Martin Bucer
Martin Bucer | |
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Calvinist | |
Notable ideas | Ecumenism |
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Martin Bucer (
Bucer's efforts to reform the church in
Bucer believed that the
In 1549, Bucer was exiled to England, where, under the guidance of
Historical context
In the 16th century, the
In addition to the princely states, free imperial cities, nominally under the control of the Emperor but really ruled by councils that acted like sovereign governments,[4] were scattered throughout the Empire. As the Reformation took root, clashes broke out in many cities between local reformers and conservative city magistrates. It was in a free imperial city, Strasbourg, that Martin Bucer began his work. Located on the western frontier of the Empire, Strasbourg was closely allied with the Swiss cities that had thrown off the imperial yoke. Some had adopted a reformed religion distinct from Lutheranism, in which humanist social concepts and the communal ethic played a greater role.[5] Along with a group of free imperial cities in the south and west of the German lands, Strasbourg followed this pattern of Reformation. It was ruled by a complex local government largely under the control of a few powerful families and wealthy guildsmen. In Bucer's time, social unrest was growing as lower-level artisans resented their social immobility and the widening income gap. The citizens may not have planned revolution, but they were receptive to new ideas that might transform their lives.[6]
Early years (1491–1523)
Martin Bucer was born in
By 1515, Bucer was studying theology in the Dominican monastery in
In April 1518,
The events that caused Bucer to leave the Dominican Order arose from his embrace of new ideas and his growing contact with other humanists and reformers. A fellow Dominican, Jacob van Hoogstraaten, the Grand Inquisitor of Cologne, tried to prosecute Johann Reuchlin, a humanist scholar. Other humanists, including the nobles Ulrich von Hutten and Imperial Knight Franz von Sickingen, took Reuchlin's side. Hoogstraten was thwarted, but he now planned to target Bucer. On 11 November 1520, Bucer told the reformer Wolfgang Capito in a letter that Hoogstraaten was threatening to make an example of him as a follower of Luther. To escape Dominican jurisdiction, Bucer needed to be freed of his monastic vows. Capito and others were able to expedite the annulment of his vows, and on 29 April 1521 he was formally released from the Dominican order.[16][17]
For the next two years, Bucer was protected by Sickingen and Hutten. He also worked for a time at the court of Ludwig V, Elector Palatine, as chaplain to Ludwig's younger brother Frederick.[18][19] Sickingen was a senior figure at Ludwig's court.[20] This appointment enabled Bucer to live in Nuremberg, the most powerful city of the Empire, whose governing officials were strongly reformist. There he met many people who shared his viewpoint, including the humanist Willibald Pirckheimer and the future Nuremberg reformer Andreas Osiander. In September 1521, Bucer accepted Sickingen's offer of the position of pastor at Landstuhl, where Sickingen had a castle, and Bucer moved to the town in May 1522.[21] In summer 1522, he met and married Elisabeth Silbereisen, a former nun.[22]
Sickingen also offered to pay for Bucer to study in Wittenberg. On his way, Bucer stopped in the town of
Reformer in Strasbourg (1523–1525)
Bucer, excommunicated and without means of subsistence, was in a precarious situation when he arrived in
In Strasbourg, Bucer joined a team of notable reformers: Zell, who took the role of the preacher to the masses; Wolfgang Capito, the most influential theologian in the city; and
The hostility reached a boiling point when Conrad Treger, the
The reformers' first goal was the creation of a new
Dialogue with Luther and Zwingli (1524–1530)
Beginning in 1524, Bucer concentrated on the main issue dividing leading reformers, the
In March 1526, Bucer published Apologia, defending his views. He proposed a formula that he hoped would satisfy both sides: different understandings of scripture were acceptable, and church unity was assured so long as both sides had a "child-like faith in God". Bucer stated that his and Zwingli's interpretation on the eucharist was the correct one, but while he considered the Wittenberg theologians to be in error, he accepted them as brethren as they agreed on the fundamentals of faith.[38][39] He also published two translations of works by Luther and Johannes Bugenhagen, interpolating his own interpretation of the Lord's Supper into the text. This outraged the Wittenberg theologians and damaged their relations with Bucer.[40][41] In 1528, when Luther published Vom Abendmahl Christi, Bekenntnis [Confession Concerning Christ's Supper] (in German), detailing Luther's concept of the sacramental union, Bucer responded with a treatise of his own, Vergleichnung D. Luthers, und seins gegentheyls, vom Abendmal Christi [Conciliation between Dr. Luther and His Opponents Regarding Christ's Supper] (in German). It took the form of a dialogue between two merchants, one from Nuremberg who supported Luther and the other from Strasbourg who supported Bucer, with the latter winning over his opponent. Bucer noted that as Luther had rejected impanation, the idea that Christ was "made into bread", there was no disagreement between Luther and Zwingli; both believed in a spiritual presence of Christ in the eucharist. Luther harshly rejected Bucer's interpretation.[42][43]
During this time, Bucer and Zwingli remained in close touch, discussing other aspects of theology and practice such as the use of religious images and the liturgy. Bucer did not hesitate to disagree with Zwingli on occasion, although unity between Strasbourg and the Swiss churches took priority over such differences. In 1527, Bucer and Capito attended the Bern Disputation to decide whether the city should accept reformed doctrines and practices. Bucer provided strong support for Zwingli's leading role in the disputation, which finally brought the Reformation to Bern.[44][45]
The last meeting between Zwingli and Luther was at the
If you immediately condemn anyone who doesn't quite believe the same as you do as forsaken by Christ's Spirit, and consider anyone to be the enemy of truth who holds something false to be true, who, pray tell, can you still consider a brother? I for one have never met two people who believed exactly the same thing. This holds true in theology as well.[47]
Competing Protestant confessions (1530–1533)
The extent of the theological division among the reformers became evident when the
Charles, however, decreed on 22 September that all reformers must reconcile with the Catholic faith, or he would use military force to suppress them. This prompted Melanchthon to call a meeting with Bucer and after lengthy discussions they agreed on nine theses, which they sent to Luther and to Strasbourg. The Strasbourg magistrates forwarded them to
In February 1531, the evangelical princes and cities of the empire set up the Protestant Schmalkaldic League to defend the reformed religion.[52][53] Strasbourg's Jakob Sturm negotiated the city's inclusion on the basis of the Tetrapolitan Confession.[54] By this time, Bucer's relationship with Zwingli was deteriorating. Strasbourg's political ties with the Elector of Saxony, and Bucer's partial theological support of Luther, became too much for Zwingli, and on 21 February 1531, he wrote to Bucer ending their friendship. When representatives of the southern German cities convened in Ulm on 23–24 March 1532 to discuss their alliance with the Schmalkaldic League, Bucer advised them to sign the Augsburg Confession, if they were being pressured to do so. For Bucer to recommend the rival confession over his own version surprised the Swiss cities. Luther continued his polemical attacks on Bucer, but Bucer was unperturbed: "In any case, we must seek unity and love in our relationships with everyone," he wrote, "regardless of how they behave toward us."[55] In April and May 1533, he again toured the southern German cities and Swiss cities. The latter remained unconvinced and did not join the Protestant alliance.[56]
Organising the Strasbourg church (1529–1534)
While these events unfolded, the reformers in Strasbourg were slowly making progress. Their pressure on the council to ban all masses finally succeeded. On 20 February 1529, Strasbourg openly joined the Reformation when the practice of the mass was officially suspended.[57][58] In its place, two preaching services (Predigtgottesdienste) per Sunday were held in all the parish churches. On 5 January 1530, when Strasbourg joined the alliance of Swiss cities, the Christliches Burgrecht [Christian Confederation] (in German), the council systematically removed images and side altars from the churches.[59] Bucer had at first tolerated images in places of worship as long as they were not venerated. He later came to believe they should be removed because of their potential for abuse, and he advocated in a treatise for their orderly removal. First the authority of the magistrates should be obtained, and then the people instructed on abandoning devotion to images.[60][61]
Bucer's priority in Strasbourg was to instill moral discipline in the church. To this end, special wardens (Kirchenpfleger), chosen from among the laity, were assigned to each congregation to supervise both doctrine and practice.
In response to the petition, the council set up a commission that proposed a city
Following the synod, the city council dragged its heels for several months. The synod commission, which included Bucer and Capito, decided to take the initiative and produced a draft ordinance for the regulation of the church. It proposed that the council assume almost complete control of the church, with responsibility for supervising doctrine, appointing church wardens, and maintaining moral standards.
Champion of Protestant unity (1534–1538)
By 1534, Bucer was a key figure in the German Reformation. He repeatedly led initiatives to secure doctrinal agreement between Wittenberg, the south German cities, and Switzerland. In December 1534, Bucer and Melanchthon held productive talks in
The meeting, moved to Wittenberg because Luther was ill, began on 21 May 1536. To the surprise of the south Germans, Luther began by attacking them, demanding that they recant their false understanding of the eucharist. Capito intervened to calm matters, and Bucer claimed that Luther had misunderstood their views on the issue. The Lutherans insisted that unbelievers who partake of the eucharist truly receive the body and blood of Christ. Bucer and the south Germans believed that they receive only the elements of the bread and the wine. Johannes Bugenhagen formulated a compromise, approved by Luther, that distinguished between the unworthy (indigni) and the unbelievers (impii). The south Germans accepted that the unworthy receive Christ, and the question of what unbelievers receive was left unanswered. The two sides then worked fruitfully on other issues and on 28 May signed the Wittenberg Concord.[79][80] Strasbourg quickly endorsed the document, but much coaxing from Bucer was required before he managed to convince all the south German cities. The Swiss cities were resistant, Zürich in particular. They rejected even a mild statement suggesting a union of Christ with the elements of the eucharist. Bucer advised the Swiss to hold a national synod to decide on the matter, hoping he could at least persuade Bern and Basel. The synod met in Zürich from 28 May to 4 April 1538, but Bucer failed to win over a single city. The Swiss never accepted or rejected the Wittenberg Concord.[81][82]
Bucer's influence on the Swiss was eventually felt indirectly. In summer 1538, he invited John Calvin, the future reformer of Geneva, to lead a French refugee congregation in Strasbourg. Bucer and Calvin had much in common theologically and maintained a long friendship.[83] The extent to which Bucer influenced Calvin is an open question among modern scholars, but many of the reforms that Calvin later implemented in Geneva, including the liturgy and the church organisation, were originally developed in Strasbourg.[84][85][86][87]
Advice to Philip of Hesse (1538–1539)
When Philip of Hesse's law on the protection of the Jews in his territory expired in 1538, he commissioned Bucer to create a new policy. Philip gave him a draft that was tolerant in the regulation of their affairs. Bucer rejected the favourable conditions and recommended that Jews be prohibited from all trades except those providing minimum subsistence. His Judenratschlag also included his first use of negative stereotypes of the Jews. Philip's ordinance of 1539 represented a compromise. He allowed the Jews to engage in trade and commerce but included strict rules on their association with Christians. The potential for an arbitrary enforcement of the new policy was frightening, and as a result many Jews chose to leave Hesse. For this Bucer must share part of the blame.[88][89]
In November 1539, Philip asked Bucer to produce a theological defence of bigamy, since he had decided to contract a bigamous marriage. Bucer reluctantly agreed, on condition the marriage be kept secret. Bucer consulted Luther and Melanchthon, and the three reformers presented Philip with a statement of advice (Wittenberger Ratschlag); later, Bucer produced his own arguments for and against bigamy. Although the document specified that bigamy could be sanctioned only under rare conditions, Philip took it as approval for his marriage to a lady-in-waiting of his sister. When rumours of the marriage spread, Luther told Philip to deny it, while Bucer advised him to hide his second wife and conceal the truth. Some scholars have noted a possible motivation for this notorious advice: the theologians believed they had advised Philip as a pastor would his parishioner, and that a lie was justified to guard the privacy of their confessional counsel.[90][91] The scandal that followed the marriage caused Philip to lose political influence, and the Reformation within the Empire was severely compromised.[92][93][94]
Doctrinal issues (1539–1542)
At the end of 1538, shortly before the Catholic Duke
In the
The Worms Book laid the groundwork for final negotiations at the
After Bucer's return from Regensburg, the city of Strasbourg was struck by the plague. First, Bucer's friend and colleague Wolfgang Capito succumbed to the disease; then Bucer's wife Elisabeth died on 16 November 1541. How many children Elisabeth had borne is unknown; several died during child-birth or at a young age.[106] One son, Nathanael, although mentally and physically handicapped, survived to adulthood and remained with the Bucer family throughout his life. During Elisabeth's final hours, she urged Bucer to marry Capito's widow, Wibrandis Rosenblatt, after her death.[107] He married Rosenblatt on 16 April 1542, as her fourth husband—she had outlived Ludwig Keller, Johannes Oecolampadius, and Wolfgang Capito. She brought with her four children from her previous marriages. The new couple produced a daughter, whom they named Elisabeth.[108]
Reform in the Electorate of Cologne (1542–1547)
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On 5 February 1542, Bucer and Gropper met with Hermann von Wied, archbishop-elector of Cologne, to discuss the introduction of church reform in his archdiocese. As one of the seven electors of the Holy Roman Empire, the archbishop of Cologne was a key political figure for both the emperor and the reformers. After consulting the territorial diet, the archbishop enlisted Bucer to lead the reform, and on 14 December Bucer moved to Bonn, the capital of the electorate. His selection caused consternation in the Cologne cathedral chapter, the clerics assisting the archbishop. The hostility of the clergy soon caused a rift between Bucer and Gropper. On 19 December, the chapter lodged a formal protest against Bucer's appointment, but von Wied supported his new protégé and Bucer was allowed to stay. He led a small congregation at Bonn cathedral, where he preached three times a week, although his main responsibility was to plan reform.[109][110]
In January 1543, Bucer began work on a major document for von Wied, Einfältiges Bedenken, worauf eine christliche, im Worte Gottes gegründete Reformation ... anzurichten sei [Simple Consideration Concerning the Establishment of a Christian Reformation Founded upon God's Word] (in German). Melanchthon joined him in Bonn in May, and Caspar Hedio a month later, to help draft the document. At the beginning of July, Bucer discussed the draft with the archbishop, who, after studying it, submitted the document to the territorial diet on 23 July. Although the cathedral chapter flatly rejected it, the diet ruled in favour of the reform programme. The final document was over three hundred pages and covered a number of subjects on doctrine, church law, and liturgy. Some of the principles proposed include justification by faith, the acceptance of baptism and the Lord's Supper as the only valid sacraments, the offering of the cup to the laity, the holding of worship services in the vernacular, and the authorisation of priests to marry.[111][112]
These first steps toward reform were halted on 17 August 1543 when Charles V and his troops entered Bonn. The emperor was engaged in a harsh campaign to assert his claim over lands contested by
Rejecting the Augsburg Interim (1547–1549)
With the onset of the
Bucer arrived in Augsburg on 30 March 1548 of his own volition. On 2 April, after he was shown the document, he announced his willingness to ratify it if certain changes were made; but the time for negotiations had passed, and Charles insisted on his signature. When he refused, he was placed under house arrest on 13 April, and shortly afterwards in close confinement. On 20 April, he signed the Interim and was immediately freed.[117][d]
Despite this capitulation, Bucer continued to fight. On his return to Strasbourg, he stepped up his attacks on Catholic rites and ceremonies, and on 2 July published the Ein Summarischer vergriff der Christlichen Lehre und Religion [Concise Summary of Christian Doctrine and Religion] (in German), a confessional statement calling on Strasbourg to repent and to defend reformed principles outlined in twenty-nine articles. Charles ordered all copies destroyed. Tension grew in Strasbourg, as Bucer's opponents feared he was leading the city to disaster. Many Strasbourg merchants left to avoid a potential clash with imperial forces. On 30 August, the guild officials voted overwhelmingly to begin negotiations to introduce the Interim. Bucer stood firm; even after the city of Konstanz surrendered and accepted the Interim, he called for Strasbourg to reject it unconditionally. In January 1549, with plans underway for the implementation of the Interim in Strasbourg, Bucer and his colleagues continued to attack it, producing a memorandum on how to preserve the Protestant faith under its directives. With no significant support left, Bucer and Fagius were finally relieved of their positions and dismissed on 1 March 1549. Bucer left Strasbourg on 5 April a refugee, as he had arrived twenty-five years earlier.[118][119]
Exile in England (1549–1551)
Bucer received several offers of sanctuary, including Melanchthon's from Wittenberg and Calvin's from Geneva. He accepted Archbishop
Bucer took the position of
In 1550, another conflict arose when
Bucer had ambitious goals in diffusing the Reformation throughout England. He was disappointed, therefore, when those in power failed to consult him in bringing about change. On learning about the custom of presenting a memorandum to the king every new year, he worked on a major treatise which he gave as a draft to his friend
Bucer's last major contribution to the English Reformation was a treatise on the original 1549 edition of the
Death and legacy
Bucer's time in England was dogged by illnesses, including rheumatism, coughs, and intestinal ailments. Symptoms such as vomiting, shivering, and sweating suggest severe tuberculosis. In February 1551, his health finally broke down, and on the 22nd he dictated an addition to his will. He named Walter Haddon and Matthew Parker as executors, commended his loved ones to Thomas Cranmer, and thanked his stepdaughter Agnes Capito for taking care of him. On 28 February, after encouraging those near him to do all they could to realise his vision as expressed in De Regno Christi, he died at the age of 59.[136][f] He was buried in the church of Great St Mary's in Cambridge before a large crowd of university professors and students.
In a letter to Peter Martyr, John Cheke wrote a fitting eulogy:
We are deprived of a leader than whom the whole world would scarcely obtain a greater, whether in knowledge of true religion or in integrity and innocence of life, or in thirst for study of the most holy things, or in exhausting labour in advancing piety, or in authority and fulness of teaching, or in anything that is praiseworthy and renowned.[137]
Bucer left his wife Wibrandis a significant inheritance consisting mainly of the household and his large collection of books. She eventually returned to Basel, where she died on 1 November 1564 at the age of 60.[138]
When
After Bucer's death, his writings continued to be translated, reprinted, and disseminated throughout Europe. No "Buceran" denomination, however, emerged from his ministry, probably because he never developed a systematic theology as Melanchthon had for the Lutheran church and Calvin for the
See also
Notes
- ^ When Bucer wrote in German, he used his original name, "Butzer". The Latin form of his name is "Bucerus" and modern scholars have opted to use the abbreviation of the Latin form, "Bucer".
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 1 gives his father's and grandfather's names as "Nicholas" and says his father was a shoemaker.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 7–10 gives the history and details of this prestigious school in Sélestat.
- ^ According to Eells 1931, p. 394, rather than being freed immediately, he supposedly escaped and returned to Strasbourg.
- ^ Eells and Greschat do not claim a direct connection between Bucer's recommendations and the 1552 Prayer Book.[132][133] Hall, however, states that of fifty-eight points made by Bucer, nearly half were accepted for the new edition of the book.[134] Eells and Hall note that the title of the treatise is Censura;[133][134] Greschat notes that the title was not used until after Bucer's death.[132]
- ^ According to Eells, Bucer died on 1 March 1551, and he cites sources that support that date. However, he also notes that Beza and Edward VI mentioned the 28 February date.[133] Selderhuis 1999, p. 115 also says he died on 1 March.
References
- ^ a b Selderhuis 1999, p. 51.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 10, 273.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 87–9.
- ^ Dickens 1974, p. 134.
- ^ Dickens 1974, pp. 146, 190–3.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 47–50, 89.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 1, 10–1.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 11–2.
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 1.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 12–6.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 17.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 25.
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 4.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 26–7.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 27–9.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 5–9.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 29–34.
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 10.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 38.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 35.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 10–12; Greschat 2004, pp. 35–40
- ^ Selderhuis 1999, pp. 116–117
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 14.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 42–3.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 157.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 13–8.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 40–5.
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 25.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 54–6.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 55, 59–60.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 33–4.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 61.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 61–2.
- ^ Trocmé-Latter, Daniel (2015). The Singing of the Strasbourg Protestants, 1523–1541. Farnham: Ashgate. pp. 38, 113.
- ^ Trocmé-Latter. The Singing of the Strasbourg Protestants, 1523-1541. pp. 341–349.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 63–4.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 72–73; Greschat 2004, pp. 72–74
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 74–6.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 74–5.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 77–81.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 75.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 87–90.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 76–7.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 50–2.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 77–9.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 93.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 93–4.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 99–100.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 94–5.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 104–11.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 95–7.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 174.
- ^ Hughes 1992, pp. 55–6.
- ^ Collinson 2003, p. 131.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 100.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 97–101.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 52–3.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 64, 83–5.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 116.
- ^ Eire 1989, pp. 93–4.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 37–9.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 108.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 117–21.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 118–9.
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 130.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 117, 121
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 70
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 118
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 121–122
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 147–51.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 121–2.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 123.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 122–3.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 146–57.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 175–9.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 132–5.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 194–5.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 135–6.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 196–203.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 136–9.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 205–24.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 139–42.
- ^ van 't Spijker 1994, pp. 32–3.
- ^ Pauck 1929, pp. 237–56.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 229–37.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 147–8, 266–7.
- ^ van 't Spijker 1994, pp. 37–41.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 240–1.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 156–8.
- ^ Brecht 1993, p. 206.
- ^ Bainton 1995, p. 293.
- ^ Selderhuis 1999, pp. 149–61.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 258–69.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 158–60.
- ^ Thompson 2004, pp. 167–72.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 168–70.
- ^ Augustijn 1994, pp. 107–19.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 170–5.
- ^ Matheson 1994, p. 14.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 271–87.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 175–8.
- ^ Thompson 2004, pp. 172–5.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 288–301.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 179–82.
- ^ Thompson 2004, pp. 175–208.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 417–8, 517.
- ^ Selderhuis 1999, pp. 122–3.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 201–2.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 311, 321–6.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 185–8.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 332–4.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 189–91.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 334–6.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 192–3.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 197–201.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 211–20.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 220–1.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 395–400.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 221–5.
- ^ Hall 1994, pp. 144–5.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 401–2.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 227–8.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 228.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 257.
- ^ Hall 1994, p. 152.
- ^ Eells 1931, p. 403.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 234–5.
- ^ Hall 1994, p. 158.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 237–8.
- ^ Hall 1994, pp. 154–8.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 239–45.
- ^ a b Greschat 2004, p. 238.
- ^ a b c Eells 1931, p. 412.
- ^ a b Hall 1994, pp. 158–9.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 270.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 248.
- ^ Hall 1994, p. 144.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 202, 247.
- ^ Eells 1931, pp. 413–4.
- ^ Greschat 2004, p. 249.
- ^ Greschat 2004, pp. 251–4.
- ^ Kittelson 1994, pp. 83–106.
- ^ Matheson 1994, p. 7.
Sources
- Augustijn, Cornelis (1994), "Bucer's ecclesiology in the colloquies with the Catholics, 1540–41", in Wright, DF (ed.), Martin Bucer: Reforming church and community, Cambridge: ISBN 0-521-39144-X.
- Bainton, Roland H. (1995), Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther, New York: Meridian, ISBN 0-452-01146-9.
- Brecht, Martin (1993), Martin Luther: the Preservation of the Church, 1532–1546, Minneapolis: Fortress Press, ISBN 0-8006-2704-0.
- ISBN 0-7538-1863-9.
- Dickens, AG (1974), The German Nation and Martin Luther, London: Edward Arnold, ISBN 0-7131-5700-3.
- Eells, Hastings (1931), Martin Bucer, New Haven, OCLC 639395.
- Eire, Carlos MN (1989), War Against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin, Cambridge: ISBN 0-521-37984-9.
- Greschat, Martin (2004), Martin Bucer: A Reformer and His Times, Louisville, ISBN 0-664-22690-6. Translated from Martin Bucer: Ein Reformator und seine Zeit (in German), Munich: CH Beck, 1990.
- Hall, Basil (1994), "Martin Bucer in England", in Wright, DF (ed.), Martin Bucer: Reforming church and community, Cambridge: ISBN 0-521-39144-X.
- Hughes, Michael (1992), Early Modern Germany, 1477–1806, London: MacMillan, ISBN 0-333-53774-2.
- Kittelson, James (1994), "Martin Bucer and the ministry of the church", in Wright, DF (ed.), Martin Bucer: Reforming church and community, Cambridge: ISBN 0-521-39144-X.
- MacCulloch, Diarmaid (2003), Reformation: Europe's House Divided, 1490–1700, London: Allen Lane, ISBN 0-7139-9370-7.
- Matheson, Peter (1994), "Martin Bucer and the Old Church", in Wright, DF (ed.), Martin Bucer: Reforming church and community, Cambridge: ISBN 0-521-39144-X.
- Pauck, Wilhelm (1929), "Calvin and Butzer", The Journal of Religion, 9 (2), Chicago: S2CID 170560215.
- ISBN 0-943549-68-X. Translated from Huwelijk en Echtscheiding bij Martin Bucer (in Dutch), Leiden: Uitgeverij JJ Groen en Zoon BV, 1994.
- Thompson, Nicholas (2004), Eucharistic Sacrifice and Patristic Tradition in the Theology of Martin Bucer 1534–1546, ISBN 90-04-14138-3.
- van 't ISBN 0-521-39144-X.
Further reading
- Burnett, Amy Nelson (1994), The Yoke of Christ: Martin Bucer and Christian Discipline, Kirksville, ISBN 0-940474-28-X.
- Poll, GJ van de (1954), Martin Bucer's Liturgical Ideas, Assen, OCLC 1068276.
- van 't ISBN 90-04-10253-1.
External links
- Works by or about Martin Bucer at Internet Archive
- Works by Martin Bucer at Open Library
- Works by Martin Bucer at Post-Reformation Digital Library
- Bucer for free. Links to the digitised versions of the early editions of Bucer's works.
- Bucer (1969), "De Regno Christi", Melanchthon and Bucer, Westminster John Knox Press, last half, ISBN 0-664-24164-6.
- Literature by and about Martin Bucer in the German National Library catalogue
- Works by and about Martin Bucer in the Deutsche Digitale Bibliothek (German Digital Library)
- "Martin Bucer" in the Ecumenical Lexicon of Saints
- Bucer Research Office in Heidelberg
- Bucer Research Office in Erlangen
- Short biography of Martin Bucer
- Works by Martin Bucer at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)