ever-changing and ambiguous ideas about the exact ethnic identity of the Macedonians, who were considered by some as barbarians and others as semi-Greek or fully Greek.[note 46] Roger D. Woodard asserts that in addition to persisting uncertainty in modern times about the proper classification of the Macedonian language and its relation to Greek, ancient authors also presented conflicting ideas about the Macedonians.[note 47] Simon Hornblower argues on the Greek identity of the Macedonians, taking into consideration their origin, language, cults and customs related to ancient Greek traditions.[317] Any preconceived ethnic differences between Greeks and Macedonians faded by 148 BC soon after the Roman conquest of Macedonia and then the rest of Greece with the defeat of the Achaean League by the Roman Republic at the Battle of Corinth (146 BC).[318]

Technology and engineering

Architecture

Mieza, Macedonia, Greece, 3rd century BC; decorated by colored Doric and Ionic moldings, the pediment is also painted with a scene of a man and woman reclining together.[319]

Macedonian architecture, although utilizing a mixture of different forms and styles from the rest of Greece, did not represent a unique or diverging style from other

triangular roof trusses, if dated before the reign of Antigonus II Gonatas or even the onset of the Hellenistic period.[321] Later Macedonian architecture also featured arches and vaults.[322] The palaces of both Vergina and Demetrias had walls made of sundried bricks, while the latter palace had four corner towers around a central courtyard in the manner of a fortified residence fit for a king or at least a military governor.[320]

Macedonian rulers also sponsored works of architecture outside of Macedonia proper. For instance, following his victory at the Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC), Philip II raised a round memorial building at Olympia known as the Philippeion, decorated inside with statues depicting him, his parents Amyntas III of Macedon and Eurydice I of Macedon, his wife Olympias, and his son Alexander the Great.[323]

East Macedonia and Thrace
, Greece

The ruins of roughly twenty

Greek theatres survive in the present-day regions of Macedonia and Thrace in Greece: sixteen open-air theatres, three odea, and a possible theatre in Veria undergoing excavation.[324]

Military technology and engineering

By the Hellenistic period, it became common for Greek states to finance the development and proliferation of ever more powerful

siege artillery such as bolt-shooting ballistae and siege engines such as huge rolling siege towers.[326] E. W. Marsden and M. Y. Treister contend that the Macedonian rulers Antigonus I Monophthalmus and his successor Demetrius I of Macedon had the most powerful siege artillery of the Hellenistic world at the end of the 4th century BC.[327] The siege of Salamis, Cyprus, in 306 BC necessitated the building of large siege engines and drafting of craftsmen from parts of West Asia.[328] The siege tower commissioned by Demetrius I for the Macedonian Siege of Rhodes (305–304 BC) and defended by over three thousand soldiers was built at a height of nine stories.[329] It had a base of 4,300 square feet (399 square metres), eight wheels that were steered in either direction by pivots, three sides covered in iron plates to protect them from fire, and mechanically opened windows (shielded with wool-stuffed leather curtains to soften the blow of ballistae rounds) of different sizes to accommodate the firing of missiles ranging from arrows to larger bolts.[329]

During the siege of

Other innovations

Although perhaps not as prolific as other areas of Greece in regards to technological innovations, there are some inventions that may have originated in Macedonia aside from siege engines and artillery. The

Rhodes, and Pergamon.[333]

Currency, finances, and resources

drachms (below) issued during the reign of Alexander the Great, now in the Numismatic Museum of Athens

The

State revenues were also raised by collecting

After the defeat of

Roman province of Macedonia), and when the Romans lifted the ban on Macedonian silver mining in 158 BC it may simply have reflected the local reality of this illicit practice continuing regardless of the Senate's decree.[345]

Legacy

The reigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great witnessed the demise of Classical Greece and the birth of Hellenistic civilization, following the spread of Greek culture to the Near East during and after Alexander's conquests.[346] Macedonians then migrated to Egypt and parts of Asia, but the intensive colonization of foreign lands sapped the available manpower in Macedonia proper, weakening the kingdom in its fight with other Hellenistic powers and contributing to its downfall and conquest by the Romans.[347] However, the diffusion of Greek culture and language cemented by Alexander's conquests in West Asia and North Africa served as a "precondition" for the later Roman expansion into these territories and entire basis for the Byzantine Empire, according to Errington.[348]

The Alexander Mosaic, a Roman mosaic from Pompeii, Italy, c. 100 BC

The ethnic Macedonian rulers of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid successor states accepted men from all over the Greek world as their hetairoi companions and did not foster a national identity like the Antigonids.

strict limitations on acquiring citizenship, the cosmopolitan Hellenistic cities of Asia and northeastern Africa bore a greater resemblance to Macedonian cities and contained a mixture of subjects including natives, Greek and Macedonian colonists, and Greek-speaking Hellenized Easterners, many of whom were the product of intermarriage between Greeks and native populations.[351]

The

Sarapis were thoroughly Hellenized by the Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt before the spread of his cult to Macedonia and the Aegean region.[354] The German historian Johann Gustav Droysen argued that the conquests of Alexander the Great and creation of the Hellenistic world allowed for the growth and establishment of Christianity in the Roman era.[355]

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ Engels 2010, p. 89; Borza 1995, p. 114; Eugene N. Borza writes that the "highlanders" or "Makedones" of the mountainous regions of western Macedonia are derived from northwest Greek stock; they were akin to those who at an earlier time may have migrated south to become the historical "Dorians".
  2. ^ Lewis & Boardman 1994, pp. 723–724, see also Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 105–108 for the Macedonian expulsion of original inhabitants such as the Phrygians.
  3. Anthemous
    in 506 BC.
  4. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 158–159; see also Errington 1990, p. 30 for further details; the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus provided a seemingly conflicting account about Illyrian invasions occurring in 393 BC and 383 BC, which may have been representative of a single invasion led by the Illyrian king Bardylis.
  5. Asia Minor (modern Turkey
    ) soon after this wedding. Müller also suspects that this marriage was one of political convenience meant to ensure the loyalty of an influential Macedonian noble house.
  6. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 171–172; Buckler 1989, pp. 63, 176–181; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 185–187.
    Cawkwell contrarily provides the date of this siege as 354–353 BC.
  7. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 172–173; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 60, 185; Hornblower 2002, p. 272; Buckler 1989, pp. 63–64, 176–181.
    Conversely, Buckler provides the date of this initial campaign as 354 BC, while affirming that the second Thessalian campaign ending in the Battle of Crocus Field occurred in 353 BC.
  8. Alexander III of Macedon as a potential suspect in the plot to assassinate Philip II of Macedon, N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank discuss possible Macedonian as well as foreign suspects, such as Demosthenes and Darius III: Hammond & Walbank 2001
    , pp. 8–12.
  9. hegemon of the League of Corinth, with some sources calling him a regent, others a governor, others a simple general.
    N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank state that Alexander the Great left "Macedonia under the command of Antipater, in case there was a rising in Greece." Hammond & Walbank 2001
    , p. 32.
  10. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61; Errington 1990, p. 155.
    Conversely, Errington dates Lysimachus' reunification of Macedonia by expelling Pyrrhus of Epirus as occurring in 284 BC, not 286 BC.
  11. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 229–230; see also Errington 1990, pp. 186–189 for further details.
    Errington is skeptical that Philip V at this point had any intentions of invading southern Italy via Illyria once the latter was secured, deeming his plans to be "more modest", Errington 1990, p. 189.
  12. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 86–87.
    Errington 1990, pp. 202–203: "Roman desire for revenge and private hopes of famous victories were probably the decisive reasons for the outbreak of the war."
  13. Thracian
    coast as 183 BC, while Eckstein dates it as 184 BC.
  14. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 98–99; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 242, who says that "Rome ... as the sole remaining superpower ... would not accept Macedonia as a peer competitor or equal."
    Klaus Bringmann asserts that negotiations with Macedonia were completely ignored due to Rome's "political calculation" that the Macedonian kingdom had to be destroyed to ensure the elimination of the "supposed source of all the difficulties which Rome was having in the Greek world".
  15. the king and involving a popular assembly of the army. See: Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 12–13.
    The main textual primary sources for the organization of Macedonia's military as it existed under Alexander the Great include Arrian, Curtis, Diodorus, and Plutarch; modern historians rely mostly on Polybius and Livy for understanding detailed aspects of the Antigonid-period military. On this, Sekunda 2010, pp. 446–447 writes: "... to this we can add the evidence provided by two magnificent archaeological monuments, the 'Alexander Sarcophagus' in particular and the 'Alexander Mosaic'... In the case of the Antigonid army ... valuable additional details are occasionally supplied by Diodorus and Plutarch, and by a series of inscriptions preserving sections of two sets of army regulations issued by Philip V
    ."
  16. the king and involving a popular assembly of the army. Hammond & Walbank 2001
    , pp. 12–13.
  17. Alexander III of Macedon. See Granier 1931, pp. 4–28, 48–57 and King 2010, pp. 374–375.
    Pietro De Francisci was the first to refute Granier's ideas and advance the theory that the Macedonian government was an autocracy ruled by the whim of the monarch, although this issue of kingship and governance is still unresolved in academia. See: de Francisci 1948, pp. 345–435 as well as King 2010, p. 375 and Errington 1990
    , p. 220 for further details.
  18. ^ King 2010, p. 379; Errington 1990, p. 221; early evidence for this includes not only Alexander I's role as a commander in the Greco-Persian Wars but also the city-state of Potidaea's acceptance of Perdiccas II of Macedon as their commander-in-chief during their rebellion against the Delian League of Athens in 432 BC.
  19. Archelaus I of Macedon. Hammond & Walbank 2001
    , p. 13.
  20. ^ King 2010, p. 382.
    The ranks of the companions were greatly increased during the reign of Philip II when he expanded this institution to include Upper Macedonian aristocrats as well as Greeks. See: Sawada 2010, p. 404.
  21. ^ King 2010, p. 384: the first recorded instance dates to 359 BC, when Philip II called together assemblies to address them with a speech and raise their morale following the death of Perdiccas III of Macedon in battle against the Illyrians.
  22. ^ For instance, when Perdiccas had Philip II's daughter Cynane murdered to prevent her own daughter Eurydice II of Macedon from marrying Philip III of Macedon, the army revolted and ensured that the marriage took place. See Adams 2010, p. 210 and Errington 1990, pp. 119–120 for details.
  23. ^ King 2010, p. 390.
    Although these were highly influential members of local and regional government, Carol J. King asserts that they were not collectively powerful enough to formally challenge the authority of the Macedonian king or his right to rule.
  24. mainland Greece
    by 146 BC.
  25. ^ Unlike the sparse Macedonian examples, ample textual evidence of this exists for the Achaean League, Acarnanian League, and Achaean League; see Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 366–367.
  26. military officers, while pikemen wore the kotthybos stomach bands along with their helmets and greaves, wielding a daggers as secondary weapons along with their shields. See Errington 1990
    , p. 241.
  27. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 455–456.
    Errington 1990, p. 245: in regards to both the argyraspides and chalkaspides, "these titles were probably not functional, perhaps not even official."
  28. ancient historians about the size of Alexander the Great's army, N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank choose Diodorus Siculus' figure of 32,000 infantry as the most reliable, while disagreeing with his figure for cavalry at 4,500, asserting it was closer to 5,100 horsemen. Hammond & Walbank 2001
    , pp. 22–23.
  29. hypaspistai from an elite unit to a form of military police or bodyguard under Philip V
    ; the only thing the two functions had in common was the particular closeness to the king."
  30. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 460–461; for the evolution of Macedonian military titles, such as its command by tetrarchai officers assisted by grammateis (i.e. secretaries or clerks), see Errington 1990, pp. 242–243.
  31. hypaspistai
    ."
  32. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 463; the largest figure for elite Macedonian peltasts mentioned by ancient historians was 5,000 troops, an amount that existed in the Social War (220–217 BC).
  33. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 44; Woodard 2010, p. 9; see also Austin 2006, p. 4 for further details.
    Edward M. Anson contends that the native spoken language of the Macedonians was a dialect of Greek and that in the roughly 6,300 Macedonian-period inscriptions discovered by archaeologists about 99% were written in the Greek language, using the Greek alphabet. Anson 2010, p. 17, n. 57, n. 58.
  34. philologists
    " but ultimately provided Macedonia's political enemies with the "proof" they needed to level the charge that Macedonians were not Greek.
  35. ^ Woodard 2004, pp. 12–14; Hamp, Eric; Adams, Douglas (2013). "The Expansion of the Indo-European Languages Archived 2014-02-22 at the Wayback Machine", Sino-Platonic Papers, vol 239. Accessed 16 January 2017.
    Joseph 2001: "Ancient Greek is generally taken to be the only representative (though note the existence of different dialects) of the Greek or Hellenic branch of Indo-European. There is some dispute as to whether Ancient Macedonian (the native language of Philip and Alexander), if it has any special affinity to Greek at all, is a dialect within Greek (see below) or a sibling language to all the known Ancient Greek dialects. If the latter view is correct, then Macedonian and Greek would be the two subbranches of a group within Indo-European which could more properly be called Hellenic."
    Georgiev 1966, pp. 285–297: ancient Macedonian is closely related to Greek, and Macedonian and Greek are descended from a common Greek-Macedonian idiom that was spoken till about the second half of the 3rd millennium BC.
  36. Cleopatra VII Philopator, the last active ruler of the Ptolemaic dynasty in Egypt, spoke Koine Greek as a first language and by her reign (51–30 BC) or some time before it the Macedonian language was no longer used. See Jones 2006
    , pp. 33–34.
  37. ^ Sansone 2017, p. 224; Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 6.
    Rosella Lorenzi (10 October 2014). "Remains of Alexander the Great's Father Confirmed Found: King Philip II's bones are buried in a tomb along with a mysterious woman-warrior Archived 2017-01-18 at the Wayback Machine." Seeker. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
  38. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 47–48; for a specific example of land reclamation near Amphipolis during the reign of Alexander the Great, see Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 31.
  39. ^ This metaphorical connection between warfare, hunting, and aggressive masculine sexuality seems to be affirmed by later Byzantine literature, particularly in the Acritic songs about Digenes Akritas. See Cohen 2010, pp. 13–34 for details.
  40. patron Alexander agreed to pay). SeeWorthington 2014
    , pp. 185–186 for details.
  41. Panhellenic sports and fostering of literary culture. See Hatzopoulos 2011b
    , p. 59.
  42. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 224–225.
    For Marsyas of Pella, see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 27 for further details.
  43. Epirotes, saying that the "Greekness" of the Epirotes, despite them not being considered as refined as southern Greeks, never came into question. Engels suggests this perhaps because the Epirotes did not try to dominate the Greek world as Philip II of Macedon had done. See: Engels 2010
    , pp. 83–84.
  44. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 3–4.
    Errington 1994, p. 4: "Ancient allegations that the Macedonians were non-Greek all had their origin in Athens at the time of the struggle with Philip II. Then as now, political struggle created the prejudice. The orator Aeschines once even found it necessary, to counteract the prejudice vigorously fomented by his opponents, to defend Philip on this issue and describe him at a meeting of the Athenian Popular Assembly as being 'entirely Greek'. Demosthenes' allegations were lent an appearance of credibility by the fact, apparent to every observer, that the life-style of the Macedonians, being determined by specific geographical and historical conditions, was different to that of a Greek city-state. This alien way of life was, however, common to western Greeks of Epirus, Akarnania and Aitolia, as well as to the Macedonians, and their fundamental Greek nationality was never doubted. Only as a consequence of the political disagreement with Macedonia was the issue raised at all."
  45. ^ Champion 2004, p. 41: "Demosthenes could drop the barbarian category altogether in advocating an Athenian alliance with the Great King against a power that ranked below any so-called barbarian people, the Macedonians. In the case of Aeschines, Philip II could be 'a barbarian due for the vengeance of God', but after the orator's embassy to Pella in 346, he became a 'thorough Greek', devoted to Athens. It all depended upon one's immediate political orientation with Macedonia, which many Greeks instinctively scorned, was always infused with deep-seated ambivalence."
  46. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 14–17; this was manifested in the different mythological genealogies concocted for the Macedonian people, with Hesiod's Catalogue of Women claiming that the Macedonians descended from Macedon, son of Zeus and Thyia, and was therefore a nephew of Hellen, progenitor of the Greeks. See: Anson 2010, p. 16; Rhodes 2010, p. 24.
    By the end of the 5th century BC, Hellanicus of Lesbos asserted Macedon was the son of Aeolus, the latter a son of Hellen and ancestor of the Aeolians, one of the major tribes of the Greeks. As well as belonging to tribal groups such as the Aeolians, Dorians, Achaeans, and Ionians, Anson also stresses the fact that some Greeks even distinguished their ethnic identities based on the polis (i.e. city-state) they originally came from. See: Anson 2010, p. 15.
  47. ^ For instance, Demosthenes when labeling Philip II of Macedon as a barbarian whereas Polybius called Greeks and Macedonians as homophylos (i.e. part of the same race or kin). See: Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10; Johannes Engels also discusses this ambiguity in ancient sources: Engels 2010, pp. 83–89.
  48. Ptolemaic successors of Alexander would foster for their own dynasty in Egypt). See: Worthington 2014, p. 180 and Sansone 2017
    , p. 228 for details.
  49. Zeus Ammon at the Siwa Oasis convinced him that Philip II was merely his mortal father and Zeus his actual father, Alexander began styling himself as the 'Son of Zeus', which brought him into contention with some of his Greek subjects who adamantly believed that living men could not be immortals. See Worthington 2012, p. 319 and Worthington 2014
    , pp. 182–183 for details.

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  58. ^ Müller 2010, p. 167.
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  61. ^ Müller 2010, p. 169.
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  66. ^ Müller 2010, p. 171; Buckley 1996, pp. 470–472; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 74–75.
  67. ^ Müller 2010, p. 172; Hornblower 2002, p. 272; Cawkwell 1978, p. 42; Buckley 1996, pp. 470–472.
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  69. ^ Müller 2010, p. 173; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 62, 66–68; Buckler 1989, pp. 74–75, 78–80; Worthington 2008, pp. 61–63.
  70. .
  71. ^ .
  72. ^ Müller 2010, p. 173; Cawkwell 1978, p. 44; Schwahn 1931, col. 1193–1194.
  73. ^ Cawkwell 1978, p. 86.
  74. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 173–174; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 85–86; Buckley 1996, pp. 474–475.
  75. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 173–174; Worthington 2008, pp. 75–78; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 96–98.
  76. ^ Müller 2010, p. 174; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 98–101.
  77. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 174–175; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 95, 104, 107–108; Hornblower 2002, pp. 275–277; Buckley 1996, pp. 478–479.
  78. ^ Müller 2010, p. 175.
  79. ^ Errington 1990, p. 227.
  80. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 175–176; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 114–117; Hornblower 2002, p. 277; Buckley 1996, p. 482; Errington 1990, p. 44.
  81. ^ Mollov & Georgiev 2015, p. 76.
  82. ^ Müller 2010, p. 176; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 136–142; Errington 1990, pp. 82–83.
  83. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 176–177; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 143–148.
  84. ^ Müller 2010, p. 177; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 167–168.
  85. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 177–179; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 167–171; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 16 for further details.
  86. . Afterwards he [Alexander] revived his father's League of Corinth, and with it his plan for a pan-Hellenic invasion of Asia to punish the Persians for the suffering of the Greeks, especially the Athenians, in the Greco-Persian Wars and to liberate the Greek cities of Asia Minor.
  87. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 348, 351
  88. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 347–349
  89. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 351
  90. ^ a b Müller 2010, pp. 179–180; Cawkwell 1978, p. 170.
  91. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 180–181; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 14 for further details.
  92. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 181–182; Errington 1990, p. 44; Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 186; see Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3–5 for details of the arrests and judicial trials of other suspects in the conspiracy to assassinate Philip II of Macedon.
  93. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 190; Müller 2010, p. 183; Renault 2001, pp. 61–62; Fox 1980, p. 72; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3–5 for further details.
  94. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 186.
  95. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 190.
  96. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 190–191; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 15–16 for further details.
  97. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 34–38.
  98. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 40–47.
  99. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; see also Errington 1990, p. 91 and Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 47 for further details.
  100. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 191–192; see also Errington 1990, pp. 91–92 for further details.
  101. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 192–193.
  102. ^ a b c Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 193.
  103. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 193–194; Holt 2012, pp. 27–41.
  104. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 193–194.
  105. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 194; Errington 1990, p. 113.
  106. ^ a b Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 195.
  107. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 194–195.
  108. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 105–106.
  109. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 198.
  110. ^ Holt 1989, pp. 67–68.
  111. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 196.
  112. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 199; Errington 1990, p. 93.
  113. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 200–201; Errington 1990, p. 58.
  114. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 201.
  115. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 201–203.
  116. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; see also Errington 1990, p. 44 for further details.
  117. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; see also Errington 1990, pp. 115–117 for further details.
  118. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; Adams 2010, p. 209; Errington 1990, pp. 69–70, 119.
  119. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 204–205; Adams 2010, pp. 209–210; Errington 1990, pp. 69, 119.
  120. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 205; see also Errington 1990, p. 118 for further details.
  121. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 208–209; Errington 1990, p. 117.
  122. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 210–211; Errington 1990, pp. 119–120.
  123. ^ Adams 2010, p. 211; Errington 1990, pp. 120–121.
  124. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 211–212; Errington 1990, pp. 121–122.
  125. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 207 n. #1, 212; Errington 1990, pp. 122–123.
  126. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 212–213; Errington 1990, pp. 124–126.
  127. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 213; Errington 1990, pp. 126–127.
  128. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 213–214; Errington 1990, pp. 127–128.
  129. ^ Adams 2010, p. 214; Errington 1990, pp. 128–129.
  130. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 214–215.
  131. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 215–216.
  132. ^ Adams 2010, p. 216.
  133. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 216–217; Errington 1990, p. 129.
  134. ^ Adams 2010, p. 217; Errington 1990, p. 145.
  135. ^ Adams 2010, p. 217; Errington 1990, pp. 145–147; Bringmann 2007, p. 61.
  136. ^ a b c d Adams 2010, p. 218.
  137. ^ a b Bringmann 2007, p. 61.
  138. ^ Adams 2010, p. 218; Errington 1990, p. 153.
  139. ^ a b Adams 2010, pp. 218–219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61.
  140. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61; Errington 1990, pp. 156–157.
  141. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, pp. 61–63; Errington 1990, pp. 159–160.
  142. ^ Errington 1990, p. 160.
  143. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 160–161.
  144. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, pp. 162–163.
  145. ^ a b Adams 2010, pp. 219–220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63.
  146. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 219–220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, p. 164.
  147. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Errington 1990, pp. 164–165.
  148. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220.
  149. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, p. 167.
  150. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Errington 1990, pp. 165–166.
  151. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; see also Errington 1990, pp. 167–168 about the resurgence of Sparta under Areus I.
  152. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, p. 168.
  153. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, pp. 168–169.
  154. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, pp. 169–171.
  155. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221.
  156. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 222.
  157. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 221–222; Errington 1990, p. 172.
  158. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, pp. 172–173.
  159. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, p. 173.
  160. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, p. 174.
  161. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 173–174.
  162. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, p. 174.
  163. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 174–175.
  164. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 175–176.
  165. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 223–224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; see also Errington 1990, pp. 179–180 for further details.
  166. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 223–224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; Errington 1990, pp. 180–181.
  167. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; Errington 1990, pp. 181–183.
  168. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; see also Errington 1990, p. 182 about the Macedonian military's occupation of Sparta following the Battle of Sellasia.
  169. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; Errington 1990, pp. 183–184.
  170. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 229; Errington 1990, pp. 184–185.
  171. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 229; Errington 1990, pp. 185–186, 189.
  172. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 230; Errington 1990, pp. 189–190.
  173. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 230–231; Errington 1990, pp. 190–191.
  174. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 79; Eckstein 2010, p. 231; Errington 1990, p. 192; also mentioned by Gruen 1986, p. 19.
  175. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 80; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 231 and Errington 1990, pp. 191–193 for further details.
  176. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 191–193, 210.
  177. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 82; Errington 1990, p. 193.
  178. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 82; Eckstein 2010, pp. 232–233; Errington 1990, pp. 193–194; Gruen 1986, pp. 17–18, 20.
  179. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 83; Eckstein 2010, pp. 233–234; Errington 1990, pp. 195–196; Gruen 1986, p. 21; see also Gruen 1986, pp. 18–19 for details on the Aetolian League's treaty with Philip V of Macedon and Rome's rejection of the second attempt by the Aetolians to seek Roman aid, viewing the Aetolians as having violated the earlier treaty.
  180. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 85; see also Errington 1990, pp. 196–197 for further details.
  181. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 234–235; Errington 1990, pp. 196–198; see also Bringmann 2007, p. 86 for further details.
  182. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 85–86; Eckstein 2010, pp. 235–236; Errington 1990, pp. 199–201; Gruen 1986, p. 22.
  183. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 86; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 235 for further details.
  184. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 86; Errington 1990, pp. 197–198.
  185. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 87.
  186. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 87–88; Errington 1990, pp. 199–200; see also Eckstein 2010, pp. 235–236 for further details.
  187. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 236.
  188. ^ a b Bringmann 2007, p. 88.
  189. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 88; Eckstein 2010, p. 236; Errington 1990, p. 203.
  190. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 88; Eckstein 2010, pp. 236–237; Errington 1990, p. 204.
  191. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 88–89; Eckstein 2010, p. 237.
  192. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 89–90; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 237 and Gruen 1986, pp. 20–21, 24 for further details.
  193. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 90–91; Eckstein 2010, pp. 237–238.
  194. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 91; Eckstein 2010, p. 238.
  195. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 91–92; Eckstein 2010, p. 238; see also Gruen 1986, pp. 30, 33 for further details.
  196. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 92; Eckstein 2010, p. 238.
  197. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 97; see also Errington 1990, pp. 207–208 for further details.
  198. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 97; Eckstein 2010, pp. 240–241; see also Errington 1990, pp. 211–213 for a discussion about Perseus's actions during the early part of his reign.
  199. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 97–98; Eckstein 2010, p. 240.
  200. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 98; Eckstein 2010, p. 240; Errington 1990, pp. 212–213.
  201. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 98–99; Eckstein 2010, pp. 241–242.
  202. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 99; Eckstein 2010, pp. 243–244; Errington 1990, pp. 215–216; Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 43.
  203. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 99; Eckstein 2010, p. 245; Errington 1990, pp. 204–205, 216; see also Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 43 for further details.
  204. ^ a b Bringmann 2007, pp. 99–100; Eckstein 2010, p. 245; Errington 1990, pp. 216–217; see also Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 43–46 for further details.
  205. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 104; Eckstein 2010, pp. 246–247.
  206. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 104–105; Eckstein 2010, p. 247; Errington 1990, pp. 216–217.
  207. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 104–105; Eckstein 2010, pp. 247–248; Errington 1990, pp. 203–205, 216–217.
  208. ^ King 2010, p. 374; see also Errington 1990, pp. 220–221 for further details.
  209. ^ King 2010, p. 373.
  210. ^ King 2010, pp. 375–376.
  211. ^ King 2010, pp. 376–377.
  212. ^ King 2010, p. 377.
  213. ^ a b King 2010, p. 378.
  214. ^ King 2010, p. 379.
  215. ^ a b c Errington 1990, p. 222.
  216. ^ a b King 2010, p. 380.
  217. ^ King 2010, p. 380; for further context, see Errington 1990, p. 220.
  218. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 345–346.
  219. ^ a b c d King 2010, p. 381.
  220. ^ Sawada 2010, p. 403.
  221. ^ Sawada 2010, pp. 404–405.
  222. ^ Sawada 2010, p. 406.
  223. ^ King 2010, p. 382; Errington 1990, p. 220.
  224. ^ Sawada 2010, pp. 382–383.
  225. ^ Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5, 12.
  226. ^ King 2010, pp. 384–389; Errington 1990, p. 220.
  227. ^ King 2010, pp. 383–384; Errington 1990, p. 220.
  228. ^ King 2010, p. 390.
  229. ^ Amemiya 2007, pp. 11–12.
  230. ^ a b Errington 1990, p. 231.
  231. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 229–230.
  232. ^ Errington 1990, p. 230.
  233. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 231–232.
  234. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 365–366.
  235. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 366–367.
  236. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 367–369.
  237. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 368–369.
  238. ^ Errington 1990, p. 242.
  239. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 447; Errington 1990, pp. 243–244.
  240. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 447–448.
  241. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 448–449; see also Errington 1990, pp. 238–239 for further details.
  242. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 238–239, 243–244.
  243. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 449.
  244. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 448–449.
  245. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 239–240.
  246. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 238, 247.
  247. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, p. 451.
  248. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 450; Errington 1990, p. 244.
  249. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, p. 452.
  250. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 451; Errington 1990, pp. 241–242.
  251. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 449–451.
  252. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 451; Errington 1990, pp. 247–248; Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 24–26.
  253. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 453.
  254. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, p. 454.
  255. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 455; Errington 1990, p. 245.
  256. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, pp. 458–459.
  257. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 461.
  258. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, p. 460.
  259. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 469
  260. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 462.
  261. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 463–464.
  262. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 247–248.
  263. ^ a b c d Errington 1990, p. 248.
  264. ^ Anson 2010, p. 17, n. 57, n. 58; Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10; Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 43–45; Engels 2010, pp. 94–95.
  265. ^ Engels 2010, p. 95.
  266. ^ Engels 2010, p. 94.
  267. ^ Sansone 2017, p. 223.
  268. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 17–18; see also Christesen & Murray 2010, pp. 428–445 for ways in which Macedonian religious beliefs diverged from mainstream Greek polytheism, although the latter was hardly "monolithic" throughout the Classical Greek and Hellenistic world and Macedonians were "linguistically and culturally Greek" according to Christesen and Murray. Christesen & Murray 2010, pp. 428–429.
  269. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 225–226.
  270. ^ Errington 1990, p. 226; Christesen & Murray 2010, pp. 430–431
  271. ^ a b Errington 1990, p. 226.
  272. ^ Borza 1992, pp. 257–260; Christesen & Murray 2010, pp. 432–433; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5–7 for further details.
  273. ^ Borza 1992, pp. 259–260; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5–6 for further details.
  274. ^ Borza 1992, pp. 257, 260–261.
  275. ^ Borza 1992, p. 257.
  276. ^ Sansone 2017, pp. 224–225.
  277. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 47–48; Errington 1990, p. 7.
  278. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 48; Errington 1990, pp. 7–8, 222–223.
  279. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 48.
  280. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 9–10.
  281. ^ a b c Anson 2010, p. 10.
  282. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 10–11.
  283. ^ Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 12–13.
  284. ^ Hardiman 2010, p. 515.
  285. ^ Hardiman 2010, pp. 515–517.
  286. ^ a b Hardiman 2010, p. 517.
  287. ^ Palagia 2000, pp. 182, 185–186.
  288. ^ Head 2016, pp. 12–13; Piening 2013, p. 1182.
  289. ^ Head 2016, p. 13; Aldrete, Bartell & Aldrete 2013, p. 49.
  290. ^ a b c d Hardiman 2010, p. 518.
  291. ^ Müller 2010, p. 182.
  292. ^ a b c Errington 1990, p. 224.
  293. ^ a b c Worthington 2014, p. 186.
  294. ^ Worthington 2014, p. 185.
  295. ^ a b Worthington 2014, pp. 183, 186.
  296. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 58; Roisman 2010, p. 154; Errington 1990, pp. 223–224.
  297. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 58–59; see also Errington 1990, p. 224 for further details.
  298. ^ Chroust 2016, p. 137.
  299. ^ Rhodes 2010, p. 23.
  300. ^ Rhodes 2010, pp. 23–25; see also Errington 1990, p. 224 for further details.
  301. ^ a b Errington 1990, p. 225.
  302. ^ Badian 1982, p. 34, Anson 2010, p. 16; Sansone 2017, pp. 222–223.
  303. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 59.
  304. ^ Nawotka 2010, p. 2.
  305. ^ Anson 2010, p. 19
  306. ^ Cohen 2010, p. 28.
  307. ^ a b c Dalby 1997, p. 157.
  308. ^ Dalby 1997, pp. 155–156.
  309. ^ Dalby 1997, p. 156.
  310. ^ Dalby 1997, pp. 156–157.
  311. ^ Anson 2010, p. 10; Cohen 2010, p. 28.
  312. ^ Engels 2010, p. 87; Olbrycht 2010, pp. 343–344.
  313. ^ Engels 2010, p. 84.
  314. ^ Badian 1982, p. 51, n. 72; Johannes Engels comes to a similar conclusion. See: Engels 2010, p. 82.
  315. . The other part of the Greek-speaking world extended from Pelagonia in the north to Macedonia in the south. It was occupied by several tribal states, which were constantly at war against Illyrians, Paeonians and Thracians. Each state had its own monarchy. Special prestige attached to the Lyncestae whose royal family, the Bacchiadae claimed descent from Heracles, and to the Macedonians, whose royal family had a similar ancestry. [...] In the opinion of the city-states these tribal states were backward and unworthy of the Greek name, although they spoke dialects of the Greek language. According to Aristotle, monarchy was the mark of people too stupid to govern themselves.
  316. ^ Sakellariou 1983, p. 52.
  317. . The question "Were the Macedonians Greeks?" perhaps needs to be chopped up further. The Macedonian kings emerge as Greeks by criterion one, namely shared blood, and personal names indicate that Macedonians generally moved north from Greece. The kings, the elite, and the generality of the Macedonians were Greeks by criteria two and three, that is, religion and language. Macedonian customs (criterion four) were in certain respects unlike those of a normal apart, perhaps, from the institutions which I have characterized as feudal. The crude one-word answer to the question has to be "yes."
  318. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 74.
  319. ^ Bolman 2016, pp. 120–121.
  320. ^ a b c Winter 2006, p. 163.
  321. ^ Winter 2006, pp. 164–165.
  322. ^ Winter 2006, p. 165.
  323. ^ Errington 1990, p. 227; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3, 7–8 for further details.
  324. ^ Koumpis 2012, p. 34.
  325. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 375–376.
  326. ^ Humphrey, Oleson & Sherwood 1998, p. 570.
  327. ^ Treister 1996, p. 376, no. 531.
  328. ^ a b Treister 1996, p. 376.
  329. ^ a b Humphrey, Oleson & Sherwood 1998, pp. 570–571.
  330. ^ Humphrey, Oleson & Sherwood 1998, pp. 570–572.
  331. ^ Curtis 2008, p. 380.
  332. ^ Stern 2008, pp. 530–532.
  333. ^ Cuomo 2008, pp. 17–20.
  334. ^ Errington 1990, p. 246.
  335. ^ Treister 1996, p. 379.
  336. ^ Meadows 2008, p. 773.
  337. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 432–433.
  338. ^ Kremydi 2011, p. 163.
  339. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 433.
  340. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 434.
  341. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 433–434; Roisman 2010, p. 163.
  342. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 373–375; see also Errington 1990, p. 223 for further details.
  343. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 374–375; see also Errington 1990, p. 223 for further details.
  344. ^ Treister 1996, p. 374.
  345. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 374–375.
  346. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 3–4.
  347. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 4–5.
  348. ^ Errington 1990, p. 249.
  349. ^ Asirvatham 2010, p. 104.
  350. ^ Anson 2010, p. 9.
  351. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 11–12.
  352. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 219–220.
  353. ^ Christesen & Murray 2010, pp. 435–436.
  354. ^ Christesen & Murray 2010, p. 436.
  355. ^ Anson 2010, p. 3.

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