Matrilineality
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Anthropology of kinship |
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Matrilineality is the tracing of
Early human kinship
In the late 19th century, almost all prehistorians and anthropologists believed, following
In recent years,
Matrilineal surname
Matrilineal
Cultural patterns
There appears to be some evidence for the presence of matrilineality in
A modern example from South Africa is the order of succession to the position of the Rain Queen in a culture of matrilineal primogeniture: not only is dynastic descent reckoned through the female line, but only females are eligible to inherit.[20]
In some traditional societies and cultures, membership in their groups was – and, in the following list, still is if shown in italics – inherited matrilineally. Examples include the
Clan names vs. surnames
Most of the example cultures in this article are based on (matrilineal)
Example 1. Members of the (matrilineal) clan culture Minangkabau do not even have a surname or family name, see this culture's own section below. In contrast, members do have a clan name, which is important in their lives although not included in the member's name. Instead, one's name is just one's given name.
Example 2. Members of the (matrilineal) clan culture Akan, see its own section below, also do not have matrilineal surnames and likewise their important clan name is not included in their name. However, members' names do commonly include second names which are called surnames but which are not routinely passed down from either father or mother to all their children as a family name.[21]
Note well that if a culture did include one's clan name in one's name and routinely handed it down to all children in the descent group then it would automatically be the family name or surname for one's descent group (as well as for all other descent groups in one's clan).
Care of children
While a mother normally takes care of her own children in all cultures, in some matrilineal cultures an "uncle-father" will take care of his nieces and nephews instead: in other words social fathers here are uncles. There is not a necessary connection between the role of father and genitor. In many such matrilineal cultures, especially where residence is also
According to Steven Pinker, attributing to Kristen Hawkes, among foraging groups matrilocal societies are less likely to commit female infanticide than are patrilocal societies.[23]
Matrilineality in specific ethnic groups
Africa
Akan
Some 20 million
"The principles governing inheritance stress sex, generation and age – that is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit.[27]
Each lineage controls the lineage land farmed by its members, functions together in the veneration of its ancestors, supervises marriages of its members, and settles internal disputes among its members.[28]
The political units above are likewise grouped into eight larger groups called abusua (similar to clans), named Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona and Oyoko. The members of each abusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress. Marriage between members of the same abusua is forbidden. One inherits or is a lifelong member of the lineage, the political unit, and the abusua of one's mother, regardless of one's gender and/or marriage. Note that members and their spouses thus belong to different abusuas, mother and children living and working in one household and their husband/father living and working in a different household.[24][26]
According to this source
Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determined
A recent (2001) book[24] provides this update on the Akan: Some families are changing from the above abusua structure to the nuclear family.[30] Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care etc. are then handled by that individual family rather than by the abusua or clan, especially in the city.[31] The above taboo on marriage within one's abusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important,[30] with many people still living in the abusua framework presented above.[24]
Guanches
The Berber inhabitants of Gran Canaria island had developed a matrilineal society by the time the Canary Islands and their people, called Guanches, were conquered by the Spanish.[32]
Serer
The
In Serer culture, inheritance is both matrilineal and patrilineal.[36] It all depends on the asset being inherited – i.e. whether the asset is a paternal asset – requiring paternal inheritance (kucarla[36] ) or a maternal asset – requiring maternal inheritance (den yaay[34] or ƭeen yaay[36]). The actual handling of these maternal assets (such as jewelry, land, livestock, equipment or furniture, etc.) is discussed in the subsection Role of the Tokoor of one of the above-listed main articles.
Tuareg
The
Tuareg women enjoy high status within their society, compared with their
Americas
Bororo
The Bororo people of Brazil and Bolivia live in matrilineal clans, with husbands moving to live with their wives' extended families.
Bribri
The clan system of the Bribri people of Costa Rica and Panama is matrilineal; that is, a child's clan is determined by the clan his or her mother belongs to. Only women can inherit land.
Cabécar
The social organization of the Cabécar people of Costa Rica is predicated on matrilineal clans in which the mother is the head of household. Each matrilineal clan controls marriage possibilities, regulates land tenure, and determines property inheritance for its members.
Guna
In the traditional culture of the Guna people of Panama and Colombia, families are matrilinear and matrilocal, with the groom moving to become part of the bride's family. The groom also takes the last name of the bride.
Hopi
The
Schlegel explains why there was female superiority as that the Hopi believed in "life as the highest good ... [with] the female principle ... activated in women and in Mother Earth ... as its source"[46] and that the Hopi "were not in a state of continual war with equally matched neighbors"[47] and "had no standing army"[47] so that "the Hopi lacked the spur to masculine superiority"[47] and, within that, as that women were central to institutions of clan and household and predominated "within the economic and social systems (in contrast to male predominance within the political and ceremonial systems)",[47] the Clan Mother, for example, being empowered to overturn land distribution by men if she felt it was unfair,[46] since there was no "countervailing ... strongly centralized, male-centered political structure".[46]
Iroquois
The Iroquois Confederacy or League, combining five to six Native American Haudenosaunee nations or tribes before the U.S. became a nation, operated by The Great Binding Law of Peace, a constitution by which women retained matrilineal-rights and participated in the League's political decision-making, including deciding whether to proceed to war,[48] through what may have been a matriarchy[49] or "gyneocracy".[50] The dates of this constitution's operation are unknown: the League was formed in approximately 1000–1450, but the constitution was oral until written in about 1880.[51] The League still exists.
Other Iroquoian-speaking peoples such as the Wyandot and the Meherrin, that were never part of the Iroquois League, nevertheless have traditionally possessed a matrilineal family structure.
Kogi
The Kogi people of northern Colombia practice bilateral inheritance, with certain rights, names or associations descending matrilineally.
Lenape
Occupied for 10,000 years by Native Americans, the land that is present-day New Jersey was overseen by clans of the Lenape, who farmed, fished, and hunted upon it. The pattern of their culture was that of a matrilineal agricultural and mobile hunting society that was sustained with fixed, but not permanent, settlements in their matrilineal clan territories. Leadership by men was inherited through the maternal line, and the women elders held the power to remove leaders of whom they disapproved.
Villages were established and relocated as the clans farmed new sections of the land when soil fertility lessened and when they moved among their fishing and hunting grounds by seasons. The area was claimed as a part of the Dutch New Netherland province dating from 1614, where active trading in furs took advantage of the natural pass west, but the Lenape prevented permanent settlement beyond what is now Jersey City.
"Early Europeans who first wrote about these Indians found matrilineal social organization to be unfamiliar and perplexing. As a result, the early records are full of 'clues' about early Lenape society, but were usually written by observers who did not fully understand what they were seeing."[52]
Mandan
The Mandan people of the northern Great Plains of the United States historically lived in matrilineal extended family lodges.
Naso
The Naso (Teribe or Térraba) people of Panama and Costa Rica describe themselves as a matriarchal community, although their monarchy has traditionally been inherited in the male line.
The Navajo people of the American southwest are a matrilineal society in which kinship, children, livestock and family histories are passed down through the female. In marriage the groom moved to live with the brides family. Children also came from their mother's clan living in hogans of the females family.
Tanana Athabaskan
The Tanana Athabaskan people, the original inhabitants of the Tanana River basin in Alaska and Canada, traditionally lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.
Tsenacommacah (Powhatan Confederacy)
The
Upper Kuskokwim
The Upper Kuskokwim people are the original inhabitants of the Upper Kuskokwim River basin. They speak an Athabaskan language more closely related to Tanana than to the language of the Lower Kuskokkwim River basin. They were traditionally hunter-gatherers who lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.
Wayuu
The Wayuu people of Colombia and Venezuela live in matrilineal clans, with paternal relationships in the background.
Asia
China
Originally,
Archaeological data supports the theory that during the
Relatively isolated ethnic minorities such as the Mosuo (Na) in southwestern China are highly matrilineal.
India
Of communities recognized in the national Constitution as Scheduled Tribes, "some ... [are] matriarchal and matrilineal"[56] "and thus have been known to be more egalitarian."[57] Several Hindu communities in South India practiced matrilineality, especially the Nair[58][59] (or Nayar) and Tiyyas[60] in the state of Kerala, and the Bunts and Billava in the states of Karnataka. The system of inheritance was known as Marumakkathayam in the Nair community or Aliyasantana in the Bunt and the Billava community, and both communities were subdivided into clans. This system was exceptional in the sense that it was one of the few traditional systems in western historical records of India that gave women some liberty and the right to property.
In the matrilineal system, the family lived together in a
In the northeast Indian state Meghalaya, the Khasi, Garo, Jaintia people have a long tradition of a largely matrilinear system in which the youngest daughter inherits the wealth of the parents and takes over their care.[62]
Indonesia
In the
The
The
Besides Minangkabau, several other ethnics in Indonesia are also matrilineal and have similar culture as the Minangkabau. They are Suku Melayu Bebilang, Suku Kubu and Kerinci people. Suku Melayu Bebilang live in Kota Teluk Kuantan, Kabupaten Kuantan Singingi (also known as Kuansing), Riau. They have similar culture as the Minang. Suku Kubu people live in Jambi and South Sumatera. They are around 200 000 people. Suku Kerinci people mostly live in Kabupaten Kerinci, Jambi. They are around 300 000 people [citation needed]
Kurds
Matrilineality was occasionally practiced by mainstream
The
Malaysia
A culture similar to lareh bodi caniago, practiced by the Minangkabau, is the basis for adat perpatih practices in the state of Negeri Sembilan and parts of Malacca as a product of West Sumatran migration into the Malay Peninsula in the 15th century.[72][73]
Sri Lanka
Matrilineality among the
According to Kanchana N. Ruwanpura, Eastern Sri Lanka "is highly regarded even among" feminist economists "for the relatively favourable position of its women, reflected" in women's equal achievements in Human Development Indices "(HDIs) as well as matrilineal and" bilateral "inheritance patterns and property rights".[88][89] She also conversely argues that "feminist economists need to be cautious in applauding Sri Lanka's gender-based achievements and/or matrilineal communities",[90] because these matrilineal communities coexist with "patriarchal structures and ideologies" and the two "can be strange but ultimately compatible bedfellows",[91] as follows:
She "positions Sri Lankan women within gradations of patriarchy by beginning with a brief overview of the main religious traditions,"
On the other hand, she also wrote that feminists including Malathi de Alwis and Kumari Jayawardena have criticized a romanticized view of women's lives in Sri Lanka put forward by Yalman, and mentioned the Sri Lankan case "where young women raped (usually by a man) are married-off/required to cohabit with the rapists!"[99]
Vietnam
Most ethnic groups classified as "(
On North Vietnam, according to Alessandra Chiricosta, the legend of Âu Cơ is said to be evidence of "the presence of an original 'matriarchy' ... and [it] led to the double kinship system, which developed there .... [and which] combined matrilineal and patrilineal patterns of family structure and assigned equal importance to both lines."[101][b]
Europe
Ancient Greece
While men held positions of religious and political power, the Spartan constitution mandated that inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter.[102]
Ancient Scotland
In Pictish society, succession in leadership (later kingship) was matrilineal (through the mother's side), with the reigning chief succeeded by either his brother or perhaps a nephew but not through patrilineal succession of father to son.[103]
Oceania
Some oceanic societies, such as the
are characterized by matrilineal descent. The sister's sons or the brothers of the decedent are commonly the successors in these societies.Matrilineal identification within Judaism
Matrilineality in Judaism or matrilineal descent in Judaism is the tracing of Jewish descent through the maternal line. Close to all Jewish communities have followed matrilineal descent from at least early Tannaitic (c. 10–70 CE) times through modern times.[108]
The origins and date-of-origin of matrilineal descent in Judaism are uncertain.
In practice, Jewish denominations define "Who is a Jew?" via descent in different ways. All denominations of Judaism have protocols for conversion for those who are not Jewish by descent.
Orthodox Judaism[110] and Conservative Judaism[108][111] still practice matrilineal descent. Karaite Judaism, which rejects the Oral Law, generally practices patrilineal descent. Reconstructionist Judaism has recognized Jews of patrilineal descent since 1968.[112]
In 1983, the Central Conference of American Rabbis of Reform Judaism passed a resolution waiving the need for formal conversion for anyone with at least one Jewish parent, provided that either (a) one is raised as a Jew, by Reform standards, or (b) one engages in an appropriate act of public identification, formalizing a practice that had been common in Reform synagogues for at least a generation. This 1983 resolution departed from the Reform Movement's previous position requiring formal conversion to Judaism for children without a Jewish mother.[113] However, the closely associated Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has rejected this resolution and requires formal conversion for anyone without a Jewish mother.[114]
Exception for the enslaved in the United States
In the United States, the offspring of enslaved women inherited their mother's status. A significant consequence of this is that children resulting from rape or unions between enslaved women and their owners did not have any of the rights of the father as they would have had under the patrilineal succession that applied to everyone but the enslaved.
In mythology
Certain ancient myths have been argued to expose ancient traces of matrilineal customs that existed before historical records.
The ancient historian Herodotus is cited by Robert Graves in his translations of Greek myths as attesting that the Lycians[115][116] of their times "still reckoned" by matrilineal descent, or were matrilineal, as were the Carians.[117]
In Greek mythology, while the royal function was a male privilege, power devolution often came through women, and the future king inherited power through marrying the queen heiress. This is illustrated in the Homeric myths where all the noblest men in Greece vie for the hand of Helen (and the throne of Sparta), as well as the Oedipian cycle where Oedipus weds the recently widowed queen at the same time he assumes the Theban kingship.
This trend also is evident in many
who is the real power, and she needs to affirm her equality to her husband by owning chattels as great as he does.The Picts are widely cited as being matrilineal.[118][119]
A number of other
Arguments also have been made that matrilineality lay behind various fairy tale plots which may contain the vestiges of folk traditions not recorded.
For instance, the widespread motif of a father who wishes to marry his own daughter—appearing in such tales as
Fairy tales with hostility between the mother-in-law and the heroine—such as Mary's Child, The Six Swans, and Perrault's Sleeping Beauty—have been held to reflect a transition between a matrilineal society, where a man's loyalty was to his mother, and a patrilineal one, where his wife could claim it, although this interpretation is predicated on such a transition being a normal development in societies.[122]
See also
- Ruth Bré, advocate for matrilineality
- List of matrilineal or matrilocal societies
- Married and maiden names
- Mater semper certa est, "the mother is always certain" – until 1978 and in vitro pregnancies.
- Matrifocal family
- Partus sequitur ventrem
- Wehali
Notes
- ^ Feminist consciousness raising, a means of raising awareness of a feminist perspective or subject
- ^ Patrilineal, belonging to the father's lineage, generally for inheritance
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- ^ The Palauan culture
- ^ The Yapese kinship
- .
- ^ a b c Reviewed by Louis Jacobs, [2] Originally published in Judaism 34.1 (Winter 1985), 55–59.
- ^ Numbers Rabbah 19:3
- ^ See Rabbi Moses Feinstein's re-affirmation of matrilineal descent, Elberg, Rabbi S., September, 1984, HaPardes Rabbinical Journal, Hebrew, vol.59, Is.1, p. 21.
- ^ Rabbis Joel Roth and Akiba Lubow (1988). "A Standard of Rabbinic Practice Regarding Determinati·on of Jewish Identity" (PDF). rabbinicalassembly.org. The Rabbinical Assembly. Retrieved 25 March 2020.
- ^ Staub, Jacob J. (2001). "A Reconstructionist View on Patrilineal Descent" (PDF). bjpa.org.
- ^ "Reform Movement's Resolution on Patrilineal Descent (March 1983)". www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org.
- ^ Reform Judaism in Israel: Progress and Prospects Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- , "History of Herodotus". Graves's notation is "i.173" meaning in Book 1 – Scroll down to paragraph 173 to find the (matrilineal) Lycians.
- ISBN 0-14-020508-X; p. 296 (myth #88, comment #2).
- ^ Graves 1955,1960; p. 256 (myth #75, comment #5).
- ^ http://www.historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsBritain/GaelsPictland.htm "thanks to the practise of matrilineal descent followed by the Picts, and a large number of eligible would-be kings"
- ^ http://www.historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsBritain/EnglandMercia.htm "the Picts are known as strong adherents to the concept of matrilineal descent"
- ISBN 0-87752-097-6; p. 43.
- ^ Schlauch 1969, p. 45.
- ^ Schlauch 1969, p. 34.
Further reading
- Goldberg, Stephen (1973). "Review of Male Dominance and Female Autonomy: Domestic Authority in Martrilineal Societies". Contemporary Sociology. 2 (6): 630–632. JSTOR 2062470.
- Cameron, Anne (1981) Daughters of Copper Woman. Press Gang Publishers.
- Holden, C. J. & Mace, R. (2003). Spread of cattle led to the loss of matrilineal descent in Africa: a coevolutionary analysis. The Royal Society Full text
- Holden, C.J., Sear, R. & Mace, R. (2003) Matriliny as daughter-biased investment. Evolution & Human Behavior 24: 99–112. Full text
- Knight, C. 2008. Early human kinship was matrilineal. In N. J. Allen, H. Callan, R. Dunbar and W. James (eds.), Early Human Kinship. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 61–82.Full text Archived 7 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine
- Sear, R (2008). "Kin and child survival in rural Malawi: Are matrilineal kin always beneficial in a matrilineal society?". Human Nature. 19 (3): 277–293. S2CID 40826492.
- Mattison, S.M. (2011). "Evolutionary contributions to solving the "Matrilineal Puzzle": A test of Holden, Sear, and Mace's model". Human Nature. 22 (1–2): 64–88. S2CID 32332130.