Mary I of England
Mary I | |
---|---|
more...) | |
Reign | July 1553[a] – 17 November 1558 |
Coronation | 1 October 1553 |
Predecessor | Jane (disputed) or Edward VI |
Successor | Elizabeth I |
Co-monarch | Philip (1554–1558) |
Queen consort of Spain | |
Tenure | 16 January 1556 – 17 November 1558 |
Born | 18 February 1516 Palace of Placentia, Greenwich, England |
Died | 17 November 1558 (aged 42) St James's Palace, Westminster, England |
Burial | 14 December 1558 , London |
Spouse |
Roman Catholicism |
Signature |
Mary I (18 February 1516 – 17 November 1558), also known as Mary Tudor, and as "Bloody Mary" by her
Mary was the only surviving child of Henry VIII by his first wife, Catherine of Aragon. She was declared illegitimate and barred from the line of succession following the annulment of her parents' marriage in 1533, though she would later be restored via the Third Succession Act 1543. Her younger half-brother, Edward VI, succeeded their father in 1547 at the age of nine. When Edward became terminally ill in 1553, he attempted to remove Mary from the line of succession because he supposed, correctly, that she would reverse the Protestant reforms that had taken place during his reign. Upon his death, leading politicians proclaimed Mary's and Edward's Protestant cousin, Lady Jane Grey, as queen instead. Mary speedily assembled a force in East Anglia and deposed Jane, who was eventually beheaded. Mary was—excluding the disputed reigns of Jane and the Empress Matilda—the first queen regnant of England. In July 1554, Mary married Prince Philip of Spain, becoming queen consort of Habsburg Spain on his accession in 1556.
After Mary's death in 1558, her re-establishment of Roman Catholicism was reversed by her younger half-sister and successor, Elizabeth I.
Birth and family
Mary was born on 18 February 1516 at the
Mary was baptised into the Catholic faith at the Church of the Observant Friars in Greenwich three days after her birth.[4] Her godparents included Lord Chancellor Thomas Wolsey; her great-aunt Catherine, Countess of Devon; and Agnes Howard, Duchess of Norfolk.[5] Henry VIII's first cousin once removed, Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury, stood sponsor for Mary's confirmation, which was conducted immediately after the baptism.[6] The following year, Mary became a godmother herself when she was named as one of the sponsors of her cousin Frances Brandon.[7] In 1520, the Countess of Salisbury was appointed Mary's governess.[8] Sir John Hussey (later Lord Hussey) was her chamberlain from 1530, and his wife Lady Anne, daughter of George Grey, 2nd Earl of Kent, was one of Mary's attendants.[9]
Childhood
Mary was a precocious child.
Despite his affection for Mary, Henry was deeply disappointed that his marriage had produced no sons.[18] By the time Mary was nine years old, it was apparent that Henry and Catherine would have no more children, leaving Henry without a legitimate male heir.[19] In 1525, Henry sent Mary to the border of Wales to preside, presumably in name only, over the Council of Wales and the Marches.[20] She was given her own court based at Ludlow Castle and many of the royal prerogatives normally reserved for a Prince of Wales. Vives and others called her the Princess of Wales, although she was never technically invested with the title.[21] She appears to have spent three years in the Welsh Marches, making regular visits to her father's court, before returning permanently to the home counties around London in mid-1528.[22]
Throughout Mary's childhood, Henry negotiated potential future marriages for her. When she was only two years old, Mary was promised to
In 1528, Wolsey's agent Thomas Magnus discussed the idea of her marriage to her cousin James V of Scotland with the Scottish diplomat Adam Otterburn.[28] According to the Venetian Mario Savorgnano, by this time Mary was developing into a pretty, well-proportioned young lady with a fine complexion.[29]
Adolescence
Although various possibilities for Mary's marriage had been considered, the marriage of Mary's parents was itself in jeopardy, which threatened her status. Disappointed at the lack of a male heir, and eager to remarry, Henry attempted to have his marriage to Catherine
From 1531, Mary was often sick with irregular menstruation and depression, although it is not clear whether this was caused by stress, puberty or a more deep-seated disease.
Mary determinedly refused to acknowledge that Anne was the queen or that Elizabeth was a princess, enraging King Henry.[36] Under strain and with her movements restricted, Mary was frequently ill, which the royal physician attributed to her "ill treatment".[37] The Imperial ambassador Eustace Chapuys became her close adviser, and interceded, unsuccessfully, on her behalf at court.[38] The relationship between Mary and her father worsened; they did not speak to each other for three years.[39] Although both she and her mother were ill, Mary was refused permission to visit Catherine.[40] When Catherine died in 1536, Mary was "inconsolable".[41] Catherine was interred in Peterborough Cathedral, while Mary grieved in semi-seclusion at Hunsdon in Hertfordshire.[42]
Adulthood
In 1536, Queen Anne fell from the king's favour and was beheaded. Elizabeth, like Mary, was declared illegitimate and stripped of her
Reconciled with her father, Mary resumed her place at court.[46] Henry granted her a household, which included the reinstatement of Mary's favourite, Susan Clarencieux.[47] Mary's Privy Purse accounts for this period, kept by Mary Finch, show that Hatfield House, the Palace of Beaulieu (also called Newhall), Richmond and Hunsdon were among her principal places of residence, as well as Henry's palaces at Greenwich, Westminster and Hampton Court.[48] Her expenses included fine clothes and gambling at cards, one of her favourite pastimes.[49]
Rebels in the North of England, including Lord Hussey, Mary's former chamberlain, campaigned against Henry's religious reforms, and one of their demands was that Mary be made legitimate. The rebellion, known as the
Mary was courted by
In 1541, Henry had the Countess of Salisbury, Mary's old governess and godmother, executed on the pretext of a
Henry VIII died in 1547, and Edward succeeded him. Mary inherited estates in
For most of Edward's reign, Mary remained on her own estates and rarely attended court.[66] A plan between May and July 1550 to smuggle her out of England to the safety of the European mainland came to nothing.[67] Religious differences between Mary and Edward continued. Mary attended a reunion with Edward and Elizabeth for Christmas 1550, where the 13-year-old Edward embarrassed Mary, then 34, and reduced both her and himself to tears in front of the court, by publicly reproving her for ignoring his laws regarding worship.[68] Mary repeatedly refused Edward's demands that she abandon Catholicism, and Edward persistently refused to drop his demands.[69]
Accession
On 6 July 1553, at the age of 15, Edward VI died of a lung infection, possibly tuberculosis.[70] He did not want the crown to go to Mary because he feared she would restore Catholicism and undo his and their father's reforms, and so he planned to exclude her from the line of succession. His advisers told him that he could not disinherit only one of his half-sisters: he would have to disinherit Elizabeth as well, even though she was a Protestant. Guided by John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland, and perhaps others, Edward excluded both from the line of succession in his will.[71]
Contradicting the
On 10 July 1553, Lady Jane was proclaimed queen by Northumberland and his supporters, and on the same day Mary's letter to the council arrived in London. By 12 July, Mary and her supporters had assembled a military force at Framlingham Castle, Suffolk.[75] Northumberland's support collapsed,[76] and Jane was deposed on 19 July.[77] She and Northumberland were imprisoned in the Tower of London. Mary rode triumphantly into London on 3 August 1553, on a wave of popular support. She was accompanied by her half-sister Elizabeth and a procession of over 800 nobles and gentlemen.[78]
Reign
One of Mary's first actions as queen was to order the release of the Roman Catholic
Spanish marriage
Now aged 37, Mary turned her attention to finding a husband and producing an heir, which would prevent the Protestant Elizabeth (still next-in-line under the terms of
Lord Chancellor Gardiner and the
Mary was—excluding the brief, disputed reigns of the
To elevate his son to Mary's rank, Emperor Charles V ceded to Philip the crown of Naples as well as his claim to the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Mary thus became Queen of Naples and titular Queen of Jerusalem upon marriage.[97] Their wedding at Winchester Cathedral on 25 July 1554 took place just two days after their first meeting.[98] Philip could not speak English, and so they spoke a mixture of Spanish, French, and Latin.[99]
False pregnancy
In September 1554, Mary stopped menstruating. She gained weight, and felt nauseated in the mornings. For these reasons, almost the entirety of her court, including her physicians, believed she was pregnant.[100] Parliament passed an act making Philip regent in the event of Mary's death in childbirth.[101] In the last week of April 1555, Elizabeth was released from house arrest, and called to court as a witness to the birth, which was expected imminently.[102] According to Giovanni Michieli, the Venetian ambassador, Philip may have planned to marry Elizabeth in the event of Mary's death in childbirth,[103] but in a letter to his brother-in-law Maximilian of Austria, Philip expressed uncertainty as to whether Mary was pregnant.[104]
Thanksgiving services in the diocese of London were held at the end of April after false rumours that Mary had given birth to a son spread across Europe.[105] Through May and June, the apparent delay in delivery fed gossip that Mary was not pregnant.[106] Susan Clarencieux revealed her doubts to the French ambassador, Antoine de Noailles.[107] Mary continued to exhibit signs of pregnancy until July 1555, when her abdomen receded. Michieli dismissively ridiculed the pregnancy as more likely to "end in wind rather than anything else".[108] It was most likely a false pregnancy, perhaps induced by Mary's overwhelming desire to have a child.[109] In August, soon after the disgrace of the false pregnancy, which Mary considered "God's punishment" for her having "tolerated heretics" in her realm,[110] Philip left England to command his armies against France in Flanders.[111] Mary was heartbroken and fell into a deep depression. Michieli was touched by the queen's grief; he wrote she was "extraordinarily in love" with her husband and disconsolate at his departure.[112]
Elizabeth remained at court until October, apparently restored to favour.[113] In the absence of any children, Philip was concerned that one of the next claimants to the English throne after his sister-in-law was Mary, Queen of Scots, who was betrothed to the Dauphin of France. Philip persuaded his wife that Elizabeth should marry his cousin Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, to secure the Catholic succession and preserve the Habsburg interest in England, but Elizabeth refused to agree and parliamentary consent was unlikely.[114]
Religious policy
In the month following her accession, Mary issued a proclamation that she would not compel any of her subjects to follow her religion, but by the end of September 1553, leading Protestant churchmen—including Thomas Cranmer,
Mary rejected the break with Rome her father instituted and the establishment of Protestantism by her brother's regents. Philip persuaded Parliament to
Around 800 rich Protestants, including John Foxe, fled into exile.[120] Those who stayed and persisted in publicly proclaiming their beliefs became targets of heresy laws.[121] The first executions occurred over five days in February 1555: John Rogers on 4 February, Laurence Saunders on 8 February, and Rowland Taylor and John Hooper on 9 February.[122] Thomas Cranmer, the imprisoned archbishop of Canterbury, was forced to watch Bishops Ridley and Latimer being burned at the stake. He recanted, repudiated Protestant theology, and rejoined the Catholic faith.[123] Under the normal process of the law, he should have been absolved as a repentant, but Mary refused to reprieve him. On the day of his burning, he dramatically withdrew his recantation.[124] In total, 283 were executed, most by burning.[125] The burnings proved so unpopular that even Alfonso de Castro, one of Philip's own ecclesiastical staff, condemned them[126] and another adviser, Simon Renard, warned him that such "cruel enforcement" could "cause a revolt".[127] Mary persevered with the policy, which continued for the rest of her reign and exacerbated anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish feeling among the English people.[128] The victims became lauded as martyrs.[129]
Reginald Pole, the son of Mary's executed governess, arrived as papal legate in November 1554.[130] He was ordained a priest and appointed Archbishop of Canterbury immediately after Cranmer's execution in March 1556.[131][b]
Foreign policy
Furthering the
In January 1556, Mary's father-in-law the Emperor abdicated. Mary and Philip were still apart; he was declared King of Spain in Brussels, but she stayed in England. Philip negotiated an unsteady truce with the French in February 1556. The next month, the French ambassador in England, Antoine de Noailles, was implicated in a plot against Mary when Henry Dudley, a second cousin of the executed Duke of Northumberland, attempted to assemble an invasion force in France. The plot, known as the Dudley conspiracy, was betrayed, and the conspirators in England were rounded up. Dudley remained in exile in France, and Noailles prudently left Britain.[134]
Philip returned to England from March to July 1557 to persuade Mary to support Spain in a renewed war against France. Mary was in favour of declaring war, but her councillors opposed it because French trade would be jeopardised, it contravened the foreign war provisions of the marriage treaty, and a bad economic legacy from Edward VI's reign and a series of poor harvests meant England lacked supplies and finances.[135] War was only declared in June 1557 after Reginald Pole's nephew Thomas Stafford invaded England and seized Scarborough Castle with French help, in a failed attempt to depose Mary.[136] As a result of the war, relations between England and the Papacy became strained, since Pope Paul IV was allied with Henry II of France.[137] In August, English forces were victorious in the aftermath of the Battle of Saint Quentin, with one eyewitness reporting, "Both sides fought most choicely, and the English best of all."[138] Celebrations were brief, as in January 1558 French forces took Calais, England's sole remaining possession on the European mainland. Although the territory was financially burdensome, its loss was a mortifying blow to the queen's prestige.[139] According to Holinshed's Chronicles, Mary later lamented (although this may be apocryphal), "When I am dead and opened, you shall find 'Calais' lying in my heart".[140]
Commerce and revenue
The weather during the years of Mary's reign was consistently wet. The persistent rain and flooding led to famine.
Financially, Mary's regime tried to reconcile a modern form of government—with correspondingly higher spending—with a medieval system of collecting taxation and dues.[148] Mary retained the Edwardian appointee William Paulet, 1st Marquess of Winchester, as Lord High Treasurer and assigned him to oversee the revenue collection system. A failure to apply new tariffs to new forms of imports meant that a key source of revenue was neglected. To solve this, Mary's government published a revised "Book of Rates" (1558), which listed the tariffs and duties for every import. This publication was not extensively reviewed until 1604.[149]
English coinage was debased under both Henry VIII and Edward VI. Mary drafted plans for currency reform but they were not implemented until after her death.[150]
Death
After Philip's visit in 1557, Mary again thought she was pregnant, with a baby due in March 1558.[151] She decreed in her will that her husband would be the regent during the minority of their child.[152] But no child was born, and Mary was forced to accept that her half-sister Elizabeth would be her lawful successor.[153]
Mary was weak and ill from May 1558.
Although Mary's will stated that she wished to be buried next to her mother, she was
Legacy
John White, Bishop of Winchester, praised Mary at her funeral service: "She was a king's daughter; she was a king's sister; she was a king's wife. She was a queen, and by the same title a king also."[158] She was the first woman to successfully claim the throne of England, despite competing claims and determined opposition, and enjoyed popular support and sympathy during the earliest parts of her reign, especially from the Roman Catholics of England.[159]
Protestant writers at the time, and since, have often condemned Mary's reign. By the 17th century, the memory of her religious persecutions had led to the adoption of her
Mary is remembered in the 21st century for her vigorous efforts to restore the primacy of Roman Catholicism in England after the rise of Protestant influence during the previous reigns. Protestant historians have long deplored her reign, emphasizing that in just five years she burned several hundred Protestants at the stake. In the mid-20th century, H. F. M. Prescott attempted to redress the tradition that Mary was intolerant and authoritarian, and scholarship since then has tended to view the older, simpler assessments of Mary with increasing reservations.[162] A historiographical revisionism since the 1980s has improved her reputation among scholars to some degree.[163] Christopher Haigh argued that her revival of religious festivities and Catholic practices was generally welcomed.[164] Haigh concluded that the "last years of Mary's reign were not a gruesome preparation for Protestant victory, but a continuing consolidation of Catholic strength."[165] English Catholics often remembered Mary favourably; decades after her death, the epitaph for John Throckmorton refers to "Queene Marie [Mary I] of happie memorie".[166]
Catholic historians, such as John Lingard, thought Mary's policies failed not because they were wrong but because she had too short a reign to establish them and because of natural disasters beyond her control.[167] In other countries, the Catholic Counter-Reformation was spearheaded by Jesuit missionaries, but Mary's chief religious advisor, Cardinal Reginald Pole, refused to allow the Jesuits into England.[168] Her marriage to Philip was unpopular among her subjects and her religious policies resulted in deep-seated resentment.[169] The military loss of Calais to France was a bitter humiliation to English pride. Failed harvests increased public discontent.[170] Philip spent most of his time abroad, while his wife remained in England, leaving her depressed at his absence and undermined by their inability to have children. After Mary's death, Philip sought to marry Elizabeth but she refused him.[171] Although Mary's rule was ultimately ineffectual and unpopular, the policies of fiscal reform, naval expansion, and colonial exploration that were later lauded as Elizabethan accomplishments were started in Mary's reign.[172]
Titles, style, and arms
When Mary ascended the throne, she was proclaimed under the same official style as Henry VIII and Edward VI: "Mary,
Under Mary's marriage treaty with Philip, the official joint style reflected not only Mary's but also Philip's dominions and claims: "Philip and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen of England, France,
Mary I's
Family tree
Both Mary and Philip were descended from John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster, a relationship that was used to portray Philip as an English king.[176]
Family of Mary I of England |
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See also
Notes
- ^ Edward VI died on 6 July. Mary was proclaimed his successor in London on 19 July; sources differ on whether her regnal years were dated from 24 July[1] or 6 July.[2]
- ^ Although he was in deacon's orders and prominent in the church, Pole was not ordained until the day before his consecration as archbishop.[132]
References
- ^ Weir (p. 160)
- ^ Sweet and Maxwell's (p. 28)
- ^ Loades, pp. 12–13; Weir, pp. 152–153.
- ^ Porter, p. 13; Waller, p. 16; Whitelock, p. 7.
- ^ Porter, pp. 13, 37; Waller, p. 17.
- ^ Porter, p. 13; Waller, p. 17; Whitelock, p. 7.
- ^ Loades, p. 28; Porter, p. 15.
- ^ Loades, p. 29; Porter, p. 16; Waller, p. 20; Whitelock, p. 21.
- ^ Hoyle, p. 407.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 23.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 27.
- ^ Loades, pp. 19–20; Porter, p. 21.
- ^ Loades, p. 31; Porter, p. 30.
- ^ Porter, p. 28; Whitelock, p. 27.
- ^ Loades, pp. 32, 43.
- ^ Domine Orator, per Deum immortalem, ista puella nunquam plorat, quoted in Whitelock, p. 17.
- ^ Tremlett, Giles. Catherine of Aragon, Henry's Spanish Queen. p. 244.
- ^ Tittler, p. 1.
- ^ Loades, p. 37; Porter, pp. 38–39; Whitelock, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Porter, pp. 38–39; Whitelock, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Waller, p. 23.
- ^ Loades, pp. 41–42, 45.
- ^ Porter, pp. 20–21; Waller, pp. 20–21; Whitelock, pp. 18–23.
- ^ Loades, pp. 22–23; Porter, pp. 21–24; Waller, p. 21; Whitelock, p. 23.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 30–31.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 37–38.
- ^ State Papers Henry VIII. Vol. 4, part IV. London. 1836. p. 545.
- ^ Mario Savorgnano, 25 August 1531, in Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, vol. IV, p. 682, quoted in Loades, p. 63.
- ^ Porter, pp. 56, 78; Whitelock, p. 40.
- ^ Waller, p. 27.
- ^ Porter, p. 76; Whitelock, p. 48.
- ^ Porter, p. 92; Whitelock, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Loades, p. 77; Porter, p. 92; Whitelock, p. 57.
- ^ Loades, p. 78; Whitelock, p. 57.
- ^ Porter, pp. 97–101; Whitelock, pp. 55–69.
- ^ Dr William Butts, quoted in Waller, p. 31.
- ^ Loades, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Porter, p. 100.
- ^ Porter, pp. 103–104; Whitelock, pp. 67–69, 72.
- ^ Letter from Emperor Charles V to Empress Isabella, quoted in Whitelock, p. 75.
- ^ Porter, p. 107; Whitelock, pp. 76–77.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 91.
- ^ Porter, p. 121; Waller, p. 33; Whitelock, p. 81.
- ^ Porter, pp. 119–123; Waller, pp. 34–36; Whitelock, pp. 83–89.
- ^ Porter, pp. 119–123; Waller, pp. 34–36; Whitelock, pp. 90–91.
- ^ Loades, p. 105.
- ^ Madden, F. (ed.) (1831) The Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, quoted in Loades, p. 111.
- ^ Porter, pp. 129–132; Whitelock, p. 28.
- ^ Porter, pp. 124–125.
- ^ Loades, p. 108.
- ^ Loades, p. 114; Porter, pp. 126–127; Whitelock, pp. 95–96.
- ^ Loades, pp. 127–129; Porter, pp. 135–136; Waller, p. 39; Whitelock, p. 101.
- ^ Loades, pp. 126–127; Whitelock, p. 101.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 105.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 105–106.
- ^ Loades, p. 122; Porter, p. 137.
- ^ Contemporary Spanish and English reports, quoted in Whitelock, p. 108.
- ^ Porter, p. 143.
- ^ Waller, p. 37.
- ^ Porter, pp. 143–144; Whitelock, p. 110.
- ^ Loades, p. 120; Waller, p. 39; Whitelock, p. 112.
- ^ Loades, pp. 137–138; Whitelock, p. 130.
- ^ Loades, pp. 143–147; Porter, pp. 160–162; Whitelock, pp. 133–134.
- ^ Porter, p. 154; Waller, p. 40.
- ^ Loades, pp. 153–157; Porter, pp. 169–176; Waller, pp. 41–42; Whitelock, pp. 144–147.
- ^ Porter, p. 178; Whitelock, p. 149.
- ^ Porter, pp. 179–182; Whitelock, pp. 148–160.
- ^ Porter, p. 187.
- ^ Porter, pp. 188–189.
- ^ Waller, pp. 48–49; Whitelock, p. 165.
- ^ Waller, pp. 51–53; Whitelock, pp. 165, 138.
- ^ Loades, p. 176; Porter, p. 195; Tittler, pp. 8, 81–82; Whitelock, p. 168.
- ^ Porter, p. 203; Waller, p. 52.
- ^ Loades, pp. 176–181; Porter, pp. 213–214; Waller, p. 54; Whitelock, pp. 170–174.
- ^ Porter, p. 210; Weir, pp. 159–160.
- ^ Waller, pp. 57–59.
- ^ Waller, p. 59; Whitelock, p. 181.
- ^ Waller, pp. 59–60; Whitelock, pp. 185–186.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 182.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 183.
- ^ Porter, pp. 257–261; Whitelock, pp. 195–197.
- ^ Loades, pp. 199–201; Porter, pp. 265–267.
- ^ Porter, p. 310.
- ^ Porter, pp. 279–284; Waller, p. 72; Whitelock, pp. 202–209.
- ^ Waller, p. 73.
- ^ Porter, pp. 288–299; Whitelock, pp. 212–213.
- ^ Porter, p. 300; Waller, pp. 74–75; Whitelock, p. 216.
- ^ Porter, pp. 311–313; Whitelock, pp. 217–225.
- ^ Waller, pp. 84–85; Whitelock, pp. 202, 227.
- ^ Porter, p. 269; Waller, p. 85.
- ^ Porter, pp. 291–292; Waller, p. 85; Whitelock, pp. 226–227.
- ^ Porter, pp. 308–309; Whitelock, p. 229.
- ^ Letter of 29 July 1554 in the Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, volume XIII, quoted in Porter, p. 320 and Whitelock, p. 244.
- ^ Alexander Samson, Mary and Philip: The marriage of Tudor England and Habsburg Spain (Manchester, 2020), pp. 71–73.
- ^ a b Porter, pp. 321, 324; Waller, p. 90; Whitelock, p. 238.
- ^ Loades, pp. 224–225; Porter, pp. 318, 321; Waller, pp. 86–87; Whitelock, p. 237.
- ^ Porter, p. 319; Waller, pp. 87, 91.
- ^ Porter, p. 333; Waller, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Loades, pp. 234–235.
- ^ Porter, p. 338; Waller, p. 95; Whitelock, p. 255.
- ^ Waller, p. 96.
- ^ "The queen's pregnancy turns out not to have been as certain as we thought": Letter of 25 April 1554, quoted in Porter, p. 337 and Whitelock, p. 257.
- ^ Waller, p. 95; Whitelock, p. 256.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 257–259.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 258.
- ^ Waller, p. 97; Whitelock, p. 259.
- ^ Porter, pp. 337–338; Waller, pp. 97–98.
- ^ PBS Video.
- ^ Porter, p. 342.
- ^ Waller, pp. 98–99; Whitelock, p. 268.
- ^ Antoine de Noailles quoted in Whitelock, p. 269.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 284.
- ^ Tittler, pp. 23–24; Whitelock, p. 187.
- ^ Loades, pp. 207–208; Waller, p. 65; Whitelock, p. 198.
- ^ Porter, p. 241; Whitelock, pp. 200–201.
- ^ Porter, p. 331.
- ^ Loades, pp. 235–242.
- ^ Waller, p. 113.
- ^ a b Solly, Meilan. "The Myth of 'Bloody Mary'". Smithsonian Magazine. March 12, 2020.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 262.
- ^ Loades, p. 325; Porter, pp. 355–356; Waller, pp. 104–105.
- ^ Loades, p. 326; Waller, pp. 104–105; Whitelock, p. 274.
- ^ Duffy, p. 79; Waller, p. 104.
- ^ Porter, pp. 358–359; Waller, p. 103; Whitelock, p. 266.
- ^ Waller, p. 102.
- ^ Waller, pp. 101, 103, 105; Whitelock, p. 266.
- ^ See for example, the Oxford Martyrs.
- ^ Loades, p. 238; Waller, p. 94.
- ^ Porter, p. 357.
- ^ Loades, p. 319.
- ^ Tittler, p. 66.
- ^ Porter, pp. 381–387.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 288.
- ^ Porter, p. 389; Waller, p. 111; Whitelock, p. 289.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 293–295.
- ^ Tyler, Royall, ed. (1954). "Spain: August 1557". Calendar of State Papers, Spain. London. pp. 308–318. Retrieved 1 December 2021 – via British History Online.
- ^ Loades, pp. 295–297; Porter, pp. 392–395; Whitelock, pp. 291–292.
- ^ Porter, p. 393.
- ^ Porter, pp. 229, 375; Whitelock, p. 277.
- ^ Tittler, p. 48.
- ^ Tittler, p. 49.
- ^ Tittler, pp. 49–50.
- ^ Porter, p. 371.
- ^ Porter, p. 373.
- ^ Porter, p. 372.
- ^ Porter, p. 375; Tittler, p. 51.
- ^ Porter, p. 376.
- ^ Porter, p. 376; Tittler, p. 53.
- ^ Porter, p. 398; Waller, pp. 106, 112; Whitelock, p. 299.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 299–300.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 301.
- ^ Loades, p. 305; Whitelock, p. 300.
- ^ Waller, p. 108.
- Princess of Portugal, 4 December 1558, in Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, volume XIII, quoted in Loades, p. 311; Waller, p. 109 and Whitelock, p. 303.
- ^ Porter, p. 410; Whitelock, p. 1.
- ^ Loades, p. 313; Whitelock, p. 305.
- ^ Waller, p. 116.
- ^ Waller, p. 115.
- ^ Porter, pp. 361–362, 418; Waller, pp. 113–115.
- ^ Weikel.
- ^ Loades, David (1989). "The Reign of Mary Tudor: Historiography and Research." Albion 21 (4) : 547–558. online.
- ^ Haigh, pp. 203–234, quoted in Freeman, Thomas S. (2017). "Restoration and Reaction: Reinterpreting the Marian Church." Journal of Ecclesiastical History In press. online.
- ^ Haigh, p. 234.
- ^ Epitaph plaque, tomb of Sir John Throckmorton, Coughton Church, Warwickshire.
- ^ Loades, pp. 340–341.
- ^ Mayer, Thomas F. (1996). "A Test of Wills: Cardinal Pole, Ignatius Loyola, and the Jesuits in England". In McCoog, Thomas M. (ed.). The Reckoned Expense: Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits. pp. 21–38.
- ^ Loades, pp. 342–343; Waller, p. 116.
- ^ Loades, pp. 340–343.
- ^ Porter, p. 400.
- ^ Tittler, p. 80; Weikel.
- ^ Loades, pp. 217, 323.
- ^ e.g. Waller, p. 106.
- ^ Waller, p. 60; Whitelock, p. 310.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 242.
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- Hoyle, R. W. (2001). The Pilgrimage of Grace and the Politics of the 1530s. Oxford University Press. OL 22264908M.
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- Paget, Gerald (1977). The Lineage & Ancestry of HRH Prince Charles, Prince of Wales. Edinburgh & London: Charles Skilton. OL 17872227M.
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- "Chapter Five: Table of regnal year of English Sovereigns". Sweet & Maxwell's Guide to Law Reports and Statutes (4th ed.). London: Sweet & Maxwell's Guide. 1962.
- Tittler, Robert (1991). The Reign of Mary I (2nd ed.). London & New York: Longman. OL 1882426M.
- Waller, Maureen (2006). Sovereign Ladies: The Six Reigning Queens of England. New York: St. Martin's Press. OL 9516816M.
- Weikel, Ann (2004; online edition 2008). "Mary I (1516–1558)" in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (subscription or UK public library membership required). Oxford University Press. .
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Further reading
- Doran, Susan and Thomas Freeman, eds. (2011). Mary Tudor: Old and New Perspectives. Palgrave MacMillan.
- Edwards, John. (2011). Mary I: England's Catholic Queen. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-11810-4.
- ISBN 0-385-11663-2.
- ISBN 0-582-05759-0.
- —— (2006). Mary Tudor: The Tragical History of the First Queen of England. Kew, Richmond, UK: National Archives.
- —— (2011). Mary Tudor. Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Amberley Publishing.
- Madden, Frederick, Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, 1536–1544 (London, 1831).
- Prescott, H. F. M. (1952). Mary Tudor: The Spanish Tudor. Second edition. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode.
- ISBN 0-7867-0854-9.
- Samson, Alexander (2020). Mary and Philip: The Marriage of Tudor England and Habsburg Spain. Manchester UK: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-1-5261-4223-8.
- Waldman, Milton (1972). The Lady Mary: A Biography of Mary Tudor, 1516–1558. London: Collins. ISBN 0-00-211486-0.
- Wernham, R. B. (1966). Before the Armada: The Growth of English Foreign Policy, 1485–1588. London: Jonathan Cape.
External links
- Mary I at the official website of the British monarchy
- Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885–1900. .
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
- "Mary I (1516–1558)". BBC.
- Portraits of Queen Mary I at the National Portrait Gallery, London