Marxism–Leninism
Part of a series on |
Marxism–Leninism |
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Marxism–Leninism is a
Today, Marxism–Leninism is the ideology of the ruling parties of
Marxist–Leninists reject
Marxism–Leninism was developed from
After the death of
The internationalism of Marxism–Leninism was expressed in supporting revolutions in other countries, initially through the Communist International and then through the concept of
Criticism of Marxism–Leninism largely overlaps with
Overview
Communist states
In the establishment of the
Within five years of the
As the
After the
Following the
In
In the other four existing Marxist–Leninist
Definition, theory, and terminology
In 1934,
According to Rachel Walker, "Marxism–Leninism" is an empty term that depends on the approach and basis of ruling Communist parties, and is dynamic and open to redefinition, being both fixed and not fixed in meaning.
Historiography
Historiography of
Some academics, such as
History
Bolsheviks, February Revolution, and Great War (1903–1917)
Although Marxism–Leninism was created after
Twelve years before the October Revolution in 1917, the Bolsheviks had failed to assume control of the February Revolution of 1905 (22 January 1905 – 16 June 1907) because the centres of revolutionary action were too far apart for proper political coordination.
Despite secret-police persecution by the
In Swiss exile, Lenin developed Marx's philosophy and extrapolated
October Revolution and Russian Civil War (1917–1922)
In March 1917, the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II led to the
Elsewhere, the successful October Revolution in Russia had facilitated the
As promised to the Russian peoples in October 1917, the Bolsheviks quit Russia's participation in the Great War on 3 March 1918. That same year, the Bolsheviks consolidated government power by expelling the Mensheviks, the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries from the soviets.[101] The Bolshevik government then established the Cheka (All-Russian Extraordinary Commission) secret police to eliminate anti–Bolshevik opposition in the country. Initially, there was strong opposition to the Bolshevik régime because they had not resolved the food shortages and material poverty of the Russian peoples as promised in October 1917. From that social discontent, the Cheka reported 118 uprisings, including the Kronstadt rebellion (7–17 March 1921) against the economic austerity of the War Communism imposed by the Bolsheviks.[101] The principal obstacles to Russian economic development and modernisation were great material poverty and the lack of modern technology which were conditions that orthodox Marxism considered unfavourable to communist revolution. Agricultural Russia was sufficiently developed for establishing capitalism, but it was insufficiently developed for establishing socialism.[85][102] For Bolshevik Russia, the 1921–1924 period featured the simultaneous occurrence of economic recovery, famine (1921–1922) and a financial crisis (1924). By 1924, considerable economic progress had been achieved and by 1926 the Bolshevik government had achieved economic production levels equal to Russia's production levels in 1913.[103]
Initial Bolshevik economic policies from 1917 to 1918 were cautious, with limited
In 1921, the New Economic Policy restored some private enterprise to animate the Russian economy.[104] As part of Lenin's pragmatic compromise with external financial interests in 1918, Bolshevik state capitalism temporarily returned 91% of industry to private ownership or trusts[104] until the Soviet Russians learned the technology and the techniques required to operate and administrate industries.[105] Importantly, Lenin declared that the development of socialism would not be able to be pursued in the manner originally thought by Marxists.[104] A key aspect that affected the Bolshevik regime was the backward economic conditions in Russia that were considered unfavourable to orthodox Marxist theory of communist revolution.[85] At the time, orthodox Marxists claimed that Russia was ripe for the development of capitalism, not yet for socialism.[102] Lenin advocated the need of the development of a large corps of technical intelligentsia to assist the industrial development of Russia and advance the Marxist economic stages of development as it had too few technical experts at the time. In that vein, Lenin explained it as follows: "Our poverty is so great that we cannot, at one stroke, restore full-scale factory, state, socialist production."[85] He added that the development of socialism would proceed according to the actual material and socio-economic conditions in Russia and not as abstractly described by Marx for industrialised Europe in the 19th century. To overcome the lack of educated Russians who could operate and administrate industry, Lenin advocated the development of a technical intelligentsia who would propel the industrial development of Russia to self-sufficiency.[85]
Stalin's rise to power (1922–1928)
As he neared death after suffering strokes,
Consequent to personally spiteful disputes about the praxis of Leninism, the October Revolution veterans Lev Kamenev and Grigory Zinoviev said that the true threat to the ideological integrity of the party was Trotsky, who was a personally charismatic political leader as well as the commanding officer of the Red Army in the Russian Civil War and revolutionary partner of Lenin.[107] To thwart Trotsky's likely election to head the party, Stalin, Kamenev and Zinoviev formed a troika that featured Stalin as General Secretary, the de facto centre of power in the party and the country.[108] The direction of the party was decided in confrontations of politics and personality between Stalin's troika and Trotsky over which Marxist policy to pursue, either Trotsky's policy of permanent revolution or Stalin's policy of socialism in one country.[108] Trotsky's permanent revolution advocated rapid industrialisation, elimination of private farming and having the Soviet Union promote the spread of communist revolution abroad.[109] Stalin's socialism in one country stressed moderation and development of positive relations between the Soviet Union and other countries to increase trade and foreign investment.[108] To politically isolate and oust Trotsky from the party, Stalin expediently advocated socialism in one country, a policy to which he was indifferent.[108] In 1925, the 14th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) chose Stalin's policy, defeating Trotsky as a possible leader of the party and of the Soviet Union.[108]
In the 1925–1927 period, Stalin dissolved the troika and disowned the
In the 1928–1932 period of the
Political developments in the Soviet Union included Stalin dismantling the remaining elements of democracy from the party by extending his control over its institutions and eliminating any possible rivals.
Stalin exercised extensive personal control over the party and unleashed an unprecedented level of violence to eliminate any potential threat to his regime.[115] While Stalin exercised major control over political initiatives, their implementation was in the control of localities, often with local leaders interpreting the policies in a way that served themselves best.[115] This abuse of power by local leaders exacerbated the violent purges and terror campaigns carried out by Stalin against members of the party deemed to be traitors.[115] With the Great Purge (1936–1938), Stalin rid himself of internal enemies in the party and rid the Soviet Union of any alleged socially dangerous and counterrevolutionary person who might have offered legitimate political opposition to Marxism–Leninism.[116]
Stalin allowed the secret police NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs) to rise above the law and the GPU (State Political Directorate) to use political violence to eliminate any person who might be a threat, whether real, potential, or imagined. As an administrator, Stalin governed the Soviet Union by controlling the formulation of national policy, but he delegated implementation to subordinate functionaries. Such freedom of action allowed local communist functionaries much discretion to interpret the intent of orders from Moscow, but this allowed their corruption. To Stalin, the correction of such abuses of authority and economic corruption were responsibility of the NKVD. In the 1937–1938 period, the NKVD arrested 1.5 million people, purged from every stratum of Soviet society and every rank and file of the party, of which 681,692 people were killed as enemies of the state.[115] To provide manpower (manual, intellectual and technical) to realise the construction of socialism in one country, the NKVD established the Gulag system of forced-labour camps for regular criminals and political dissidents, for culturally insubordinate artists and politically incorrect intellectuals and for homosexual people and religious anti-communists.[114]
Socialism in one country (1928–1944)
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Stalinism |
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Beginning in 1928, Stalin's
During the 1930s, the rapid industrialisation of the country accelerated the Soviet people's sociological transition from poverty to relative plenty when politically illiterate peasants passed from Tsarist
Social developments in the Soviet Union included the relinquishment of the relaxed social control and allowance of experimentation under Lenin to Stalin's promotion of a rigid and authoritarian society based upon discipline, mixing traditional Russian values with Stalin's interpretation of Marxism.[123] Organised religion was repressed, especially minority religious groups.[123] Education was transformed. Under Lenin, the education system allowed relaxed discipline in schools that became based upon Marxist theory, but Stalin reversed this in 1934 with a conservative approach taken with the reintroduction of formal learning, the use of examinations and grades, the assertion of full authority of the teacher and the introduction of school uniforms.[123] Art and culture became strictly regulated under the principles of socialist realism and Russian traditions that Stalin admired were allowed to continue.[123]
Foreign policy in the Soviet Union from 1929 to 1941 resulted in substantial changes in the Soviet Union's approach to its foreign policy.[124] In 1933, the Marxist–Leninist geopolitical perspective was that the Soviet Union was surrounded by capitalist and anti-communist enemies. As a result, the election of Adolf Hitler and his Nazi Party government in Germany initially caused the Soviet Union to sever diplomatic relations that had been established in the 1920s. In 1938, Stalin accommodated the Nazis and the anti-communist West by not defending Czechoslovakia, allowing Hitler's threat of pre-emptive war for the Sudetenland to annex the land and "rescue the oppressed German peoples" living in Czecho.[125]
To challenge
In the 1941–1942 period of the
The anti-Soviet nationalists'
In the continental European countries occupied by the Axis powers, the native communist party usually led the armed resistance (guerrilla warfare and urban guerrilla warfare) against fascist military occupation. In Mediterranean Europe, the communist Yugoslav Partisans led by Josip Broz Tito effectively resisted the German Nazi and Italian Fascist occupation. In the 1943–1944 period, the Yugoslav Partisans liberated territories with Red Army assistance and established the communist political authority that became the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. To end the Imperial Japanese occupation of China in continental Asia, Stalin ordered Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party to temporarily cease the Chinese Civil War (1927–1949) against Chiang Kai-shek and the anti-communist Kuomintang as the Second United Front in the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945).
In 1943, the Red Army began to repel the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, especially at the
Cold War, de-Stalinisation and Maoism (1944–1953)
Upon Allied victory concluding the Second World War (1939–1945), the members of the
The events that precipitated the Cold War in Europe were the Soviet and Yugoslav, Bulgarian and Albanian military interventions to the
In the late 1940s, the geopolitics of the Eastern Bloc countries under Soviet predominance featured an official-and-personal style of socialist diplomacy that failed Stalin and Tito when Tito refused to subordinating Yugoslavia to the Soviet Union. In 1948, circumstance and cultural personality aggravated the matter into the
At the death of Stalin in 1953,
Part of a series on |
Maoism |
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In the 1950s, the de-Stalinisation of the Soviet Union was ideological bad news for the People's Republic of China because Soviet and Russian interpretations and applications of Leninism and orthodox Marxism contradicted the Sinified Marxism–Leninism of Mao Zedong—his Chinese adaptations of Stalinist interpretation and praxis for establishing socialism in China. To realise that leap of Marxist faith in the development of Chinese socialism, the Chinese Communist Party developed Maoism as the official state ideology. As the specifically Chinese development of Marxism–Leninism, Maoism illuminated the cultural differences between the European-Russian and the Asian-Chinese interpretations and practical applications of Marxism–Leninism in each country. The political differences then provoked geopolitical, ideological and nationalist tensions, which derived from the different stages of development, between the urban society of the industrialised Soviet Union and the agricultural society of the pre-industrial China. The theory versus praxis arguments escalated to theoretic disputes about Marxist–Leninist revisionism and provoked the Sino-Soviet split (1956–1966) and the two countries broke their international relations (diplomatic, political, cultural and economic).[42] China's Great Leap Forward, an idealistic massive reform project, resulted in an estimated 15 to 55 million deaths between 1959 and 1961, mostly from starvation.[140][141]
In Eastern Asia, the Cold War produced the
Consequent to the Sino-Soviet split, the pragmatic China established politics of
Communist revolution erupted in the Americas in this period, including revolutions in Bolivia, Cuba, El Salvador, Grenada, Nicaragua, Peru and Uruguay. The
Both Bolivia, Canada and Uruguay faced Marxist–Leninist revolution in the 1960s and 1970s. In Bolivia, this included Che Guevara as a leader until being killed there by government forces. In 1970, the
In 1979, the
The Salvadoran Civil War (1979–1992) featured the popularly supported Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, an organisation of left-wing parties fighting against the right-wing military government of El Salvador. In 1983, the United States invasion of Grenada (25–29 October 1983) thwarted the assumption of power by the elected government of the New Jewel Movement (1973–1983), a Marxist–Leninist vanguard party led by Maurice Bishop.
In Asia, the
With the end of the Vietnam War, Vietnam was reunited under Marxist–Leninist government in 1976. Marxist–Leninist regimes were also established in Vietnam's neighbour states. This included
A new front of Marxist–Leninist revolution erupted in Africa between 1961 and 1979.
In
Under President
Reform and collapse (1979–1991)
Social resistance to the policies of Marxist–Leninist regimes in Eastern Europe accelerated in strength with the rise of the
In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev rose to power in the Soviet Union and began policies of radical political reform involving political liberalisation, called perestroika and glasnost. Gorbachev's policies were designed at dismantling authoritarian elements of the state that were developed by Stalin, aiming for a return to a supposed ideal Leninist state that retained one-party structure while allowing the democratic election of competing candidates within the party for political office. Gorbachev also aimed to seek détente with the West and end the Cold War that was no longer economically sustainable to be pursued by the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union and the United States under President George H. W. Bush joined in pushing for the dismantlement of apartheid and oversaw the dismantlement of South African colonial rule over Namibia.
Meanwhile, the Central and Eastern European Marxist–Leninist states politically deteriorated in response to the success of the Polish Solidarity movement and the possibility of Gorbachev-style political liberalisation. In 1989, revolts began across Central and Eastern Europe and China against Marxist–Leninist regimes. In China, the government refused to negotiate with student protestors, resulting in the
The revolts culminated with the revolt in East Germany against the Marxist–Leninist regime of Erich Honecker and demands for the Berlin Wall to be torn down. The event in East Germany developed into a popular mass revolt with sections of the Berlin Wall being torn down and East and West Berliners uniting. Gorbachev's refusal to use Soviet forces based in East Germany to suppress the revolt was seen as a sign that the Cold War had ended. Honecker was pressured to resign from office and the new government committed itself to reunification with West Germany. The Marxist–Leninist regime of Nicolae Ceaușescu in Romania was forcefully overthrown in 1989 and Ceaușescu was executed. Almost Eastern Bloc regimes also fell during the Revolutions of 1989 (1988–1993).
Unrest and eventual collapse of Marxism–Leninism also occurred in
The Soviet Union itself collapsed between 1990 and 1991, with a rise of secessionist nationalism and a political power dispute between Gorbachev and
Post-Cold War era (1991–present)
Since the fall of the Eastern European Marxist–Leninist regimes, the Soviet Union and a variety of African Marxist–Leninist regimes in 1991, only a few Marxist–Leninist parties remained in power. This include
In Europe, several Marxist–Leninist parties remain strong. In
In Asia, a number of Marxist–Leninist regimes and movements continue to exist. The People's Republic of China has continued the agenda of
In Africa, several Marxist–Leninist states reformed themselves and maintained power. In
In the Americas, there have been several insurgencies and Marxist–Leninist movements. In the
Ideology
Political system
Marxism–Leninism involves the creation of a
Collectivism and egalitarianism
The fact that Marxist–Leninist governments confiscated private businesses and landholdings radically increased income and property equality in practice.
Marxist–Leninists respond to this type of criticism by highlighting the ideological differences in the concept of
Economy
The goal of Marxist–Leninist
For the purpose of reducing waste and increasing efficiency, scientific planning replaces
Because Marxism–Leninism has historically been the state ideology of countries who were economically undeveloped prior to
In the economic praxis of Bolshevik Russia, there was a defining difference of political economy between socialism and communism. Lenin explained their conceptual similarity to Marx's descriptions of the lower-stage and the upper-stage of economic development, namely that immediately after a proletarian revolution in the socialist lower-stage society the practical economy must be based upon the individual labour contributed by men and women,[180] and paid labour would be the basis of the communist upper-stage society that has realised the social precept of the slogan "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs."[181]
Society
Marxism–Leninism supports universal
Marxism–Leninism supports
Marxist–Leninist cultural policy
International relations
Marxism–Leninism aims to create an international communist society.
In the vertical perspective (social-class relations) of Marxism–Leninism, the internal and international affairs of a country are a political continuum, not separate realms of human activity. This is the philosophic opposite of the horizontal perspectives (country-to-country) of the
To secure the economic and settler colonies, foreign sources of new capital-investment-profit, the imperialist state seeks either political or military control of the limited resources (natural and human). The First World War (1914–1918) resulted from such geopolitical conflicts among the empires of Europe over colonial
Theology
The Marxist–Leninist worldview is
As a basis of Marxism–Leninism, the philosophy of
Analysis
General criticism
Marxism–Leninism has been broadly criticized, particularly in its
According to Pons, Marxist–Leninist states carried out
Philosopher Eric Voegelin stated that Marxism–Leninism is inherently oppressive, writing that the "Marxian vision dictated the Stalinist outcome not because the communist utopia was inevitable but because it was impossible."[217] Criticism like this has itself been criticised for philosophical determinism, i.e. that the negative events in the movement's history were predetermined by their convictions, with historian Robert Vincent Daniels stating that Marxism was used to "justify Stalinism, but it was no longer allowed to serve either as a policy directive or an explanation of reality" during Stalin's rule.[218] In contrast, E. Van Ree wrote that Stalin considered himself to be in "general agreement" with the classical works of Marxism until his death.[219] Graeme Gill stated that Stalinism was "not a natural flow-on of earlier developments; [it was a] sharp break resulting from conscious decisions by leading political actors." Gill added that "difficulties with the use of the term reflect problems with the concept of Stalinism itself. The major difficulty is a lack of agreement about what should constitute Stalinism."[220] Historians such as Michael Geyer and Sheila Fitzpatrick criticised the focus upon the upper levels of society and the use of Cold War concepts, such as totalitarianism, which have obscured the reality of Marxist–Leninist systems, such as that of the Soviet Union.[27]
Mervyn Matthews criticized Marxism–Leninism for failing to solve poverty, noting that a large number of people in the Soviet Union were still in poverty despite its planned economy.[221]
Left-wing criticism
Marxism–Leninism has been criticized by other
American Marxist Raya Dunayevskaya dismissed Marxism–Leninism as a type of state capitalism because of state ownership of the means of production,Howard & King 2001, pp. 110–126[229] and dismissed one-party rule as undemocratic.[230] She further stated that it is neither Marxism nor Leninism but rather a composite ideology that Stalin used to expediently determine what is communism and what is not communism for the countries of the Eastern Bloc.[231] Italian left communist Amadeo Bordiga dismissed Marxism–Leninism as political opportunism that preserved capitalism because of the claim that the exchange of commodities would occur under socialism. He believed that the use of popular front organisations by the Communist International and a political vanguard organised by organic centralism were more effective than a vanguard organised by democratic centralism.[232][233] Anarcho-communist Peter Kropotkin criticised Marxism–Leninism as centralising and authoritarian.[227]
Other leftists, including Marxist–Leninists, criticise it for its repressive state actions, while recognising certain advancements, such as
In Western Europe, communist parties, which were still committed to Marxism–Leninism through more democratic means, were part of the initial post-war governments, and even when the Cold War forced many of those countries to remove them from government, such as in Italy, they remained part of the liberal-democratic process. By the 1960s and 1970s, many Western Marxist–Leninists had criticised many of the actions of Communist states, distanced from them, and developed a
Responses
Marxist–Leninists respond that there was generally no unemployment in Marxist–Leninist states and all citizens were guaranteed housing, schooling, healthcare and public transport at little or no cost.[242] In his critical analysis of Marxist–Leninist states, Ellman stated that they compared favorably with Western states in some health indicators such as infant mortality and life expectancy.[243] Philipp Ther wrote that there was a rise in living standards throughout Eastern Bloc countries as the result of modernisation programs under Marxist–Leninist governments.[244] Sen found that several Marxist–Leninist states made significant gains in life expectancy and commented "one thought that is bound to occur is that communism is good for poverty removal."[245] Olivia Ball and Paul Gready reported that Marxist–Leninist states pressed Western governments to include economic rights in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[246]
Others such as Parenti stated that Marxist–Leninist states experienced greater economic development than they would have otherwise, or that their leaders were forced to take harsh measures to defend their countries against the
Writing for
Writing about the
See also
- Anti-Stalinist Left
- History of Cuba
- History of the People's Republic of China
- History of the Soviet Union
- List of socialist states
- People's democracy (Marxism–Leninism)
- Demolition of monuments to Vladimir Lenin in Ukraine
- Stalinism
- Neo-Stalinism
References
Citations
- ISBN 978-0-7614-2628-8.
By 1985, one-third of the world's population lived under a Marxist–Leninist system of government in one form or another.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-7614-2628-8.
- ^ ISBN 978-5-91768-071-2.
- ^ ISBN 978-3-945187-64-7.
- ^ Evans 1993, pp. 1–2.
- ISBN 978-0-08-043076-8.
- ^ a b c d e Bottomore 1991, p. 54.
- ^ a b Cooke 1998, pp. 221–222.
- ^ Lee, Grace (2003). "The Political Philosophy of Juche" (PDF). Stanford Journal of East Asian Affairs. 3 (1): 105–111. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 January 2012.
- ^ Wilczynski 2008, p. 21: "Contrary to Western usage, these countries describe themselves as 'Socialist' (not 'Communist'). The second stage (Marx's 'higher phase'), or 'Communism' is to be marked by an age of plenty, distribution according to needs (not work), the absence of money and the market mechanism, the disappearance of the last vestiges of capitalism and the ultimate 'whithering away' of the State."; Steele 1999, p. 45: "Among Western journalists the term 'Communist' came to refer exclusively to regimes and movements associated with the Communist International and its offspring: regimes which insisted that they were not communist but socialist, and movements which were barely communist in any sense at all."; Rosser & Barkley Rosser 2003, p. 14: "Ironically, the ideological father of communism, Karl Marx, claimed that communism entailed the withering away of the state. The dictatorship of the proletariat was to be a strictly temporary phenomenon. Well aware of this, the Soviet Communists never claimed to have achieved communism, always labeling their own system socialist rather than communist and viewing their system as in transition to communism."
- ISBN 978-0-19-520469-8.
The decisive distinction between socialist and communist, as in one sense these terms are now ordinarily used, came with the renaming, in 1918, of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) as the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). From that time on, a distinction of socialist from communist, often with supporting definitions such as social democrat or democratic socialist, became widely current, although it is significant that all communist parties, in line with earlier usage, continued to describe themselves as socialist and dedicated to socialism.
- ^ Cooke 1998, pp. 221–222; Morgan 2015, pp. 657, 659: "Lenin argued that power could be secured on behalf of the proletariat through the so-called vanguard leadership of a disciplined and revolutionary communist party, organized according to what was effectively the military principle of democratic centralism. ... The basics of Marxism-Leninism were in place by the time of Lenin's death in 1924. ... The revolution was to be accomplished in two stages. First, a 'dictatorship of the proletariat,' managed by the élite 'vanguard' communist party, would suppress counterrevolution, and ensure that natural economic resources and the means of production and distribution were in common ownership. Finally, communism would be achieved in a classless society in which Party and State would have 'withered away'."; Busky 2002, pp. 163–165; Albert & Hahnel 1981, pp. 24–26; Andrain 1994, p. 140: "The communist party-states collapsed because they no longer fulfilled the essence of a Leninist model: a strong commitment to Marxist-Leninist ideology, rule by the vanguard communist party, and the operation of a centrally planned state socialist economy. Before the mid-1980s, the communist party controlled the military, police, mass media, and state enterprises. Government coercive agencies employed physical sanctions against political dissidents who denounced Marxism-Leninism."; Evans 1993, p. 24: "Lenin defended the dictatorial organization of the workers' state. Several years before the revolution, he had bluntly characterized dictatorship as 'unlimited power based on force, and not on law', leaving no doubt that those terms were intended to apply to the dictatorship of the proletariat. ... To socialists who accused the Bolshevik state of violating the principles of democracy by forcibly suppressing opposition, he replied: you are taking a formal, abstract view of democracy. ... The proletarian dictatorship was described by Lenin as a single-party state."
- ISBN 978-0-19-166752-7.
The 1936 Constitution described the Soviet Union for the first time as a 'socialist society', rhetorically fulfilling the aim of building socialism in one country, as Stalin had promised.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-00-686383-0.
- ^ a b Lisichkin, G. (1989). "Mify i real'nost'" Мифы и реальность [Myths and reality]. Novy Mir (in Russian). Vol. 3. p. 59.
- ^ Evans 1993, pp. 52–53.
- ^ "Marksizm" Марксизм [Marxism]. Big Russian encyclopedia – electronic version (in Russian). Archived from the original on 23 March 2020.
- ^ "Marxism". Soviet Encyclopedic Dictionary. p. 00.
- ^ The Columbia Encyclopedia (6th ed.). 2007. Archivedfrom the original on 10 February 2009. Retrieved 29 November 2020.
- ^ Sandle 1999, pp. 265–266.
- ^ Andrain 1994, pp. 24–42, Bureaucratic-Authoritarian Systems.
- ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- ^ a b Service 2007, pp. 5–6: "Whereas fascist totalitarianism in Italy and Germany was crushed in 1945, communist totalitarianism was reinforced in the USSR and other Marxist-Leninist states ... enough was achieved in the pursuit of comprehensive political monopoly for the USSR – as well as most other communist states – to be rightly described as totalitarian."
- ^ a b c Service 2007, p. 301: "The labor camps developed in the USSR were introduced across the communist world. This was especially easy in eastern Europe where they inherited the punitive structures of the Third Reich. But China too was quick in developing its camp network. This became one of the defining features of communism. It is true that other types of society used forced labour as part of their penal system … What was different about communist rulership was the dispatch of people to the camps for no reason other than the misfortune of belonging to a suspect social class."
- ^ a b c d Pons & Service 2010, p. 307.
- ^ a b c d Pons & Service 2010, pp. 308–310: "The linkages between ethnic cleansing and the history of communism in power are manifold. Communist governments, wherever they arose, sought to increase the purview of their states by homogenizing, categorizing and making more transparent their populations. ... The state would weed out the weak and ungovernable ... and eliminate those ethnicities or nationalities that proved able to perpetuate their cultural, political and economic distinctiveness. ... Ethnic cleansing and communism are linked not only in the history of the Soviet Union and Stalin ... Communist governments saw it in their interests to establish ethnically-homogeneous states and territories, sometimes even claiming that 'national' expulsions constituted a 'social' revolution, since those expelled were the bourgeois or aristocratic 'oppressors' of the native peoples"
- ^ ISBN 978-0-521-72397-8. Archived from the original on 6 February 2021. Retrieved 8 October 2020 – via Google Books.
- ^ Ball, Terence; Dagger, Richard (2019) [1999]. "Communism". Encyclopædia Britannica (revised ed.). Archived from the original on 16 June 2015. Retrieved 10 June 2020.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-275-96886-1.
In a modern sense of the word, communism refers to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. ... [T]he adjective democratic is added by democratic socialists to attempt to distinguish themselves from Communists who also call themselves socialists. All but communists, or more accurately, Marxist-Leninists, believe that modern-day communism is highly undemocratic and totalitarian in practice, and democratic socialists wish to emphasise by their name that they disagree strongly with the Marxist-Leninist brand of socialism.
- ^ Chomsky 1986; Howard & King 2001, pp. 110–126; Fitzgibbons 2002; Wolff 2015; Sandle 1999, pp. 265–266; Andrain 1994, pp. 24–42, Bureaucratic-Authoritarian Systems
- ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- ISBN 978-0-13-362427-4.
- ISBN 978-0-13-362427-4.
- , or populist, parties, amassed the largest popular vote (well in excess of 50 percent) and elected the greatest number of deputies (approximately 60 percent) of all the parties involved. The Bolsheviks, who had usurped power in the name of the soviets three weeks prior to the election, amassed only 24 percent of the popular vote and elected only 24 percent of the deputies. The party of Lenin had not received the mandate of the people to govern them.
- S2CID 156132823.
The political significance of the election to the Russian Constituent Assembly is difficult to as by a large segment of the Russian people ascertain since the Assembly was partly by a large segment of the Russian people as not being really necessary to fulfill their desires in this era of revolutionary development. ... On January 5, 1918, the deputies to the Constituent Assembly met in Petrograd; on January 6 the Central Executive Committee of the Congress of Soviets, dominated by Lenin, issued the Draft Decree on the Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. The Constituent Assembly, the dream of Russian political reformers for many years, was swept aside as a 'deceptive form of bourgeois-democratic parliamentarism.'
- ISBN 978-1-136-90573-5. Archived from the original on 21 March 2022. Retrieved 24 April 2022 – via Google Books.
- S2CID 145419232.
- ^ Butenko, Alexander (1996). "Sotsializm segodnya: opyt i novaya teoriya" Социализм сегодня: опыт и новая теория [Socialism Today: Experience and New Theory]. Журнал Альтернативы (in Russian). 1: 2–22.
- ISBN 978-0-691-13590-8.
- ^ Butenko, Alexander (1996). "Sotsializm segodnya: opyt i novaya teoriya" Социализм сегодня: опыт и новая теория [Socialism Today: Experience and New Theory]. Журнал Альтернативы (in Russian). 1: 3–4.
- ^ Trotsky, Leon (1990) [1937]. Stalinskaya shkola fal'sifikatsiy Сталинская школа фальсификаций [Stalin's school of falsifications] (in Russian). pp. 7–8.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-550-10094-8.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-00-686383-0.
- ^ a b Bland, Bill (1997). Class Struggles in China (revised ed.). London. Archived from the original on 17 October 2021. Retrieved 16 February 2020.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Dae-Kyu, Yoon (2003). "The Constitution of North Korea: Its Changes and Implications". Fordham International Law Journal. 27 (4): 1289–1305. Archived from the original on 24 February 2021. Retrieved 10 August 2020.
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Academic Sovietology, a child of the early Cold War, was dominated by the 'totalitarian model' of Soviet politics. Until the 1960s it was almost impossible to advance any other interpretation, in the USA at least.
- ISBN 978-1-139-44663-1.
In 1953, Carl Friedrich characterised totalitarian systems in terms of five points: an official ideology, control of weapons and of media, use of terror, and a single mass party, 'usually under a single leader'. There was of course an assumption that the leader was critical to the workings of totalitarianism: at the apex of a monolithic, centralised, and hierarchical system, it was he who issued the orders which were fulfilled unquestioningly by his subordinates.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-139-44663-1.
Tucker's work stressed the absolute nature of Stalin's power, an assumption which was increasingly challenged by later revisionist historians. In his Origins of the Great Purges, Arch Getty argued that the Soviet political system was chaotic, that institutions often escaped the control of the centre, and that Stalin's leadership consisted to a considerable extent in responding, on an ad hoc basis, to political crises as they arose. Getty's work was influenced by political science of the 1960s onwards, which, in a critique of the totalitarian model, began to consider the possibility that relatively autonomous bureaucratic institutions might have had some influence on policy-making at the highest level.
- S2CID 142829949.
- ISSN 1468-2303.
... the Western scholars who in the 1990s and 2000s were most active in scouring the new archives for data on Soviet repression were revisionists (always 'archive rats') such as Arch Getty and Lynne Viola.
- JSTOR 2497167.
In the intervening quarter-century, the Soviet Union has changed substantially. Our knowledge of the Soviet Union has changed as well. We all know that the traditional paradigm no longer satisfies, despite several efforts, primarily in the early 1960s (the directed society, totalitarianism without terror, the mobilization system) to articulate an acceptable variant. We have come to realize that models which were, in effect, offshoots of totalitarian models do not provide good approximations of post-Stalinist reality.
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The dominant account gives no sense of how communist regimes renewed themselves after 1956 or why western leaders feared they might overtake the capitalist world well into the 1960s. For all its brutalities and failures, communism in the Soviet Union, eastern Europe and elsewhere delivered rapid industrialisation, mass education, job security and huge advances in social and gender equality.
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- ^ Bottomore 1991, p. 98.
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Concepts of totalitarianism became most widespread at the height of the Cold War. Since the late 1940s, especially since the Korean War, they were condensed into a far-reaching, even hegemonic, ideology, by which the political elites of the Western world tried to explain and even to justify the Cold War constellation.
- ISBN 978-0-231-13124-7.
The opposition between the West and Soviet totalitarianism was often presented as an opposition both moral and epistemological between truth and falsehood. The democratic, social, and economic credentials of the Soviet Union were typically seen as 'lies' and as the product of a deliberate and multiform propaganda. ... In this context, the concept of totalitarianism was itself an asset. As it made possible the conversion of prewar anti-fascism into postwar anti-communism.
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Most estimates of the number of Chinese dead are in the range of 15 to 30 million.
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- ^ a b c d e Pons & Service 2010, p. 306.
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The origin of Marxist–Leninist atheism, as understood in the USSR, is linked with the development of the German philosophy of Hegel and Feuerbach.
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- ^ a b c Walker & Gray 2009, pp. 303–305.
- ^ Pons & Service 2010, p. 526.
- ^ Service 2007, p. 293: "The new communist states in eastern Europe and east Asia ... had much in common. Usually a single party governed ... . Dictatorship was imposed. The courts and the press were subordinated to political command. The state expropriated large sectors of the economy ... . Religion was persecuted ... . Marxism-Leninism in its Stalinist variant was disseminated, and rival ideologies were persecuted."
- ^ Pons & Service 2010, p. 306: "Elections in the Communist states, at least until the final years when the systems were undergoing reform, were generally not competitive, with voters having no choice or only a strictly limited choice. Most elections had only one candidate standing for each position."
- ^ a b c Service 2007, p. 3–6.
- ^ Walker & Gray 2009, p. 90.
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Scholars also disagree over what role the Soviet Union played in the tragedy. Some scholars point to Stalin as the mastermind behind the famine, due to his hatred of Ukrainians (Hosking, 1987). Others assert that Stalin did not actively cause the famine, but he knew about it and did nothing to stop it (Moore, 2012). Still other scholars argue that the famine was just an effect of the Soviet Union's push for rapid industrialization and a by-product of that was the destruction of the peasant way of life (Fischer, 1935). The final school of thought argues that the Holodomor was caused by factors beyond the control of the Soviet Union and Stalin took measures to reduce the effects of the famine on the Ukrainian people (Davies & Wheatcroft, 2006).
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- ^ Ree 1997, p. 23. "This article concerns the research done by the author in Stalin's private library. The notes made in the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin suggest that until the end of his life Stalin felt himself in general agreement with these "classics." The choice of books and the notes support the thesis that, despite his historical interest and his identification with some of the tsars as powerful rulers, Stalin always continued to consider himself a Marxist, and that he was uninterested in other systems of thought, including those of traditional Russia."
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The Soviet bureaucracy and Western capitalism rested on mutually antagonistic social systems.
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Because many communists now call themselves democratic socialists, it is sometimes difficult to know what a political label really means. As a result, social democratic has become a common new label for democratic socialist political parties.
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In the 1990s, following the collapse of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the breakup of the Soviet Union, social democracy was adopted by some of the old communist parties. Hence, parties such as the Czech Social Democratic Party, the Bulgarian Social Democrats, the Estonian Social Democratic Party, and the Romanian Social Democratic Party, among others, achieved varying degrees of electoral success. Similar processes took place in Africa as the old communist parties were transformed into social democratic ones, even though they retained their traditional titles ... .
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As a result of communist modernization, living standards in Eastern Europe rose.
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