Manuel I Komnenos
Manuel I Komnenos | |
---|---|
Eastern Orthodox Christian |
Manuel I Komnenos (
Eager to restore his empire to its past glories as the superpower of the Mediterranean world, Manuel pursued an energetic and ambitious foreign policy. In the process he made alliances with
However, towards the end of his reign, Manuel's achievements in the east were compromised by a serious defeat at
Called ho Megas (ὁ Μέγας, translated as "
Accession to the throne
Born on 28 November 1118, Manuel Komnenos was the fourth son of
The empire that Manuel inherited from his father was in a more stable position than it had been a century earlier. In the late 11th century, the Byzantine Empire had faced marked military and political decline, but this decline had been arrested and largely reversed by the leadership of Manuel's grandfather and father. Nevertheless, the empire continued to face formidable challenges. At the end of the 11th century, the Normans of Sicily had removed Italy from the control of the Byzantine emperor. The Seljuk Turks had done the same with central Anatolia. And in the Levant, a new force had appeared—the Crusader states—which presented the Byzantine Empire with new challenges. Now, more than at any time during the preceding centuries, the task facing the emperor was daunting indeed.[8]
Second Crusade and Raynald of Châtillon
Prince of Antioch
The first test of Manuel's reign came in 1144, when he was faced with a demand by Raymond, Prince of Antioch for the cession of Cilician territories. However, later that year the crusader County of Edessa was engulfed by the tide of a resurgent Islamic jihad under Imad ad-Din Zengi. Raymond realized that immediate help from the west was out of the question. With his eastern flank now dangerously exposed to this new threat, there seemed little option but for him to prepare for a humiliating visit to Constantinople. Swallowing his pride, he made the journey north to submit to Manuel and ask for protection. He was promised the support that he had requested, and his allegiance to Byzantium was secured.[9]
Expedition against Iconium
In 1146 Manuel assembled his army at the military base
Arrival of the Crusaders
Manuel was prevented from capitalising on his conquests by events in the Balkans that urgently required his presence. In 1147 he granted a passage through his dominions to two armies of the Second Crusade under Conrad III of Germany and Louis VII of France. At this time, there were still members of the Byzantine court who remembered the passage of the First Crusade, a defining event in the collective memory of the age that had fascinated Manuel's aunt, Anna Komnene.[13]
Many Byzantines feared the Crusade, a view endorsed by the numerous acts of vandalism and theft practised by the unruly armies as they marched through Byzantine territory. Byzantine troops followed the Crusaders, attempting to police their behaviour, and further troops were assembled in Constantinople, ready to defend the capital against any acts of aggression. This cautious approach was well advised, but still the numerous incidents of covert and open hostility between the Franks and the Greeks on their line of march, for which it seems both sides were to blame, precipitated conflict between Manuel and his guests. Manuel took the precaution—which his grandfather had not taken—of making repairs to the
After 1147, however, the relations between the two leaders became friendlier. By 1148 Manuel had seen the wisdom of securing an alliance with Conrad, whose sister-in-law Bertha of Sulzbach he had earlier married; he actually persuaded the German king to renew their alliance against Roger II of Sicily.[16] Unfortunately for the Byzantine emperor, Conrad died in 1152, and despite repeated attempts, Manuel could not reach an agreement with his successor, Frederick Barbarossa.[b]
Cyprus invaded
Manuel's attention was again drawn to Antioch in 1156, when Raynald of Châtillon, the new Prince of Antioch, claimed that the Byzantine emperor had reneged on his promise to pay him a sum of money and vowed to attack the Byzantine province of Cyprus.[18] Raynald arrested the governor of the island, John Komnenos, who was a nephew of Manuel, and the general Michael Branas.[19] The Latin historian William of Tyre deplored this act of war against fellow Christians and described the atrocities committed by Raynald's men in considerable detail.[20] Having ransacked the island and plundered all its wealth, Raynald's army mutilated the survivors before forcing them to buy back their flocks at exorbitant prices with what little they had left. Thus enriched with enough booty to make Antioch wealthy for years, the invaders boarded their ships and set sail for home.[21] Raynald also sent some of the mutilated hostages to Constantinople as a vivid demonstration of his disobedience and his contempt for the Byzantine emperor.[19]
Manuel responded to this outrage in a characteristically energetic way. In the winter of 1158–59, he marched to Cilicia at the head of a huge army; the speed of his advance (Manuel had hurried on ahead of the main army with 500 cavalry) was such that he managed to surprise the
Manuel in Antioch
Meanwhile, news of the advance of the Byzantine army soon reached Antioch. Raynald knew that he had no hope of defeating the emperor, and in addition knew that he could not expect any aid from King Baldwin III of Jerusalem. Baldwin did not approve of Raynald's attack on Cyprus, and in any case had already made an agreement with Manuel. Thus isolated and abandoned by his allies, Raynald decided that abject submission was his only hope. He appeared dressed in a sack with a rope tied around his neck, and begged for forgiveness. Manuel at first ignored the prostrate Raynald, chatting with his courtiers; William of Tyre commented that this ignominious scene continued for so long that all present were "disgusted" by it.[24] Eventually, Manuel forgave Raynald on condition that he would become a vassal of the Empire, effectively surrendering the independence of Antioch to Byzantium.[3]
Peace having been restored, a grand ceremonial procession was staged on 12 April 1159 for the triumphant entry of the Byzantine army into the city, with Manuel riding through the streets on horseback, while the Prince of Antioch and the
Satisfied with his efforts thus far, Manuel headed back to Constantinople. On their way back, his troops were surprised in line of march by the Turks. Despite this, they won a complete victory, routing the enemy army from the field and inflicting heavy losses. In the following year, Manuel drove the Turks out of Isauria.[28]
Italian campaign
Roger II of Sicily
In 1147 Manuel was faced with war by
Roger died in February 1154 and was succeeded by
Papal-Byzantine alliance
The city of
Encouraged by the success, Manuel dreamed of restoration of the Roman Empire, at the cost of union between the
"Alexios Komnenos and Doukas ... had become captive to the Normans' lord [and] again ruined matters. For as they had already pledged to the Sicilians many things not then desired by the emperor, they robbed the Romans of very great and noble achievements. [They] ... very likely deprived the Roman of the cities too soon." |
John Cinnamus[35] |
At this point, just as the war seemed decided in his favour, events turned against Manuel. Byzantine commander Michael Palaiologos alienated allies with his attitude, stalling the campaign as Count
Failure of the Church union
During the Italian campaign, and afterwards, during the struggle of the Papal Curia with Frederick, Manuel tried to sway the popes with hints of a possible union between the Eastern and Western churches. Although in 1155 Pope Adrian IV had expressed his eagerness to prompt the reunion of the churches,[e] hopes for a lasting Papal-Byzantine alliance came up against insuperable problems. Adrian IV and his successors demanded recognition of their religious authority over all Christians everywhere and sought superiority over the Byzantine emperor; they were not at all willing to fall into a state of dependence from one emperor to the other.[33] Manuel, on the other hand, wanted an official recognition of his secular authority over both East and West.[39] Such conditions would not be accepted by either side. Even if a pro-western emperor such as Manuel agreed, the Greek citizens of the empire would have rejected outright any union of this sort, as they did almost three hundred years later when the Orthodox and Catholic churches were briefly united under the pope. In spite of his friendliness towards the Roman Church and his cordial relations with all the popes, Manuel was never honoured with the title of augustus by the popes. And although he twice sent embassies to Pope Alexander III (in 1167 and 1169) offering to reunite the Greek and Latin churches, Alexander refused, under pretext of the troubles that would follow union.[40]
The final results of the Italian campaign were limited in terms of the advantages gained by the Empire. The city of Ancona became a Byzantine base in Italy, accepting Manuel as sovereign. The Normans of Sicily had been damaged and now came to terms with the Empire, ensuring peace for the rest of Manuel's reign. The Empire's ability to get involved in Italian affairs had been demonstrated. However, given the enormous quantities of gold which had been lavished on the project, it also demonstrated the limits of what money and diplomacy alone could achieve. The expense of Manuel's involvement in Italy must have cost the treasury a great deal (probably more than 2.16 million hyperpyra or 30,000 pounds of gold), and yet it produced only limited solid gains.[41][42]
Byzantine policy in Italy after 1158
After 1158, under the new conditions, the aims of the Byzantine policy changed. Manuel now decided to oppose the objective of the
Balkan frontier
On his northern frontier Manuel expended considerable effort to preserve the conquests made by Basil II over one hundred years earlier and maintained, sometimes tenuously, ever since. Due to distraction from his neighbours on the Balkan frontier, Manuel was kept from his main objective, the subjugation of the Normans of Sicily. Relations had been good with the Serbs and Hungarians since 1129, so the Serb rebellion came as a shock. The Serbs of Rascia, being so induced by Roger II of Sicily, invaded Byzantine territory in 1149.[3]
Manuel forced the rebellious Serbs, and their leader, Uroš II, to vassalage (1150–1152).[49] He then made repeated attacks upon the Hungarians with a view to annexing their territory along the Sava. In the wars of 1151–1153 and 1163–1168 Manuel led his troops into Hungary and a spectacular raid deep into enemy territory yielded substantial war booty. In 1167, Manuel sent 15,000 men under the command of Andronikos Kontostephanos against the Hungarians,[50] scoring a decisive victory at the Battle of Sirmium and enabling the Empire to conclude a very advantageous peace with the Kingdom of Hungary by which Syrmia, Bosnia and Dalmatia were ceded. By 1168 nearly the whole of the eastern Adriatic coast lay in Manuel's hands.[51]
Efforts were also made towards a diplomatic annexation of Hungary. The Hungarian heir Béla, younger brother of the Hungarian king Stephen III, was sent to Constantinople to be educated in the emperor's court. Manuel intended the youth to marry his daughter, Maria, and to make him his heir, thus securing the union of Hungary with the Empire. At court Béla assumed the name Alexius and received the title of despot, which had previously been applied only to the emperor himself. However, two unforeseen dynastic events drastically altered the situation. In 1169, Manuel's young wife gave birth to a son, thus depriving Béla of his status as heir of the Byzantine throne (although Manuel would not renounce the Croatian lands he had taken from Hungary). Then, in 1172, Stephen died childless, and Béla went home to take his throne. Before leaving Constantinople, he swore a solemn oath to Manuel that he would always "keep in mind the interests of the emperor and of the Romans". Béla III kept his word: as long as Manuel lived, he made no attempt to retrieve his Croatian inheritance, which he only afterwards reincorporated into Hungary.[51]
Relations with Kievan Rus' (Russia)
Manuel Komnenos attempted to draw the Russian principalities into his net of diplomacy directed against Hungary, and to a lesser extent Norman Sicily. This polarised the Russian princes into pro- and anti-Byzantine camps. In the late 1140s three princes were competing for primacy in Russia: prince
In 1164–65 Manuel's cousin Andronikos, the future emperor, escaped from captivity in Byzantium and fled to the court of Yaroslav in Galicia. This situation, holding out the alarming prospect of Andronikos making a bid for Manuel's throne sponsored by both Galicia and Hungary, spurred the Byzantines into an unprecedented flurry of diplomacy. Manuel pardoned Andronikos and persuaded him to return to Constantinople in 1165. A mission to Kiev, then ruled by Prince Rostislav, resulted in a favourable treaty and a pledge to supply the Empire with auxiliary troops; Yaroslav of Galicia was also persuaded to renounce his Hungarian connections and return fully into the imperial fold. As late as 1200 the princes of Galicia were providing invaluable services against the enemies of the Empire, at that time the Cumans.[53]
The restoration of relations with Galicia had an immediate benefit for Manuel when, in 1166, he dispatched two armies to attack the eastern provinces of Hungary in a vast pincer movement. One army crossed the
Invasion of Egypt
Alliance with the Kingdom of Jerusalem
Control of Egypt was a decades-old dream of the crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, and its king
Although such a long-range attack on a state far from the centre of the Empire may seem extraordinary (the last time the Empire had attempted anything on this scale was the failed invasion of Sicily over one hundred and twenty years earlier), it can be explained in terms of Manuel's foreign policy, which was to use the Latins to ensure the survival of the Empire. This focus on the bigger picture of the eastern Mediterranean and even further afield thus led Manuel to intervene in Egypt: it was believed that in the context of the wider struggle between the crusader states and the
A successful invasion of Egypt would have several further advantages for the Byzantine Empire. Egypt was a rich province, and in the days of the Roman Empire it had supplied much of the grain for Constantinople before it was lost to the Arabs in the 7th century. The revenues that the Empire could have expected to gain from the conquest of Egypt would have been considerable, even if these would have to be shared with the Crusaders. Furthermore, Manuel may have wanted to encourage Amalric's plans, not only to deflect the ambitions of the Latins away from Antioch, but also to create new opportunities for joint military ventures that would keep the King of Jerusalem in his debt, and would also allow the Empire to share in territorial gains.[55]
Failure of the expedition
The joined forces of Manuel and Amalric laid siege to Damietta on 27 October 1169, but the siege was unsuccessful due to the failure of the Crusaders and the Byzantines to co-operate fully.[61] According to Byzantine forces, Amalric, not wanting to share the profits of victory, dragged out the operation until the emperor's men ran short of provisions and were particularly affected by famine; Amalric then launched an assault, which he promptly aborted by negotiating a truce with the defenders. On the other hand, William of Tyre remarked that the Greeks were not entirely blameless.[62] Whatever the truth of the allegations of both sides, when the rains came, both the Latin army and the Byzantine fleet returned home, although half of the Byzantine fleet was lost in a sudden storm.[63]
Despite the bad feelings generated at Damietta, Amalric still refused to abandon his dream of conquering Egypt, and he continued to seek good relations with the Byzantines in the hopes of another joined attack, which never took place.[64] In 1171 Amalric came to Constantinople in person, after Egypt had fallen to Saladin. Manuel was thus able to organise a grand ceremonial reception which both honoured Amalric and underlined his dependence: for the rest of Amalric's reign, Jerusalem was a Byzantine satellite, and Manuel was able to act as a protector of the Holy Places, exerting a growing influence in the Kingdom of Jerusalem.[65] In 1177, a fleet of 150 ships was sent by Manuel I to invade Egypt, but returned home after appearing off Acre due to the refusal of Count Philip of Flanders and many important nobles of the Kingdom of Jerusalem to help.[66]
Kilij Arslan II and the Seljuk Turks
Between 1158 and 1162, a series of Byzantine campaigns against the
Yet Manuel's army of 35,000 men was large and unwieldy—according to a letter that Manuel sent to King
Manuel made serious tactical errors, such as failing to properly scout out the route ahead.[72] These failings caused him to lead his forces straight into a classic ambush. On 17 September 1176 Manuel was checked by Seljuk Sultan Kilij Arslan II at the Battle of Myriokephalon (in highlands near the Tzibritze pass), in which his army was ambushed while marching through the narrow mountain pass.[43][73] The Byzantines were hemmed in by the narrowness of the pass, this allowed the Seljuks to concentrate their attacks on part of the Byzantine army, especially the baggage and siege train, without the rest being able to intervene.[74] The army's siege equipment was quickly destroyed, and Manuel was forced to withdraw—without siege engines, the conquest of Iconium was impossible. According to Byzantine sources, Manuel lost his nerve both during and after the battle, fluctuating between extremes of self-delusion and self-abasement;[75] according to William of Tyre, he was never the same again.[76]
The terms by which Kilij Arslan II allowed Manuel and his army to leave were that he should remove his forts and armies near frontier at Dorylaeum and Sublaeum. Since the Sultan had already failed to keep his side of the earlier treaty of 1162, however, Manuel only ordered the fortifications of Sublaeum to be dismantled, but not the fortifications of Dorylaeum.[77] Nevertheless, defeat at Myriokephalon was an embarrassment for both Manuel personally and also for his empire. The Komnenian emperors had worked hard since the Battle of Manzikert, 105 years earlier, to restore the reputation of the empire. Yet because of his over-confidence, Manuel had demonstrated to the whole world that Byzantium still could not decisively defeat the Seljuks, despite the advances made during the past century. In western opinion, Myriokephalon cut Manuel down to a humbler size: not that of Emperor of the Romans but that of King of the Greeks.[73]
The defeat at Myriokephalon has often been depicted as a catastrophe in which the entire Byzantine army was destroyed. Manuel himself compared the defeat to Manzikert; it seemed to him that the Byzantine defeat at Myriokephalon complemented the destruction at Manzikert. In reality, although a defeat, it was not too costly and did not significantly diminish the Byzantine army.[73] Most of the casualties were borne by the right wing, largely composed of allied troops commanded by Baldwin of Antioch, and also by the baggage train, which was the main target of the Turkish ambush.[78]
The limited losses inflicted on native Byzantine troops were quickly recovered, and in the following year Manuel's forces defeated a force of "picked Turks".
In 1178, however, a Byzantine army retreated after encountering a Turkish force at Charax, allowing the Turks to capture many livestock.[3] The city of Claudiopolis in Bithynia was besieged by the Turks in 1179, forcing Manuel to lead a small cavalry force to save the city, and then, even as late as 1180, the Byzantines succeeded in scoring a victory over the Turks.[3]
The continuous warfare had a serious effect upon Manuel's vitality; he declined in health and in 1180 succumbed to a slow fever. Furthermore, like Manzikert, the balance between the two powers began to gradually shift—Manuel never again attacked the Turks, and after his death they began to move further west, deeper into Byzantine territory.[80]
Doctrinal controversies (1156–1180)
Three major theological controversies occurred during Manuel's reign. In 1156–1157 the question was raised whether
Ten years later, a controversy arose as to whether the saying of Christ, "My Father is greater than I", referred to his divine nature, to his human nature, or to the union of the two.[81] Demetrius of Lampe, a Byzantine diplomat recently returned from the West, ridiculed the way the verse was interpreted there, that Christ was inferior to his father in his humanity but equal in his divinity. Manuel, on the other hand, perhaps with an eye on the project for Church union, found that the formula made sense, and prevailed over a majority in a synod convened on 2 March 1166 to decide the issue, where he had the support of the patriarch Luke Chrysoberges[3] and later Patriarch Michael III.[84] Those who refused to submit to the synod's decisions had their property confiscated or were exiled.[g] The political dimensions of this controversy are apparent from the fact that a leading dissenter from the Emperor's doctrine was his nephew Alexios Kontostephanos.[85]
A third controversy sprung up in 1180, when Manuel objected to the formula of solemn abjuration, which was exacted from Muslim converts. One of the more striking anathemas of this abjuration was that directed against the deity worshipped by Muhammad and his followers:[86]
And before all, I anathematize the God of Muhammad about whom he [Muhammad] says, "He is God alone, God made of solid, hammer-beaten metal; He begets not and is not begotten, nor is there like unto Him any one."
The emperor ordered the deletion of this anathema from the Church's catechetical texts, a measure that provoked vehement opposition from both the Patriarch and bishops.[86]
Chivalric narrations
Manuel is representative of a new kind of Byzantine ruler who was influenced by his contact with western Crusaders. He arranged jousting matches, even participating in them, an unusual and discomforting sight for the Byzantines. Endowed with a fine physique, Manuel has been the subject of exaggeration in the Byzantine sources of his era, where he is presented as a man of great personal courage. According to the story of his exploits, which appear as a model or a copy of the romances of chivalry, such was his strength and exercise in arms that Raymond of Antioch was incapable of wielding his lance and buckler. In a famous tournament, he is said to have entered the lists on a fiery courser, and to have overturned two of the stoutest Italian knights. In one day, he is said to have slain forty Turks with his own hand, and in a battle against the Hungarians he allegedly snatched a banner, and was the first, almost alone, who passed a bridge that separated his army from the enemy. On another occasion, he is said to have cut his way through a squadron of five hundred Turks, without receiving a wound; he had previously posted an ambuscade in a wood and was accompanied only by his brother and Axouch.[87]
Family
Manuel had two wives. His first marriage, in 1146, was to Bertha of Sulzbach, a sister-in-law of Conrad III of Germany. She died in 1159. Children:
- Maria Komnene (1152[88]–1182), wife of Renier of Montferrat.
- Anna Komnene[88] (1154–1158).
Manuel's second marriage was to Maria of Antioch (nicknamed Xene), a daughter of Raymond and Constance of Antioch, in 1161. By this marriage, Manuel had one son:
- Alexios II Komnenos, who succeeded as emperor in 1180.[89]
Manuel had several illegitimate children:
By Theodora Vatatzina:
- Alexios Komnenos (born in the early 1160s), who was recognised as the emperor's son, and indeed received a title (sebastokrator). He was briefly married to Eirene Komnene, illegitimate daughter of Andronikos I Komnenos, in 1183–1184, and was then blinded by his father-in-law. He lived until at least 1191 and was known personally to Choniates.[90]
By Maria Taronitissa, the wife of John Doukas Komnenos:
- Alexios Komnenos, a pinkernes ("cupbearer"), who fled Constantinople in 1184 and was a figurehead of the Norman invasion and the siege of Thessalonica in 1185.
By other lovers:
- A daughter whose name is unknown. She was born around 1150 and married Theodore Maurozomes before 1170. Her son was Sultanate of Rûm, and her descendants ruled the sultanate from 1220 to 1246.[91]
- A daughter whose name is unknown, born around 1155. She was the maternal grandmother of the author Demetrios Tornikes.[92]
Assessments
Foreign and military affairs
As a young man, Manuel had been determined to restore by force of arms the predominance of the Byzantine Empire in the Mediterranean countries. By the time he died in 1180, 37 years had passed since that momentous day in 1143 when, amid the wilds of Cilicia, his father had proclaimed him emperor. These years had seen Manuel involved in conflict with his neighbours on all sides. Manuel's father and grandfather before him had worked patiently to undo the damage done by the battle of Manzikert and its aftermath. Thanks to their efforts, the empire Manuel inherited was stronger and better organised than at any time for a century. While it is clear that Manuel used these assets to the full, it is not so clear how much he added to them, and there is room for doubt as to whether he used them to best effect.[1]
"The most singular feature in the character of Manuel is the contrast and vicissitude of labour and sloth, of hardiness and effeminacy. In war he seemed ignorant of peace, in peace he appeared incapable of war." |
Edward Gibbon[93] |
Manuel had proven himself to be an energetic emperor who saw possibilities everywhere, and whose optimistic outlook had shaped his approach to foreign policy. However, in spite of his military prowess Manuel achieved but a slight degree of his object of restoring the Byzantine Empire. Retrospectively, some commentators have criticised some of Manuel's aims as unrealistic, in particular citing the expeditions he sent to Egypt as proof of dreams of grandeur on an unattainable scale. His greatest military campaign, his grand expedition against the Turkish
His advisors on western church affairs included the Pisan scholar
Internal affairs
Choniates criticised Manuel for raising taxes and pointed to Manuel's reign as a period of excess; according to Choniates, the money thus raised was spent lavishly at the cost of his citizens. Whether one reads the Greek encomiastic sources, or the Latin and oriental sources, the impression is consistent with Choniates' picture of an emperor who spent lavishly in all available ways, rarely economising in one sector in order to develop another.[28] Manuel spared no expense on the army, the navy, diplomacy, ceremonial, palace-building, the Komnenian family, and other seekers of patronage. A significant amount of this expenditure was pure financial loss to the Empire, like the subsidies poured into Italy and the crusader states, and the sums spent on the failed expeditions of 1155–1156, 1169 and 1176.[96]
The problems this created were counterbalanced to some extent by his successes, particularly in the Balkans; Manuel extended the frontiers of his Empire in the Balkan region, ensuring security for the whole of Greece and Bulgaria. Had he been more successful in all his ventures, he would have controlled not only the most productive farmland around the Eastern Mediterranean and Adriatic seas, but also the entire trading facilities of the area. Even if he did not achieve his ambitious goals, his wars against Hungary (1149–1155, 1162–1167) brought him control of the Dalmatian coast, the rich agricultural region of Sirmium, and the Danube trade route from Hungary to the Black Sea. His Balkan expeditions are said to have taken great booty in slaves and livestock;[97] Kinnamos was impressed by the amount of arms taken from the Hungarian dead after the battle of 1167.[98] And even if Manuel's wars against the Turks probably realised a net loss, his commanders took livestock and captives on at least two occasions.[97]
This allowed the Western provinces to flourish in an economic revival that had begun in the time of his grandfather Alexios I and continued till the close of the century. Indeed, it has been argued that Byzantium in the 12th century was richer and more prosperous than at any time since the Persian invasion during the reign of Herakleios, some five hundred years earlier. There is good evidence from this period of new construction and new churches, even in remote areas, strongly suggesting that wealth was widespread.[99] Trade was also flourishing; it has been estimated that the population of Constantinople, the biggest commercial centre of the Empire, was between half a million and one million during Manuel's reign, making it by far the largest city in Europe. A major source of Manuel's wealth was the kommerkion, a customs duty levied at Constantinople on all imports and exports.[100] The kommerkion was stated to have collected 20,000 hyperpyra each day.[101]
Furthermore, Constantinople was undergoing expansion. The cosmopolitan character of the city was being reinforced by the arrival of Italian merchants and Crusaders en route to the Holy Land. The Venetians, the
Legacy
To the
A telling reminder of the influence that Manuel held in the Crusader states in particular can still be seen in the
Manuel died on 24 September 1180,
See also
Notes
^ a: The mood that prevailed before the end of 1147 is best conveyed by a verse encomium to Manuel (one of the poems included in a list transmitted under the name of Theodore Prodromos in Codex Marcianus graecus XI.22 known as Manganeios Prodromos), which was probably an imperial commission, and must have been written shortly after the Germans had crossed the Bosporus. Here Conrad is accused of wanting to take Constantinople by force, and to install a Latin patriarch (Manganeios Prodromos, no 20.1).[113]
^ d: Alexios had been ordered to bring soldiers, but he merely brought his empty ships to Brindisi.[36]
^ e: In 1155 Hadrian sent legates to Manuel, with a letter for Basil, Archbishop of Thessaloniki, in which he exhorted that bishop to procure the reünion of the churches. Basil answered that there was no division between the Greeks and Latins, since they held the same faith and offered the same sacrifice. "As for the causes of scandal, weak in themselves, that have separated us from each other", he added, "your Holiness can cause them to cease, by your own extended authority and the help of the Emperor of the West."[115]
^ f: This probably meant that Amalric repeated Baldwin's assurances regarding the status of Antioch as an imperial fief.[58]
^ g: According to Michael Angold, after the controversy of 1166 Manuel took his responsibilities very seriously, and tightened his grip over the church. 1166 was also the year in which Manuel first referred in his legislation to his role as the disciplinarian of the church (epistemonarkhes).[116]
References
- ^ a b P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 3
- ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 3–4
- ^ a b c d e f g h A. Stone (2007) Manuel I Comnenus. DIR
- ^ John Kinnamos (c. 1118) History I.10. Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae XIII. "Ioannes post diebus moritus... octavo die mensis".
- ^ Gibbon, The decline and fall of the Roman Empire, 72
- ^ Gibbon, The decline and fall of the Roman Empire, 72
* J. H. Norwich, A short history of Byzantium
* A. Stone, Manuel I Comnenus - ^ J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 87–88
- ^ "Byzantium". Papyros-Larousse-Britannica. 2006.
- ^ J. Cinnamus, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, 33–35
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 40 - ^ a b W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 640
- ^ J. Cinnamus, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, 47
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 42 - ^ Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, p. 42
- ^ A. Komnene, The Alexiad, 333
- ^ Kinnamos, pp. 65–67
- ^ Birkenmeier, p. 110
- ^ a b c P. Magdalino, The Byzantine Empire, 621
- ^ Letter by the Emperor Manuel I Komnenos Archived 2 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine, Vatican Secret Archives.
- ^ P. P. Read, The Templars, 238
- ^ a b c P. P. Read, The Templars, 239
- ^ William of Tyre, Historia, XVIII, 10
- ^ C. Hillenbrand, The Imprisonment of Raynald of Châtillon, 80
* T. F. Madden, The New Concise History of the Crusades, 65 - ^ a b P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 67
- ISBN 978-1-472-46841-3, vol. 14, p. 53
- ^ B. Hamilton, William of Tyre and the Byzantine Empire, 226
* William of Tyre, Historia, XVIII, 23 - ^ Muir 1963, p. 16.
- ^ a b Angold 1997, map 3.
- ^ a b c Z. N. Brooke, A History of Europe, from 911 to 1198, 482
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 67
* J. H. Norwich, A short history of Byzantium - ^ a b K. Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, Db, 134
- ^ J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 98 and 103
- ^ a b J. Duggan, The Pope and the Princes, 122
- ^ J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 114
* J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 112 - ^ J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 112–113
- ^ a b c A. A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire, VII
- ^ William of Tyre, Historia, XVIII, 2
- ^ J. Cinnamus, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, 172
- ^ a b J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 115
* J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 115 - ^ J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 115–116
* A. A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire, VII - ^ J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 116
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 61 - ^ J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 114
- ^ Abbé Guettée, The Papacy, Chapter VII
* J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 114 - ^ J. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 116
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 643
- ^ a b c d e Rogers, Clifford J, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology: Vol. 1., 290
- ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 84
* A. A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire, VII - ^ Abulafia, D. (1984) Ancona, Byzantium and the Adriatic, 1155–1173, Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 52, pp. 195–216, 211
- ^ J. Cinnamus, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, 231
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 84 - ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 93
- ^ J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 131
- ^ Curta, Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, xxiii
- ^ J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 241
- ^ a b J. W. Sedlar, East Central Europe in the Middle Ages, 372
- ^ D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth, 299–300.
- ^ D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth, 300–302.
- ^ M. Angold, The Byzantine Empire, 1025–1204, 177.
- ^ a b c P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 73
- ^ J. Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 107
- ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 73
* J. G. Rowe, Alexander III and the Jerusalem Crusade, 117 - ^ a b c P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 74
- ^ J. Phillips, The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople, 158
- ^ William of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea
- ^ R. Rogers, Latin Siege Warfare in the Twelfth Century, 84–86
- ^ William of Tyre, Historia, XX 15–17
- ^ T. F. Madden, The New Concise History of the Crusades, 68
- ^ T. F. Madden, The New Concise History of the Crusades, 68–69
- ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 75
* H. E. Mayer, The Latin East, 657 - ^ J. Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 109
- ^ I. Health, Byzantine Armies, 4
- ^ Magdalino, pp. 78 and 95–96
- ^ K. Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, Db, 140
- ^ a b J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 128
- ^ Birkenmeier, p. 132.
- ^ J. Bradbury, Medieval Warfare, 176
- ^ a b c D. MacGillivray Nicol, Byzantium and Venice, 102
- ^ Haldon 2001, pp. 142–143
- ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 98
- ISBN 9780748631155. Retrieved 15 December 2022.
- ^ a b W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 649
- ^ J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 128
* K. Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, Db, 141 - ^ J. W. Birkenmeier, The Development of the Komnenian Army, 196
- S2CID 218994025. Retrieved 15 December 2022.
- ^ a b J. H. Kurtz, History of the Christian Church to the Restoration, 265–266
- ^ Pavel Cheremukhin, "The Council of Constantinople, 1157, and Nicholas, Bishop of Methone". "At the beginning of Mai's presentation of the acts of the Council, both opinions on the main issue – subsequently recognized as heretical and Orthodox – are formulated as follows: "In the reign of Manuel Komnenos, the doctrine expressed in the words: "Thou art the Offeror, the Offered, and the One Who receives" was widely discussed. Some (The heretical party) claimed that the Sacrifice of the Cross was offered to one Father and Spirit, but by no means to the sacrificing Word Itself, saying that if the latter is allowed, then the One Son of God will be completely divided into two persons, which division was introduced by the empty-mouthed Nestorius.” Others (The Orthodox), in agreement with the words of the mentioned prayer, claimed that "the offering was also to the Son Himself, i.e., to the One and Indivisible Being of the Beginningless Trinity."" https://azbyka.ru/otechnik/Istorija_Tserkvi/konstantinopolskij-sobor-1157-goda-i-nikolaj-episkop-mefonskij/
- ^ Stone, D. (1909, reprinted 2006), pp. 163-164
- ^ P. Magdalino, p. 279.
- ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 217
- ^ a b G. L. Hanson, Manuel I Komnenos and the "God of Muhammad", 55
- ^ Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 73
* K. Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, Db, 121 - ^ a b Garland-Stone, Bertha-Irene of Sulzbach, first wife of Manuel I Comnenus
- ^ K. Varzos, Genealogy of the Komnenian Dynasty, 155
- ^ Každan-Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture, 102
- ^ C. M. Brand, The Turkish Element in Byzantium, 12
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 98 - ^ K. Varzos, Genealogy of the Komnenian Dynasty, 157a
- ^ a b Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, p. 74.
- ^ M. Bartusis, The Late Byzantine Army, 5–6
- ISBN 9781409439264. Retrieved 15 December 2022.
- ^ N. Choniates, O City of Byzantium, Annals of Niketas Choniates, 96–97
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 173 - ^ a b P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 174
- ^ J. Cinnamus, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, 274
- ^ a b M. Angold, The Byzantine Empire, 1025–1204
- ^ J. Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, 25
- ^ J. Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, 26
- ^ G. W. Day, Manuel and the Genoese, 289–290
- ^ P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 143–144
- ^ Muir 1963, pp. 16, 18.
- ^ J. Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 3 - ^ G. W. Day, Manuel and the Genoese, 289–290
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 3 - ^ Robert of Clari, "Account of the Fourth Crusade", 18 Archived 13 February 2005 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ B. Zeitler, Cross-cultural interpretations
- ^ J. W. Sedlar, East Central Europe in the Middle Ages, 372–373
- ^ Schreiner, Peter (1975). Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken 1. Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae XII(1). p. 146. Chronik 14, 80, 4: "κδ' [24] τού σεπτεμβρίου μηνός, τής ιδ' [14] ίνδικτίώvoς, ςχπθ' [6689] έτους".
- ^ a b c P. Magdalino, The Medieval Empire, 194
- ^ Melvani, N., (2018) 'The tombs of the Palaiologan emperors', Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 42 (2) pp.237-260
- ^ Jeffreys-Jeffreys, The "Wild Beast from the West", 102
* P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 49 - ^ Z. N. Brooke, A History of Europe, from 911 to 1198, 482
- ^ Abbé Guettée, The Papacy, Chapter VII
- ^ M. Angold, Church and Society under the Komneni, 99
Sources
Primary sources
- ISBN 0-8143-1764-2.
- Cinammus, John, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. Charles M. Brand. Columbia University Press, 1976.
- ISBN 0-14-044215-4.
- Robert of Clari(c. 1208). Account of the Fourth Crusade.
- William of Tyre, Historia Rerum in Partibus Transmarinis Gestarum (A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea), translated by E. A. Babock and A. C. Krey (Columbia University Press, 1943). See the original text in the Latin library.
Secondary sources
- Abbé Guettée (1866). "Chapter VII". The Papacy: Its Historic Origin and Primitive Relations with the Eastern Churches. Archived from the original on 27 October 2009.
- ISBN 0-521-26432-4.
- Angold, Michael (1997). The Byzantine Empire, 1025–1204. Longman. ISBN 0-582-29468-1.
- Birkenmeier, John W. (2002). "The Campaigns of Manuel I Komnenos". The Development of the Komnenian Army: 1081–1180. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 90-04-11710-5.
- ISBN 1-84664-983-8.
- Brand, Charles M. (1989). "The Turkish Element in Byzantium, Eleventh-Twelfth Centuries". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 43. Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University: 1–25. JSTOR 1291603.
- Brooke, Zachary Nugent (2004). "East and West: 1155–1198". A History of Europe, from 911 to 1198. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-22126-9.
- "Byzantium". Papyros-Larousse-Britannica (Volume XIII) (in Greek). 2006. ISBN 960-8322-84-7.
- ISBN 978-0-521-81539-0.
- Day, Gerald. W. (June 1977). "Manuel and the Genoese: A Reappraisal of Byzantine Commercial Policy in the Late Twelfth Century". The Journal of Economic History. 37 (2): 289–301. S2CID 155065665.
- Duggan, Anne J. (2003). "The Pope and the Princes". Adrian IV, the English Pope, 1154–1159: Studies and Texts edited by Brenda Bolton and Anne J. Duggan. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 0-7546-0708-9.
- Garland, Lynda, Stone, Andrew. "Bertha-Irene of Sulzbach, first wife of Manuel I Comnenus". Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors. Retrieved 5 February 2007.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ISBN 0-14-043395-3.
- Haldon, John (2001), The Byzantine Wars, Stroud: Tempus, ISBN 0-7524-1777-0
- Hamilton, Bernard (2003). "William of Tyre and the Byzantine Empire". Porphyrogenita: : Essays on the History and Literature of Byzantium and the Latin East in Honor of Julian Chrysostomides, edited by Charalambos Dendrinos, Jonathan Harris, Eirene Harvalia-Crook and Judith Herrin. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 0-7546-3696-8.
- Hanson, Graig L. (2003). "Manuel I Komnenos and the "God of Muhammad": A Study in Byzantine Ecclesiastical Politics". Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam: A Book of Essays edited by John Tolan. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-92892-3.
- Harris, Jonathan, Byzantium and the Crusades, Bloomsbury, 2nd ed., 2014. ISBN 978-1-78093-767-0
- Harris, Jonathan and Tolstoy, Dmitri, 'Alexander III and Byzantium', in Alexander III (1159–81: The Art of Survival, ed. P. Clarke and A. Duggan, Ashgate, 2012, pp. 301–13. ISBN 978 07546 6288 4
- Harris, Jonathan (2017). Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4742-5467-0.
- Heath, Ian (1995). Byzantine Armies 1118–1461 AD (Illustrated by Angus McBride). Osprey Publishing. ISBN 1-85532-347-8.
- Hillenbrand, Carole (2003). "The Imprisonment of Raynald of Châtillon". Texts, Documents, and Artefacts: Islamic Studies in Honour of D. S. (Donald Sidney) Richards edited by Chase F. Robinson. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 90-04-10865-3.
- Jeffreys, Elizabeth; Jeffreys Michael (2001). "The "Wild Beast from the West": Immediate Literary Reactions in Byzantium to the Second Crusade" (PDF). In ISBN 0-88402-277-3. Archived from the original(PDF) on 10 May 2017.
- Každan, Alexander P.; Epstein, Ann Wharton (1990). "Popular and Aristocratic Popular Trends". Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-06962-5.
- Kurtz, Johann Heinrich (1860). "Dogmatic Controversies, 12th and 14th Centuries". History of the Christian Church to the Reformation. T. & T. Clark. ISBN 0-548-06187-4.
- "Letter by the Emperor Manuel I Komnenos To Pope Eugene III on the Issue of the Crusades". Vatican Secret Archives. Archived from the originalon 2 February 2007. Retrieved 5 February 2007.
- ISBN 0-7425-3822-2.
- ISBN 978-1-13905402-7.
- Magdalino, Paul (2002). "The Medieval Empire (780–1204)". The Oxford History of Byzantium By Cyril A. Mango. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-814098-3.
- ISBN 0-521-52653-1.
- Mayer, Hans (2004). "The Latin East, 1098–1205". In ISBN 978-1-13905402-7.
- Muir, Ramsay (1963). Muir's Historical Atlas (6 ed.). London: George Philip & Son.
- ISBN 0-521-34157-4.
- ISBN 0-14-025960-0.
- Norwich, John J. (1995). Byzantium: The Decline and Fall. Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. ISBN 0-679-41650-1.
- Obolensky, Dimitri (1971). The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe 500–1453. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 1-84212-019-0.
- Paparrigopoulos, Constantine; Karolidis, Pavlos (1925). History of the Hellenic Nation (in Greek). Vol. Db. Athens: Eleftheroudakis..
- ISBN 960-536-143-4.
- Rogers, Clifford J. (2010). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology: Vol. 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195334036.
- Rogers, Randal (1997). "The Capture of the Palestinian Coast". Latin Siege Warfare in the Twelfth Century. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-820689-5.
- ISBN 0-8047-2630-2.
- Sedlar, Jean W. (1994). "Foreign Affairs". East Central Europe in the Middle Ages, 1000–1500. University of Washington Press. ISBN 0-295-97290-4.
- Stone, Darwell, (1909) A History of the Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist, Vol. 1, Longmans, Green & Co., London (reprinted Wipf & Stock, Eugene, Oregon, 2006).
- Stone, Andrew. "Manuel I Comnenus (A.D. 1143–1180)". Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors. Retrieved 5 February 2007.
- Varzos, Konstantinos (1984). Η Γενεαλογία των Κομνηνών [The Genealogy of the Komnenoi] (PDF) (in Greek). Vol. A. Thessaloniki: OCLC 834784634.
- ISBN 0-299-80925-0.
- Zeitler, Barbara (1994). "Cross-cultural Interpretations of Imagery in the Middle Ages". The Art Bulletin. 76 (4): 680–694. JSTOR 3046063.
Further reading
- Haldon, John (2002). Byzantium – A History. Tempus. ISBN 0-7524-2343-6.
- Lilie, Ralph-Johannes (1988). Byzantium and the Crusader States, 1096–1204. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-820407-8.