Malaysian Chinese

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
This article is about people of Chinese ethnicity or nationality in Malaysia. For the variety of Mandarin Chinese spoken in Malaysia, see Malaysian Mandarin. For Malaysians in China, see Malaysian diaspora.

Malaysian Chinese people
马来西亚华人 / 馬來西亞華人
Orang Cina Malaysia
மலேசிய சீனர்
Peranakans · Overseas Chinese
Malaysian Chinese
Hanyu Pinyin
Mǎláixīyà Huáqiáo
Bopomofoㄇㄚˇ ㄌㄞˊ ㄒㄧ ㄧㄚˋ ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄑㄧㄠˊ
Wade–GilesMa3-lai2-hsi1-ya4 Hua2-ch'iao2
Tongyong PinyinMǎ-lái-si-yà Huá-ciáo
IPAMandarin pronunciation: [màlǎiɕíjâ xwǎ.tɕʰjǎu]
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationMáhlòihsāia Wàhkìuh
JyutpingMaa5 loi4 sai1 aa3 Waa4 kiu4
Canton RomanizationMa5 loi1 sei1 a3 Wa1 kiu1
IPACantonese pronunciation: [ma̬ːlɔ́ːysɐ́i.āː wáː.kʰiːú]
Southern Min
Hokkien POJMá-lâi-se-a Hôa-kiâu
Second alternative Chinese nameTraditional Chinese馬來西亞唐人Simplified Chinese马来西亚唐人

Chinese Malaysians, also commonly called locally as Malaysian Chinese, are

Southern Chinese immigrants who arrived in Malaysia between the early 19th and the mid-20th centuries. Malaysian Chinese form the second largest community of Overseas Chinese in the world, after Thai Chinese. Malaysian Chinese are traditionally dominant in the business sector of the Malaysian economy
.

The

Kuala Kangsar, Fuzhou in Sibu, Miri and Sitiawan, and Hainanese in Kuala Terengganu and Papar. However, Mandarin is now widely used as a working language
or lingua franca among the different Chinese ethnicities, particularly for younger generations.

Most Malaysian Chinese have maintained their Chinese heritage, including their diverse mother tongues. However, the descendants of the earliest Chinese migrants who arrived between the 13th and the 17th centuries have assimilated aspects of the indigenous Malay cultures and formed distinct sub-ethnic groups, such as the

Baba-Nyonya in Malacca and Penang, and the Sino-Natives in Sabah. The Malaysian Chinese are usually referred to as simply "Chinese" in Malaysian English, "Orang Cina" in Malay, "Sina" or "Kina" among indigenous groups in Borneo, "Cīṉar" (சீனர்) in Tamil, and "Huaren" (華人/华人, Chinese people), "Huaqiao" (華僑/华侨, Overseas Chinese),[7] or "Huayi" (華裔/华裔, ethnic Chinese)[citation needed] in Mandarin
by the local Chinese themselves.

Although the Malaysian Chinese population is increasing in every census, the proportion of ethnic Chinese among the country's total population has been consistently declining because of a lower birth rate and high emigration rate in recent decades. According to a report by the World Bank, the Malaysian diaspora around the world in 2010 included around a million people, most of them ethnic Chinese. The large number of emigrants, many of whom are young with education or skills, constitutes a significant "brain drain" from the country, especially towards the country's immediate neighbour Singapore.[8]

History

See also: History of Malaysia

Early history

A boat with a dark sail
A Chinese junk in the Kinabatangan District of northern Borneo, photographed by Martin Johnson c. 1935

indigenous people, who benefited from the jars, beads, silk, and pottery brought to the island by the Chinese.[12][13][14]

See caption
1935 map of the Ming dynasty under the Yongle Emperor in 1415

Chinese explorer and sailor

Mingshi, one of the official Chinese Twenty-Four Histories, mentioned a pre-established Chinese settlement in the area.[19] Mentions in other records exist, especially after trade contacts were established with the Nanyang region.[20] According to Hai Yü (Words about the Sea), written by Huang Zhong and published in 1537, the lifestyle of the Chinese community in Malacca differed from that of the local Malays.[21]

This close relationship was maintained during the Islamisation of the Malacca and

Brunei kingdoms, whose thalassocracy once covered much of present-day Malaysia. Both the Muslim sultanates pledged protection to the Chinese dynasties from further conquest by the neighbouring Javanese Majapahit or the Siamese Ayutthaya.[22][23][24] This relationship resulted in interethnic marriage between the sultanate's royal family and the Chinese envoy and representatives.[25][26][27] Zheng He's arrival encouraged the spread of Islam in the Malay Archipelago and aided the growth of the Chinese Muslim population from the Eastern Chinese coastal towns of Fujian and Canton, with many of their traders arriving in the coastal towns of present-day Malaysia and Indonesia by the early 15th century.[28][29] In addition to the early settlements in Kinabatangan and Malacca, two more old Chinese settlements are located in Terengganu and the Penang Island as part of trade networks with their respective areas.[30][31][32]

Colonial era (1500–1900)

Cemetery on a hill with trees
1860–1900 photograph of Bukit Cina (Chinese Hill) in Malacca, one of Malaysia's oldest Chinese cemeteries[31]

Although many Chinese traders avoided Portuguese Malacca after its 1511 conquest, the flow of emigrants from China continued.[33] The Zhengde Emperor retaliated against the Portuguese for their activities in Malacca during the Ming dynasty after the arrival of their fleet in Canton.[34] The Chinese emperor was reluctant to help the deposed Malaccan ruler reclaim his position, however, since the dynasty's foreign policy was changing to maintain friendly relations with the Portuguese.[34][35]

His successor, the Jiajing Emperor, changed the attitude of the Ming court by executing two government officials and reaffirming the importance of Malaccan issues in major policy decisions.[35] Some Chinese, including those from Fujian (defying Ming-Dynasty regulation for the sake of trade), informed the Portuguese of the trade route between Guangdong and Siam. Since the local Malaccan Chinese were not treated favourably by the Portuguese, they and most overseas Chinese refused to cooperate with them.[36] Through the Portuguese administration in Malacca, Chinese Muslims sided with other Islamic traders against the latter by providing ships and human capital.[37] Negotiations were later held in Guangdong between Chinese officials and Portuguese envoys about Malaccan issues, with Malacca remaining under Portuguese control.[38]

Selangor
, June 1874

After the 1641

Perak in 1650 through an earlier treaty with Aceh[42] and suggested that Alauddin, the 17th Sultan of Perak, allow the Chinese to develop tin mines. This facilitated Alauddin's plan to request more Chinese workers from Malacca, and the sultan promised to punish any official guilty of mistreating the Chinese.[43][44]

With the sultan's consent, the Chinese played a leading role in the tin-mining industry. The Fourth Anglo-Dutch War in 1780 adversely affected the tin trade, however, and many Chinese miners left.[45] Early Chinese settlements in Malacca and several areas along the archipelago's coasts notwithstanding, most mass Chinese migration to Malaysia occurred after the founding of British settlements in Malaya and Borneo during the early 19th century.[46]

Perak
in 1904

A 1786 British settlement in Penang and another in Singapore in 1819 triggered a mass emigration from China to the Malay Peninsula.[46] After the establishment of British rule in Labuan in 1846, more ethnic Chinese (primarily Hakka, and many from Singapore) arrived in British Borneo. The migration continued through the first few years of the North Borneo Chartered Company.[47] Chinese migration to Labuan and North Borneo was largely confined to the

agricultural sector; migration to the Raj of Sarawak was largely restricted to the mining and agricultural sectors.[48][49] Rajah Charles Brooke of Sarawak promoted the migration of Chinese and Dayak people to interior Sarawak to develop the region. This resulted in the establishment of an administrative center and bazaar by the 19th century, primarily in Sarawak's First, Second, and Third Divisions.[50]

Rajah Charles invited Chinese

Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang, nearly two million Chinese immigrated to Perak and Selangor.[54][55]

Old photo of four children in a rickshaw pulled by a man
Children in a rickshaw pulled by a Chinese coolie in Kuching around 1919

After the discovery of

secret societies. This exacerbated political unrest among the Malay aristocracy, which enlisted help from the secret societies.[60][62] Contemporary local Malay politics was characterised as anarchy and civil war between people from similar backgrounds, prompting alliances between senior Malay political leaders and officials from China and Europe who were protecting their investments.[63]

Divided nationalism and turbulence (1900–1945)

See also:
Chinese revolutionary activities in Malaya

You can help shoulder the responsibility of saving our country by donating your money, while our comrades in our country are sacrificing their lives.

 —Sun Yat-sen at the 1910 Penang conference in the Straits Settlements of Penang[64]

Outdoor photo of nine men, five seated and four standing
Tongmenghui fundraising meeting in Ipoh for the Second Guangzhou Uprising, c. 1911

Civil wars and other conflicts among the indigenous ethnic groups ended when the British gained control of Malaya and the northern island of

Pontianak, Manila, Bangkok, Singapore and George Town.[66] Competition arose among three groups, with each group targeting overseas Chinese (particularly in Malaya and Singapore) for support.[67] One group was a pro-Qing elite who targeted wealthy Chinese; the other two were reformists and revolutionaries who advocated constitutional reforms, the introduction of a parliamentary system, and the overthrow of Qing and Manchu influence on a modern Chinese nation.[67]

Malayan Campaign
, c. January 1942

After the revolution which established the

Communist Party of Siam; the movement also maintained relations with the earlier, Southeast Asian Communist Party of Indonesia.[71][72] The Communist Party of Malaya followed the general communist policy of opposing Western democracies before World War II, increasing propaganda against the Malayan government and the colonial government of Singapore in 1940.[73]

Outdoor photo of a large group of seated men in uniform
Malayan Peoples' Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) guerrillas during their disbandment ceremony in Kuala Lumpur after the end of World War II

At the beginning of the Sino-Japanese conflict and the Japanese occupation of

Kenpeitai.[79][80]

Much Chinese underground anti-Japanese activity in North Borneo was part of the Nanyang Chinese National Salvation Movement, led by Tan Kah Kee; in Sarawak, activities were coordinated by the Sarawak Anti-Fascist League.[81][82] The MPAJA was disbanded after the 1945 Allied victory in the Pacific, and many of its leaders were commended by the British.[83] It began to massacre perceived collaborators (primarily Malay) after it was disbanded, however, sparking a Malay backlash.[84] The MPAJA also targeted British posts, with several grenade attacks on British troops.[83] In North Borneo, the Chinese co-operated with the British and pledged loyalty to King George VI when the Crown Colony of North Borneo was formed after the war.[85]

Postwar unrest and social integration (1946–1962)

Two armed police officers questioning an elderly man
British and Malayan police talking to a Chinese civilian about communist activity in the area in 1949

The answer [to the uprising] lies not in pouring more troops into the jungle, but in the hearts and minds of the people.

 —Gerald Templer after his appointment as

British High Commissioner for Malaya to deal with the 1952 Malayan Emergency[86]

With the MPAJA renamed as the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA), communist insurgents used guerrilla tactics in the jungles, sabotaged transportation networks and attacked British plantations (assassinating several European plantation owners).[84] British intelligence estimated MNLA support at about 500,000, out of a total Chinese population of 3.12 million; battling the insurgents was difficult, since most hid in inaccessible jungles.[87] With the 18 June 1948 declaration of the Malayan Emergency, the early government response was chaotic; its primary aim was to guard important economic targets.[88][89] Most Malayan Chinese opposed the MNLA.[90]

Village with a dirt road and closely-spaced houses
New villages were established during the 1950s to segregate Chinese with connections to communist insurgents.[91]

The 1950

Scots Guard division in late 1948.[101]

Group of people marching with a banner in Chinese and English
Joint Chinese-Malay anticommunist demonstration in Semenyih, Selangor during the 1950s

According to

spiritual healing, medical education and welfare measures to residents of the new government villages.[104] By September 1952, every person born in Malaya (includes 1.2 million Chinese) was granted full citizenship.[105]

City street with buses, bicyclists and cycle rickshaws
George Town, Penang during the 1950s

When the Federation of Malaya gained independence from the British in 1957, there was still an insurgency.[106] Chinese communists who surrendered were given a choice of repatriation to China or declaring loyalty to the elected government of Malaya and renouncing communist ideology.[107] The anti-communist campaign continued until 1960, when the Malayan government declared the end of its state of emergency after Chin Peng demobilized his forces and left his hide-out in southern Thailand for Beijing via North Vietnam.[108][109] At a meeting of Chin and Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, China urged the Communist Party of Malaya to continue their armed struggle.[110] The establishment of a communist government in mainland China affected Chinese youth in Sarawak, who organized the pro-Beijing Sarawak Overseas Chinese Democratic Youth League (later the Sarawak Advanced Youth Association, which sparked the 1960 communist insurgency in Sarawak.[81] Malaysia's economy continued to prosper, dependent on tin and rubber industries dominated by a Chinese and Indian workforce.[111][112]

Struggle for equality in "Malaysian Malaysia" (1963–1965)

See also: Malaysian Malaysia

Early in 1961, when Prime Minister

Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), as opposed to Ketuanan Melayu after the 1963 formation of Malaysia,[116][117] he had adopted Malay as Singapore's national language and appointed Malay Yusof Ishak as Yang di-Pertuan Negara.[118]

The Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), led by Tan Cheng Lock and part of the Malaysian Alliance Party, refused to join the struggle for equality. The MCA feared that equality would disrupt an agreement between the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) in which Malays were politically dominant and the Chinese controlled the country's economy; Malaysian Indians played a smaller economic role, with the Malays promising to share future political power with the other two groups.[119] After two years as part of the federation and the enactment of Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia, Lee was joined by the Malay Peninsula's United Democratic Party and People's Progressive Party and Sarawak's United Peoples' Party and Machinda Party in the Malaysian Solidarity Convention to campaign for equality.[116] In a June 1965 speech at the MSC meeting in Singapore, Lee said:

It took a long time for us all to come to the same conclusions despite our differing experiences in Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. Our friends in Sabah are not here today officially, but I can assure you that we have many friends there. There is no doubt that it took us a long time to reach the inevitable conclusion that these people [referring to the racial politics in Malay Peninsula] were up to no good. You know the line they were taking with growing truculence on a heavy racial accent, the intimidatory postures and the snarling guttural notes on which they sent out their signals to their followers on the basis of the race lead us to only one conclusion -- that if this goes on, Malaysia will not belong to Malaysians. Since there are so many Malaysians, we decided that the time has come for us to speak our minds.[120]

Lee's call for a re-alignment of forces between those who wanted a "true Malaysian nation" and those who preferred a country led by a component of the Alliance Party, and his criticism of Malays advocating Malay dominance, led to bitter PAP–UMNO relations and the 1964 race riots in Singapore; Singapore was later expelled from the federation in August 1965, and became its own sovereign nation.[116][121][122]

Communist insurgencies and racial clashes (1965–1990)

The struggle for equality continued with the Democratic Action Party (DAP), which succeeded the PAP in 1965.[117] Many Malaysian Chinese began to view the Malaysian Chinese Association as more concerned with business and economic interests than social factors, although Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman considered the MCA the sole legitimate representative of the federation's Chinese community.[117] In 1968, communists supported by China began a new insurgency from their stronghold in southern Thailand.[123][124] The following year, the MCA was challenged by the DAP and the Malaysian People's Movement Party (GERAKAN). Of its 33 parliamentary seats contested in the election, the MCA retained 13 and lost control of the Penang state government to GERAKAN; Chinese-Malay tensions culminated in the 13 May incident.[125][126] Other clashes were also ethnic in nature.[127]

In the aftermath of the riots, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman blamed the communists rather than racial issues and said that the Vietnam War in their neighbour was "not simply a civil war but communist-ideology expansion".[128] The Malaysian government introduced several policy initiatives in security and development, a neighbourhood-watch program and the People's Volunteer Corps.[129] The Communist Party of Malaya split into two factions during the early 1970s: a revolutionary wing in 1970 and a Marxist–Leninist wing in 1974.[130] Kuala Lumpur and Beijing established diplomatic relations in 1974; China ended its aid to the factions, prompting their 1983 merger into the Malaysian Communist Party before their surrender to Thai authorities four years later and the 1989 peace agreement ending the insurgency.[65][131] A Chinese communist insurgency in Sarawak, supported by neighboring Indonesia, ended with peace negotiations in 1990.[132]

1990 to present

City street with heavy traffic, orange overhead lanterns, and mountains in the background
Happy Valley in George Town, Penang (looking west from Jalan Pasar)
Crowded city street, with red lanterns
Petaling Street, a Chinatown in Malaysia's capital of Kuala Lumpur, at night

Issues between the Malaysian Chinese and the Malays remain unresolved.

Chinese identity, in contrast to the Chinese communities in neighbouring Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.[133][134] After the 1969 racial clashes, the Malaysian New Economic Policy favouring the Malays from 1971 to 1990 increased Bumiputera economic control by 60 percent.[135] Malaysian Chinese remain the business sector's dominant players; equity ownership doubled from 22.8 percent in 1969 to 45.5 percent in 1990, and nearly all of Malaysia's richest people are Chinese.[136]

Since Malaysian Chinese manage the country's economy, most (75.8 percent in 1991) live in urban areas.

northeastern China and a smaller number of Vietnamese immigrants, however, with local men marrying women from China and Vietnam.[145]

Origins and social demographics

See also: Chinese emigration and Overseas Chinese
Map of the geographic origin of the present-day ethnic Chinese Malaysians since their early migrations from China to Nanyang region more than a hundred years ago.[145]

Since their early ancient trade connection and subsequent migrations, the majority of ethnic Chinese in Malaysia are

southern China.[146] Nearly all ethnic Chinese Malaysians living in the country today are either patrilineal descendants of these early immigrants, or new immigrants born in mainland China.[147] Among the first group from the first migration wave are the Peranakans in Kelantan and Terengganu, Sino-Natives in Sabah and Straits-born Chinese (Baba-Nyonya) in Malacca and Penang.[139][140][148] The Taiping Rebellion in the mid-19th century caused much chaos and suffering in southern China, which led many ethnic Chinese civilians to seek refuge overseas, particularly to the Nanyang region (Southeast Asia) in further south.[149] With the expanding British colonial ambitions in the region which led to the establishment of Straits Settlements, more migrants were attracted and the region became an important destination for Chinese emigration.[149]

An 1880 painting of southern Chinese merchant from Fujian (left) and Chinese official in Penang Island.

By the late 19th century with the second wave of migration through the British colonial rule, the

largest population of Chinese speakers in the world.[145][158] Following the establishment of diplomatic relationship between Mainland China and Malaysia in 1974, a joint communiqué
was made between the two nations, which stated:

The

Chinese nationality. As for residents who retain Chinese nationality of their own will, the Chinese government, acting in accordance with its consistent policy, will enjoin them to abide by the law of the Government of Malaysia, respect the customs and habits of the people there, and live in unity with them, and their proper rights and interests will be protected by the Government of China and respected by the Government of Malaysia.[159]

Ethnic distributions

See also: Demographics of Malaysia
Historical population
YearPop.±%
1970 3,555,879—    
1980 4,554,664+28.1%
1991 4,623,900+1.5%
2000 5,691,908+23.1%
2010 6,472,300+13.7%
2020 6,713,540+3.7%
Note: Main census is released every ten years.
Source: Malaysian Population Statistics
Hainanese
  Teochew
  Kwongsai
  Hockchia
  Undetermined majority

The first census conducted in 1970 after Malaysia was formed in 1963 reported that there were 3,555,879 ethnic Chinese Malaysians, with the

West Malaysia, Hokkien became the leading group followed by Cantonese, Hakka and Teochew.[162] The pattern differs in East Malaysia where Hakka is the majority in Sabah and Sarawak followed by Hokkien and Cantonese in Sabah and the Fuzhou (福州人), Hokkien and Teochew in Sarawak.[163][164][165] In 2010, the population increased further to 6,392,636.[166]

The Hokkien are notably prominent in the states of

Muallim, Bentong, Kuala Kangsar, Lipis, Mersing, Raub, Cameron Highlands, Jerantut, Temerloh, Bahau, Kampar, Rompin, Gopeng, Maran, Tapah, Pekan, Bidor and Seremban in the peninsular as well as Sandakan and Keningau (Taishanese or 台山人) in Sabah, and to a lesser extent, Miri and Sarikei in Sarawak.[167]
The Teochews are mostly found in Johor and Melaka, with a minority of them settling in pockets of Kedah, pockets of Penang and parts of coastal Selangor.

The Fuzhounese are numerous in Yong Peng, Sitiawan, Sungai Pelek, Miri, Bintangor, Sarikei, Bintulu, Kapit, and Sibu.[167][168] The population of Hainanese can be found in all cities and towns in Malaysia, numerously in Malacca and Terengganu and Henghuas or Putian (兴化人 or 莆田人) and Hockchia or Fuqing (福清人) in various other areas.[167]

There is also a small community of

Tiānjīn-ren (天津人 or 津侨). Besides that, Sanjiang-ren (Chinese: 三江人) is a collective term used to categorise the group of people whose ancestors hailed from Shanghai (上海), Zhejiang (浙江), Jiangsu (江苏), Hubei (湖北) and Jiangxi (江西). It is a subgroup of mixed spoken dialects and has the fewest people as compared to other Chinese subgroups. The first San Jiang Clansmen Association or San Kiang Association was formed in Penang back in 1897.[169][167]

Although the ethnic Chinese population had been increasing since the 1970s, their proportion within the total population had been decreasing gradually, particularly caused by the lower birth rate among the Chinese community.[160]

Economic and political representation

See also: Economy of Malaysia and Bamboo network
Proportion of ethnic Chinese and Malay with indigenous voters in the 2018 Malaysian parliamentary constituency:
  Bright red indicates a higher proportion of ethnic Chinese
  Bright green indicates a higher proportion of ethnic Malay or indigenous people
  Mixed colour means that the ratio of the two is equivalent
  The brownish colour are the area with the higher proportion of other non-indigenous races (such as Indians)

Ethnic Chinese Malaysians have been traditionally dominant in the business sector of the Malaysian economy with large local Chinese enterprises involved in

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) region.[174] Nevertheless, unlike the more transboundary business influence by neighbouring Chinese Singaporeans, a majority of Chinese Malaysian businesses are still seen as less concentrating on developing business ties with other Southeast Asian Chinese businessmen despite there have been few businesses made by several local Malaysian Chinese companies.[175]

Since the country's foundation in 1963, the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) was the sole legitimate political representation for ethnic Chinese in Malaysia under the multi-racial political coalition of the Alliance Party (later expanded into National Front coalition).[176] However, the growing restriction of non-Malay interests in Malaysian society and politics since the 1970s caused deep dissension among Chinese Malaysians. The perception that their ethnic party representatives were unable to stand for their people's rights grew, and that decision-making was influenced by the Malay supremacists dominated party of United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). The UMNO was the most influential part of the existing political coalition, and also championed Islamic values.[177] Despite the coalition's multi-racial appearance, UMNO founding president Onn Jaafar has once said that their movement did not adhere to any ideology other than "Malayism", defined by Malay scholar Ariffin Omar as the belief that the interests of the Malay race must be upheld over anything else.[178] From 1968, the inability of MCA to preserve ethnic Chinese Malaysian interests, particularly with regards to their culture, education, and language, resulted in the formation of another ethnic Chinese representative party, the Malaysian People's Movement Party (GERAKAN) led by Chinese overseas-educated elite, although this party also joined the Alliance Party coalition in 1972.[179]

The growing

United Pasokmomogun Kadazandusun Murut Organisation (UPKO) as a result of similar growing frustration over long-time manipulation of the state demographics and resources with lack of development through the administration of the Malay-led supremacists government of UMNO with frequent labelling as "fixed deposit state".[185][186][187] During the election, the DAP won a large amount of seats due to the support of many Chinese constituents and subsequently diminished MCA influence among ethnic Chinese Malaysians.[188][189][190]

Contributions towards local medical practice

See also: Traditional Chinese medicine
An ethnic Chinese woman in Malaysia grinds and cuts up dried herbs to make traditional Chinese medicine.

Aside from their economic dominance, ethnic Chinese Malaysians are known for their contribution in the country

chiropractic care (整骨), acupuncture (针灸) and several others.[192] In 2012, the Traditional and Complementary Medicine Bill (T&CM) was passed by the Parliament of Malaysia for the establishment of "Traditional and Complementary Medicine Council or Majlis Perubatan Tradisional dan Komplementari" to register and regulate traditional and complementary medicine practitioners, including traditional Chinese medicine practitioners as well Malay, indigenous and Indians traditional medicine which followed by the enforcement of T&CM Act in the following year.[193] Since most of the traditional medicine pharmacies are family-apprentice trade, most of the traditional medicine practitioners are not registered as a doctor under the health department despite the support given by the Health Ministry with most can practice the career without needed to be registered under government law.[191]

Education

See also: Chinese independent high school and Education in Malaysia
Co-curricular activities in Tshung Tsin Secondary School, a Chinese independent high school in Sabah.

In educational aspects, Malaysia is the only country outside China and Taiwan with a comprehensive and complete Chinese education system and the only Southeast Asian country that has perpetuated the Chinese education system established since the colonial era as a result of heavy brokerage and lobbying efforts by ethnic Chinese Malaysians political leaders with continual funding from local Chinese communities.[194][195] The first Chinese schools had been established in the country in the 19th century during the British colonial administration.[196][197][198] At the same time, Christian missions from China also founded schools for Chinese students to nurture Church workers, this are most notable among many Chinese Christians of Hakka origin in Sabah and the Fuzhou in Sarawak.[199] Following the country's independence, some of the Chinese independent schools who were influenced by the new national agenda and desperately needed government financial support were willingly converted into English medium-schools. However, these schools were later scrupulously converted into Malay medium-schools following the massive elimination of English medium-schools by the Malay-dominated regime in the 1970s in an effort to impose the Malay language as the only medium of instructions in all schools in the aftermath of ethnic riots in 1969.[194][195] The following period was considered a dark time for local Chinese education and witnessed a growing belief in the idea that the ethnic Chinese in Malaysia had to proceed on a basis of self-reliance and vigilance in order to preserve their language rights as the national education policy was seen as exclusionary and discriminatory for non-Malays, summed up in the aphorism "non-Malays belong to Malaysia but Malaysia only belongs to the Malays".[194][200]

SMJK Confucian in Kuala Lumpur, an example of converted Chinese independent school to government-funded "SMJK" (literally Sekolah Menengah Jenis Kebangsaan).

Although other remaining Chinese independent schools or 独中 were also included in the national school system in 1996, these independent schools still did not receive any financial assistance from the federal government and its United Examinations Certificate (UEC) or 统考 is not recognised by the government, making students who finish their studies from the local Chinese independent schools unable to enrol in government-funded public tertiary institutions.[201] Since late 1970, ethnic Chinese Malaysians had expanded their own Mandarin-language primary schools where around 90% of their children were enrolled based on the figures from 2006.[202] These schools gained a reputation for not only maintaining good discipline but also providing the high-quality education that the Malay schools were seen by some to lack. This perceived superiority attracted significant interest among Bumiputera parents with various analyses placing the number of Bumiputera students enrollment in Chinese schools between 60,000 and 100,000 in 2000.[202] The federal government's failure to impose Malay as the sole unifying language throughout the country's educational systems unlike in China with Standard Chinese or Indonesia with Indonesian language are mainly attributed to the racial-based policy enforcement of ethnic inclusion and exclusion.[203] Some argue that the educational policies imposed by the federal government over the years in regard to minority language education have created negative consequences for Malaysian youth: a mounting brain drain in particular. A study from 2000 found that the country had lost an ample amount of talented and skilled youth to other more favourable countries as the result of students from the large non-Malay minority language communities being forced to go to university abroad because they did not attend Malay language schools.[204][205]

Culture

See also:
East Asian cultural sphere
Inside the former house of a Peranakan (Baba-Nyonya or 峇峇娘惹) in Malacca which has now been converted into a museum, a Nyonya can be seen sitting inside wearing the traditional kebaya.

Malay elements.[209] Together with the Peranakans in Penang, both sides use a mixture of Hokkien and Malay despite the Penang Peranakans speak mainly Hokkien with some borrowed words from Malay words while in Malacca, the Peranakans have adopted Malay patois with some Hokkien words.[210] The food prepared by Penang Peranakans also infuses both Chinese and Malay elements, albeit with an additional Thai influence.[210] The Peranakans in the east coast of Malaysia in Kelantan and Terengganu have much closer ties with the Malay and Siamese community there since most of them has adopted the Malay and Siamese lifestyle.[211][212][213]

Na Tuk Kong (拿督公) shrine in West Malaysia.

Further, close blood relations between ethnic Chinese and local indigenous in northern

Sabah Malay dialect as their main lingua franca since the 14th century.[214] The close relations are marked with earliest records of the "Kina" term which is widely used by the indigenous Dusun to refer to the Chinese ethnicity including for the Dusun homeland mountain of "Mount Kinabalu" (Chinese widow mountain), "Kinabatangan River" (Chinese river) and several other places such as the Kinabalu mountain stream of "Kinataki", a small river in the northeastern coast of "Kinabañgun" and a Chinese land in Labuan Island, the "Kinabenua".[215][216] The Na Tuk Kong shrine for example shown another sign of assimilation with local culture, where it refers to local Malay guardian spirits worshipped by some ethnic Chinese in West Malaysia and neighbouring Singapore and Indonesia.[217] The term Na Tuk originated from the Malay word of Datuk (grandfather) which then merged with Kong (公, sometimes addressed as 'Kung' meaning elderly male), similar with Tu Ti Kung (Chinese: 土地公), an earth deity worshipped in East Asia.[218][219]

Cuisine

Main article: Malaysian Chinese cuisine
Some of the examples of ethnic Chinese influenced Malaysian cuisine, clockwise from top-right: grass jelly (凉粉) with Bandung, yong tau foo, Nyonya steamed layer cake (娘惹千层糕) and laksa noodle.

The ethnic Chinese cuisine in Malaysia is derived from the culinary traditions of their early immigrants and descendants, who have adopted or modified their culinary traditions under the influence of Malaysian culture. Additionally due to the immigration of Chinese to the country,

bean sprouts, tofu and soy sauce which are by now widely used by every ethnic group in the country.[222] Apart from introducing new ingredients , these earlier traders also discovered ingredients among the local population along the coast, such as the expensive edible bird's nest with the best quality nests claiming to come from Borneo.[223][224] Since a vast majority of Chinese Malaysians today are descendants of immigrants from southern China, local Chinese cuisine is predominantly based from Fujian, Cantonese, Hakka and Teochew cuisines. Their technique of stir frying ingredients and adding a small portion of cooking oil over high heat in a wok (锅) is widely adopted among the nation.[222]

The Nyonya making various traditional kuih.

Chinese Malaysian cuisine had developed a strong penchant for

Peranakan (土生华人) (including the Baba-Nyonya (峇峇娘惹)) ethnicity through a blend between Chinese and Malay which subsequently produced the Peranakan cuisine where they served Indian-style curries with eating etiquette different from mainstream ethnic Chinese society by following the Malay usage of fingers than chopsticks.[226] The Baba-Nyonya also specialized in making a variety of local snacks called kuih which require plenty of patience and skills.[227]

Dialects and languages

See also: Sinophone and Language and overseas Chinese communities § Malaysia
Map of the Sinophone world, where Chinese languages are spoken as a first language among ethnic Chinese in countries where their population is significant:
  Chinese-speaking majority (Coastal and central areas of China, Taiwan and Singapore)
  Large Chinese-speaking minority (Highland China, Malaysia and Brunei)
  Small Chinese-speaking minority (Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam)
Example of Chinese loanwords in Malay language
Loanword English description
bihun/mihun rice vermicelli
cakoi a long deep-fried dough
cawan cup
cincai carelessly, in a hurry, random
cincau grass jelly
ginseng root of herbal plants
kapcai underbone motorcycle
kuaci sunflower seed
kuetiau rice noodle
kuih snack and dessert
longkang drainage
mee/mi noodle
pau steamed bun
popia/popiah fried spring roll
samseng gangster
tauhu tofu
tauke big boss
teh tea
tongkang Chinese sailing ship
Source: Asmah 1975, p. 40 and DBP

The 1970 Malaysian Census reported the

Henghua with 24,654, Hockchia with 14,935 and different other ethnic Chinese with 202,977, for a total of 5,365,875.[149] The Malaysian Hokkien are divided into two localised dialects; the Penang Hokkien (northern) comprising Penang, Kedah, Perlis and Perak, and Southern Peninsular Hokkien in Johor, Malacca and neighbouring Singapore.[228] The northern Hokkien contains more Malay loanwords than the southern with the latter maintaining more of their original Hokkien words.[228] Many Hokkien living in Sarawak have been influenced heavily by indigenous language similarly with Hokkien in Kelantan where their language was heavily localised following close interaction with local Malays and Siamese.[228] Localised Hokkien also spoken primarily by the Peranakan community (Baba-Nyonya) in both Malacca and Penang.[229] Generally, Hokkien became a contact language among ethnic Chinese of different linguistic background in most parts of Malaysia.[230]

The

Standard Mandarin is used as the medium of instruction in local Chinese medium school and independent high school although the language still not necessarily spoken in their daily life practice.[240] Based on early Malaysian Census in 1970, around 41% of ethnic Chinese Malaysians are able to converse in Mandarin.[241]

Holidays and festivities

See also: Public holidays in Malaysia
Lion dance in Malaysia's capital during the Chinese main festivity.

With the large presence of ethnic Chinese in the country nationwide, Chinese New Year is celebrated as a national public holiday. 11 states and three federal territories in the country celebrate with two days holidays while two remaining states of Kelantan and Terengganu only celebrate a one-day holiday.[242] During the New Year, many Chinese living with their family in the urban areas will celebrate together, while some who may have family in rural areas will return for family reunions. Traditional dinner with the entire family is the most important aspect of the celebration and may include a traditional food tossing of yee sang, especially among the Cantonese.[243][244] Elders will usually give the young a red envelope (ang pow or angpau). A variety of festival sweets are presented in the house for visitors. Most Chinese settlements and Chinatown streets will be decorated before the New Year with colorful lanterns. Dragon and lion dances will be performed with firecracker and fireworks shows also featured as part of the celebrations.[244]

Aside from mandarin orange, various other snacks are presented for visitors throughout the Chinese New Year.

Chinese weddings remain popular to some ethnic Chinese Malaysian couples even though most have preferred the Western-influenced wearing of white wedding dresses and black jackets.[250]

Religion

See also: Chinese folk religion in Southeast Asia, Buddhism in Malaysia, Taoism in Malaysia, and Malaysian folk religion
Mahāyāna Buddhism and Taoism
temples in Malaysia.

Religion of ethnic Chinese Malaysians (2010)[251]

  Buddhism (83.6%)
  Christianity (11.0%)
  Chinese folk religion (3.4%)
  No religion (0.8%)
  Islam (0.7%)
  Hinduism (0.2%)
  Unknown (0.17%)
  Other religion (0.13%)

Based on the 2000 Malaysian Census, 86.6% of ethnic Chinese Malaysians adhere to

Chinese folk religious sects, 49,320 were irreligious, 42,048 are Muslims, 14,878 are Hindus, 11,387 with unknown religion while 8,576 practising other different religion.[251] Among the common deities worshipped by ethnic Chinese Malaysians in temples are Lord Guan (Guansheng Dijun 关圣帝君), Guan Yin (Goddess of Mercy 观世音菩萨), Dabo Gong 大伯公 (Earth Deity) and Mazu (Goddess of Sea 妈祖).[252]

Commonly found in ethnic Chinese homes and shops are

institutional religion of Buddhism, Christianity and Islam, ethnic Chinese who follow traditional folk religion do not have separate names for their belief and practices, as similar to the indigenous Malaysians such as Iban and the Orang Asli.[255] They describe their religious beliefs as either bai shen or bai fo (worshipping deities) which does usually include the worshipping of Buddha since Mahayana Buddhist deities are also commonly worshipped by the followers of Chinese traditional religion.[255]

Malaysian Chinese Catholics during Palm Sunday at St Ignatius Church in Selangor.

Chinese Christians, including both

Chinese horoscopes as well on Chinese geomancy of feng shui.[252] Taoist activities gain increasing interests and significance among Chinese Malaysians although it is not deeply practiced.[258][259]

See also

Gallery

Notes

  1. ^ Of the 8,820 Malaysian-born people resident in New Zealand in 1991, only 1,383 were Malay; most of the rest were Chinese Malaysians. In the 2013 New Zealand census, 16,350 people were born in Malaysia. Of these, more than five-eighths gave their ethnicity as Chinese or Malaysian Chinese. The next most numerous were Malays, with smaller groups of Indians and other Asian peoples.[5]

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Further reading

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