Mexico–United States relations
Mexico |
United States |
---|---|
Diplomatic mission | |
Embassy of Mexico, Washington, D.C. | Embassy of the United States, Mexico City |
Envoy | |
Mexican Ambassador to the United States Esteban Moctezuma | American Ambassador to Mexico Ken Salazar |
Mexico and the United States have a complex history, with war in the 1840s and the subsequent American acquisition of more than 50% of former Mexican territory, including Texas, California, and New Mexico. Pressure from Washington forced the French invaders out in the 1860s. The Mexican Revolution of the 1910s saw many refugees flee North, and limited American invasions. Other tensions resulted from seizure of American mining and oil interests. The two nations share a maritime and land border. Several treaties have been concluded between the two nations bilaterally, such as the Gadsden Purchase, and multilaterally, such as the 2019 United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement, replacing the 1994 NAFTA. Both are members of various international organizations, including the Organization of American States and the United Nations.
Since the late nineteenth century during the regime of President Porfirio Díaz (1876–1911), the two countries have had close diplomatic and economic ties. During Díaz's long presidency, U.S. businessmen acquired agricultural and mining interests in the country. The U.S. played an important role in the course of the Mexican Revolution (1910–20) with direct actions of the U.S. influencing the outcome.
The long border between the two countries means that peace and security in that region are important to the U.S.'s national security and international trade. The U.S. is Mexico's biggest trading partner and Mexico is the U.S.'s largest trading partner as of 2023. In 2010, Mexico's exports totaled US$309.6 billion, and almost three quarters of those purchases were made by the United States.[1] They are also closely connected demographically, with over one million U.S. citizens living in Mexico[2] and Mexico being the largest source of immigrants to the United States, with about 8-10 million Mexican immigrants in the US.[3]
While condemning the terrorist attacks of
History
The United States of America shares a unique and often complex relationship with the United Mexican States. With shared history stemming back to the Texas Revolution (1835–1836) and the Mexican–American War (1846–1848), several treaties have been concluded between the two nations, most notably the Gadsden Purchase, and multilaterally with Canada, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Mexico and the United States are members of various international organizations, such as the Organization of American States and the United Nations. Boundary disputes and allocation of boundary waters have been administered since 1889 by the International Boundary and Water Commission, which also maintains international dams and wastewater sanitation facilities. Once viewed as a model of international cooperation, in recent decades the IBWC has been heavily criticized as an institutional anachronism, by-passed by modern social, environmental and political issues.[5] Illegal immigration, arms sales, and drug smuggling continue to be contending issues in 21st-century U.S.-Mexico relations.
Early history
U.S.–Mexico relations grew out of the earlier relations between the fledgling nation of the United States and the
The aspect of Spanish-American relations that would bear most prominently on later relations between the U.S. and Mexico was the ownership of Texas. In the early 19th century the United States claimed that Texas was part of the territory of Louisiana, and therefore had been rightfully acquired by the United States as part of the Louisiana Purchase from France in 1803. The Spanish, however, claimed it was not, as the western boundaries of Louisiana were not clearly defined.[6] In 1819 the dispute was resolved with the signing of the Adams–Onís Treaty, in which the United States relinquished its claims to Texas and instead purchased Spanish Florida.[7]
In 1821 New Spain gained its independence from Spain and established the
Beginning in the 1820s, Americans led by Stephan F. Austin and other non-Mexicans began to settle in eastern Texas in large numbers. These Anglo-American settlers, known as
Mexican–American War (1846–1848)
The Mexican–American War was fought from 1846 to 1848. Mexico refused to acknowledge that its runaway state of Texas had achieved independence and warned that annexation to the United States would mean war. The United States annexed Texas in late 1845, and the war began the next spring.[16] U.S. President James K. Polk encouraged Congress to declare war following a number of skirmishes on the Mexican–American border.[17][18] The war proved disastrous for Mexico; the Americans seized New Mexico and California and invaded Mexico's northern provinces. In September 1847, U.S. troops under General Winfield Scott captured Mexico City.[19] The war ended in a decisive U.S. victory; the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ended the conflict. As a result, Mexico was forced to sell all of its northernmost territory, including California and New Mexico, to the United States in the Mexican Cession. Additionally, Mexico relinquished its claims to Texas, and the United States forgave Mexico's debts to U.S. citizens. Mexicans in the annexed areas became full U.S. citizens.[20]
There had been much talk early in the war about annexing all of Mexico, primarily to enlarge the areas open to slavery. However, many Southern political leaders were in the invasion armies and they recommended against total annexation because of the differences in political culture between the United States and Mexico.[21]
In 1854 the United States purchased an additional 30,000 square miles (78,000 km2) of desert land from Mexico in the Gadsden Purchase; the price was $10 million. The goal was to build a rail line through southern Arizona to California.[22]
1850s
Mexican President
As the liberals made significant political changes in Mexico and a civil
1860s
In 1861, Mexican conservatives looked to French leader Napoleon III to abolish the Republic led by liberal President Benito Juárez. France favored the secessionist Southern states that formed the Confederate States of America in the American Civil War, but did not accord it diplomatic recognition. The French expected that a Confederate victory would facilitate French economic dominance in Mexico. Realizing the U.S. government could not intervene in Mexico, France invaded Mexico and installed an Austrian prince Maximilian I of Mexico as the puppet ruler of a Second Mexican Empire in 1864. Owing to the shared convictions of the democratically elected government of Juárez and U.S. President Lincoln, Matías Romero, Juárez's minister to Washington, mobilized support in the U.S. Congress and the U.S. protested France's violation of the Monroe Doctrine. Once the American Civil War came to a close in April 1865, the U.S. allowed supporters of Juárez to openly purchase weapons and ammunition and issued stronger warnings to Paris. Napoleon III ultimately withdrew his army in disgrace, and Emperor Maximilian, who remained in Mexico even when given the choice of exile, was executed by the Mexican government in 1867.[25] The support that the U.S. had accorded the liberal government of Juárez, by refusing to recognize the government of Maximilian and then by supplying arms to liberal forces, helped improve the U.S.–Mexican relationship.
At war's end numerous Confederates fled to exile in Mexico. Many eventually returned to the U.S.[26][27][28]
The Porfiriato (1876–1910)
With general Porfirio Díaz's seizure of the presidency in 1876, relations between Mexico and foreign powers, including the United States changed. It became more welcoming to foreign investment in order to reap economic gain, but it would not relinquish its political sovereignty.[29] Díaz's regime aimed to implement "order and progress," which reassured foreign investors that their enterprises could flourish. Díaz was a nationalist and a military hero who had fought ably against the French Intervention (1862–67). The U.S. had aided the liberal government of Benito Juárez by not recognizing the French invaders and the puppet emperor that Mexican conservatives invited to rule over them, and the U.S. had also provided arms to the liberals once its own civil war was over. But Díaz was wary of the "colossus of the north"[30] and the phrase "Poor Mexico! So far from God, so close to the United States" (Pobre México: tan lejos de Dios y tan cerca de los Estados Unidos) is attributed to him.[31]
Díaz had ousted president Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada in the Revolution of Tuxtepec (1876). The U.S. did not recognize the Díaz government until 1878, when Rutherford B. Hayes was president. Given that France had invaded Mexico in 1862, Mexico did not initially restore diplomatic relations with it or other European powers, but did pursue a "special relationship" with the United States.[32] One issue causing tension between Mexico and the U.S. were indigenous groups whose traditional territories straddled what was now an international boundary, most notably the Apache tribe. The Apache leader Geronimo became infamous for his raids on both sides of the border. Bandits operating in both countries also frequently crossed the border to raid Mexican and American settlements, taking advantage of mutual distrust and the differing legal codes of both nations.[33] These threats eventually spurred increased cooperation between American and Mexican authorities, especially when concerning mounted cavalry forces.[34] Tensions between the U.S. and Mexico remained high, but a combination of factors in the U.S. brought about recognition of the Díaz regime. These included the need to distract the U.S. electorate from the scandal of the 1876 election by focusing on the international conflict with Mexico as well as the desire of U.S. investors and their supporters in Congress to build a railway line between Mexico City and El Paso, Texas.[35]
With the construction of the railway line linking Mexico and the United States, the border region developed from a sparsely populated frontier region into a vibrant economic zone. The construction of the railway and collaboration of the United States and Mexican armies effectively ended the Apache Wars in the late 1880s. The line between Mexico City and El Paso, Texas was inaugurated in 1884.[citation needed]
An ongoing issue in the border region was the exact boundary between Mexico and the U.S., particularly because the channel of the Rio Grande shifted at intervals. In 1889, the International Boundary and Water Commission was established, and still functions in the twenty-first century.
The Taft–Díaz summit
In 1909, William Howard Taft and Porfirio Díaz planned a summit in El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, a historic first meeting between a U.S. and a Mexican president, the first time an American president would cross the border into Mexico, and only the second international trip by a sitting president. Diaz requested the meeting to show U.S. support for his planned eighth run as president, and Taft agreed to support Diaz in order to protect the several billion dollars of American capital then invested in Mexico. Both sides agreed that the disputed Chamizal strip connecting El Paso to Ciudad Juárez would be considered neutral territory with no flags present during the summit, but the meeting focused attention on this territory and resulted in assassination threats and other serious security concerns. The Texas Rangers, 4,000 U.S. and Mexican troops, U.S. Secret Service agents, BOI agents (later FBI) and U.S. marshals were all called in to provide security.[36] An additional 250 private security detail led by Frederick Russell Burnham, the celebrated scout, was hired by John Hays Hammond, a close friend of Taft from Yale and a former candidate for U.S. vice president in 1908 who, along with his business partner Burnham, held considerable mining interests in Mexico.[37][38][39] On October 16, the day of the summit, Burnham and Private C.R. Moore, a Texas Ranger, discovered a man holding a concealed palm pistol standing at the El Paso Chamber of Commerce building along the procession route.[40] Burnham and Moore captured and disarmed the assassin within only a few feet of Taft and Díaz.[41]
The Mexican Revolution
The United States had long recognized the government of Porfirio Díaz, once the U.S. recognized his government since he had first come to power by coup. As Díaz approached eighty years old, he gave an interview to a journalist working for a U.S. publication, saying he was not going to run in the scheduled 1910 elections. This set off a flurry of political activity in Mexico about presidential succession. For the U.S., it wanted the new president to continue Díaz's policies that had been favorable to U.S. business interests and produced stability domestically and internationally. Díaz reneged on his promise not to run, exiled the most viable candidate to continue his policies, General Bernardo Reyes and had the most popular opposition candidate, Francisco I. Madero jailed. After the November elections, political unrest in Mexico became open rebellion in Morelos and in northern Mexico. The Mexican Federal Army was unequal to the challenges of the insurgents. Díaz resigned and went into exile, an interim government was installed, and new elections were held in October 1911. These were won by Madero. Initially, the U.S. was optimistic about Madero. He had disbanded the rebel forces that had forced Díaz to resign; retained the Federal Army; and appeared to be open to policies favorable to the U.S., so that the U.S. supported the transition. The U.S. began to sour on the relationship with Madero and began actively working with opponents to the regime. Wilson, who took office shortly after Madero's assassination in 1913, rejected the legitimacy of Huerta's "government of butchers" and demanded that Mexico hold democratic elections.[42] After U.S. navy personnel were arrested in the port of Tampico by Huerta's soldiers, the U.S. seized Veracruz, resulting in the death of 170 Mexican soldiers and an unknown number of Mexican civilians.[43]
Wilson sent a punitive expedition led by General John J. Pershing deep into Mexico; it deprived the rebels of supplies but failed to capture Villa.[44]
Meanwhile, Germany was trying to divert American attention from Europe by sparking a war. It sent Mexico the Zimmermann Telegram in January 1917, offering a military alliance to reclaim New Mexico, California, Nevada, Arizona and Texas, land the United States had forcibly taken via conquest in the Mexican–American War. British intelligence intercepted the message, passing it on the U.S. government. Wilson released it to the press, escalating demands for American entry into the European War. The Mexican government rejected the proposal after its military warned of massive defeat if they attempted to follow through with the plan. Mexico stayed neutral; selling large amounts of oil to Britain for her fleet.[45]
1920–1940
Following the end of the military phase of the
When revolutionary general
During the presidency of revolutionary general
Under President Cárdenas, Mexico in 1934-40 expropriated three million acres of agricultural land owned by 300 Americans. Its worth was a matter of debate: between $19 million and $102 million, but nothing was paid. Roosevelt settled the matter in 1938 quietly. He refused to aggressively intervene in Mexican agrarian disputes in order not to disrupt trade. He was sympathetic to Mexican president Cárdenas's agrarian reform program, as was ambassador Josephus Daniels. On the other hand, Secretary of State Cordell Hull was antagonistic.[46]
World War II
When the U.S. did enter World War II, it negotiated an agreement with Mexican President
Since 1945
The alliance between Mexico and the U.S. during World War II brought the two countries into a far more harmonious relationship with one another. Mexican President
For bilateral relations between the U.S. and Mexico, the end of World War II meant decreased U.S. demand for Mexican labor via the guest-worker
Boundary issues and the border region
Under Mexican president Adolfo López Mateos, the U.S. and Mexico concluded a treaty on January 14, 1964, to resolve the Chamizal dispute over the boundary between the two countries, with the U.S. ceding the disputed territory.[54] The Boundary Treaty of 1970 resolved further issues between the two countries.
Since then, jurisdictional issues regarding
North American Free Trade Agreement (since 1994)
Mexico, United States and Canada signed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994 with the goal of eliminating barriers to trade and investment.
After securing the NAFTA treaty that integrated the Mexican and American economies,
Since 1994, the United States and Mexico have tightened their economic ties. The US is Mexico's largest trading partner, accounting for close to half of all exports in 2008 and more than half of all imports in 2009. For the US, Mexico is the largest trading partner as of 2023, surpassing both Canada and China. as of June 2010[update].[58] In 2017, two-way trade between both nations amounted to US$521.5 billion.[59] The trade in goods and services totaled $677 billion in 2019. Exports to Mexico were $289 billion; imports were $388 billion.[60]
Illegal immigration from Mexico
In 2017, 47% of illegal immigrants in the United States originate from Mexico.
In recent years, the majority crossing from Mexico into the United States have been from Central America.[63]
Illegal trade of weapons
The US is the largest source of illicit traffic of weapons to Mexico. Many of the traceable weapons come from American weapons markets and festivals that do not have regulations for the buyers, and there is a geographic coincidence between the supposed American origin of the firearms and the places where these weapons are seized: mainly in the Northern Mexican states.[65] Firearms that make their way to Mexico come from the American civilian market.[66][67] However grenades are also smuggled from the US to Mexico.[68] In an effort to control smuggling of firearms, the U.S. government is assisting Mexico with technology, equipment and training.[69] Project Gunrunner was one such efforts between the U.S. and Mexico to collaborate in tracing Mexican guns which were manufactured in or imported legally to the U.S.[70]
In 2015, Official reports of the U.S. government and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and explosives (ATF) revealed that Mexican cartels improved their firearm power over that last years, and that 70% of their weapons come from the U.S.[71]
ATF gunwalking scandal
The American ATF's Project Gunrunner has as its stated purpose the stoppage of the selling and exportation of guns from the United States into Mexico, with the goal of denying Mexican drug cartels the firearms considered "tools of the trade".[72] However, in February 2011, it brought about a scandal when the project was accused of accomplishing the opposite by ATF permitting and facilitating "straw purchase" firearm sales to traffickers, and allowing the guns to "walk" and be transported to Mexico. Several of the guns sold under the Project Gunrunner were recovered from crime scenes in Arizona, and at crime scenes throughout Mexico.[73]
Obama administration
Mexico was not high on the priorities of the Obama Administration, but slow progress was made on security issues.[74]
As of 2013, Mexican students formed the 9th largest group of international students studying in the United States, representing 1.7% of all foreigners pursuing higher education in the U.S.[75]
Trump administration
The four-year term of President
A 2017 survey conducted by the Pew Research Center showed 65% of Mexicans had a negative view of the US, with only 30% having a positive view.[76] This constituted a significant and abrupt drop from 2015, prior to the 2016 United States presidential election, when 67% of Mexicans had a positive view of the United States.[77] The same study also showed only 5% of Mexicans had confidence in the then US leader, President Donald Trump,[78] with 93% having no confidence in him.[79] Similarly, a poll by YouGov showed that less than one in four Americans have a positive image of Mexico.[80]
Peña Nieto listed ten goals he would seek in NAFTA negotiations, notably safeguarding the free flow of remittances, which amount to about $25 billion per year.[85] In August 2018, Mexico and the United States reached a bilateral agreement on a revamped NAFTA trade deal, including provisions to boost automobile production in the U.S.[86]
On December 1, 2018, Mexico inaugurated President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO) as president.
In June 2019, a promise of a stricter Mexican asylum program and security tightening to slow the traffic of illegal immigrants into the US averted a possible tariff war between the two countries.[87] The US had threatened a 5% import tariff on all Mexican goods.
In April 2020, Mexico closed a plant run by an American company for refusing to sell ventilators to Mexican hospitals during the COVID-19 pandemic.[88] The firm had operated its plant under the argument it provided an "essential" service, when most non-essential plants were closed.[89] Baja California Governor Jaime Bonilla Valdez ordered the factory closed, because it was providing no essential service to Mexicans. He said the company contacted Mexico's Foreign Relations Secretary and the American ambassador to prevent the closure order but that he did not cave in to pressure.[88]
On July 7, 2020, President Lopez Obrador visited Washington, D.C., and met with Trump following the signing the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement trade deal.[90]
In late 2020, multiple human rights groups joined a whistleblower to accuse a private-owned U.S. immigration detention center in Georgia of forcible sterilization of women. The reports claimed a doctor conducted unauthorized medical procedures on women detained by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).[91][92] Some international organizations have characterized this forced sterilization as genocide.[93][94] In September 2020, Mexico demanded more information from US authorities on procedures performed on migrants in these facilities, after allegations that six Mexican women were sterilized without their consent. Another women said she had undergone a gynecological operation, although there was nothing in her detention file to support she agreed to the procedure.[95]
In October 2020, retired
Biden administration
On February 25, 2021, it was announced that through the Mérida Initiative,
In March, the Biden administration confirmed it would not be sharing its COVID-19 vaccines with Mexico, according to White House press secretary Jen Psaki ahead of Biden's first bilateral meeting with Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. "The president has made clear that he is focused on ensuring vaccines are accessible to every American." When Biden took office, Mexico had sought more cooperation with the US to increase Mexico's access to COVID-19 vaccine supplies.[102]
In May, US regulators banned Mexican airlines from expanding new service or routes in the country. The FAA claimed there were "several areas" where the country did not meet aviation standards. President Obrador stated, "We have been complying with all the requirements. We feel that this decision should not be carried out." further stating the move appeared to help US airlines. "They are the ones who benefit and the national airlines could be harmed." As Mexico's airlines focused on domestic flights, the US ban was expected to have less impact.[103]
In July 2021, President López Obrador blamed the US embargo against Cuba for contributing to the unrest in Cuba. The foreign ministry sent two navy ships with food and medical supplies to assist Cuba.[104]
In September 2021, Mexico sued US-based gunmakers for trafficking guns into the country. The lawsuit stated guns from America are more likely to kill Mexican citizens than American citizens. US laws however protect gun makers from civil liability and prevents victims from suing manufacturers.[105][106]
In January 2023, President Joe Biden traveled to Mexico to attend the North American Leaders' Summit in Mexico City.[107]
In April 2023, Mexico's President
In 2023, Republican members of the US Congress threatened to invade Mexico to stop cartels,[109][110] but was noted by others as attempted resource extraction.[111] Mexican President Obrador has stated that "We are not going to permit any foreign government to intervene in our territory, much less that a government's armed forces..."[112]
Gallery
-
Chief Justice and Former U.S. President William Taft, Mexican President Plutarco Elías Calles, and U.S. President Calvin Coolidge at the White House.
-
U.S. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson and former U.S. President Harry S. Truman having dinner with Mexican President Adolfo López Mateos in 1959.
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Photograph of U.S. flag and welcoming banner hung over a Washington street during ceremonies in honor of visiting President Miguel Alemán Valdés.
-
U.S. President John F. Kennedy greeting Mexican president Adolfo López Mateos at Mexico City International Airport in June 1962
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President Lyndon B. Johnson hosts the President of Mexico Gustavo Diaz Ordaz at his Texas Ranch.
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U.S. President Richard Nixon riding a presidential motorcade in San Diego with Mexican President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.
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U.S. President Jimmy Carter (left) and Mexican president José López Portillo (right) toast during a luncheon hosted by the President of Mexico.
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Mexican President José López Portillo and U.S. President Jimmy Carter during a welcoming ceremony in Mexico City, 1979.
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Mexican President Miguel de la Madrid and U.S. President Ronald Reagan in Mazatlán, 1988.
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From left to right: U.S. President Ronald Reagan, his wife Nancy, Mexican President Miguel de la Madrid and his wife Paloma Cordero in Cross Hall, White House, during a state dinner.
-
First ladies Paloma Cordero of Mexico (left) and Nancy Reagan of the United States (right) with U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, John Gavin observing damage from by 1985 Mexico City earthquake.
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U.S. First Lady Laura Bush, U.S. President George W. Bush, Mexican First Lady Marta Sahagún, and Mexican president Vicente Fox in Crawford, Texas, 2004.
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Meeting with the former president of the United States of America Bill Clinton at Los Pinos
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U.S. President Barack Obama and Mexican President Felipe Calderón in Mexico City, 2009.
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President Barack Obama and President-Elect Enrique Peña Nieto meet at the White House following Peña Nieto's election victory.
Diplomatic missions
of the United States in Mexico
- Mexico City (Embassy)
- Ciudad Juárez (Consulate General)
- Guadalajara(Consulate General)
- Hermosillo (Consulate General)
- Matamoros (Consulate General)
- Mérida (Consulate General)
- Monterrey (Consulate General)
- Nogales(Consulate General)
- Nuevo Laredo (Consulate General)
- Tijuana (Consulate General)
- Acapulco (Consular Agency)
- Cabo San Lucas (Consular Agency)
- Cancún (Consular Agency)
- Mazatlán (Consular Agency)
- Oaxaca(Consular Agency)
- Piedras Negras (Consular Agency)
- Playa del Carmen (Consular Agency)
- Puerto Vallarta(Consular Agency)
- San Miguel de Allende (Consular Agency)
of Mexico in the United States
- Washington, D.C. (Embassy)
- Atlanta (Consulate-General)
- Austin (Consulate-General)
- Boston (Consulate-General)
- Chicago (Consulate-General)
- Dallas (Consulate-General)
- Denver (Consulate-General)
- El Paso (Consulate-General)
- Houston(Consulate-General)
- Laredo (Consulate-General)
- Los Angeles (Consulate-General)
- Miami (Consulate-General)
- New York City (Consulate-General)
- Nogales (Consulate-General)
- Phoenix (Consulate-General)
- Raleigh (Consulate-General)
- Sacramento (Consulate-General)
- San Antonio(Consulate-General)
- San Diego(Consulate-General)
- San Francisco(Consulate-General)
- San Jose (Consulate-General)
- San Juan, Puerto Rico (Consulate-General)
- Albuquerque (Consulate)
- Boise (Consulate)
- Brownsville (Consulate)
- Calexico (Consulate)
- Del Rio (Consulate)
- Detroit (Consulate)
- Douglas (Consulate)
- Eagle Pass (Consulate)
- Fresno (Consulate)
- Indianapolis(Consulate)
- Kansas City (Consulate)
- Las Vegas(Consulate)
- Little Rock (Consulate)
- McAllen (Consulate)
- Milwaukee (Consulate)
- New Brunswick (Consulate)
- New Orleans (Consulate)
- Oklahoma City (Consulate)
- Omaha (Consulate)
- Orlando (Consulate)
- Oxnard (Consulate)
- Philadelphia (Consulate)
- Portland (Consulate)
- Presidio (Consulate)
- Saint Paul (Consulate)
- Salt Lake City (Consulate)
- San Bernardino (Consulate)
- Santa Ana (Consulate)
- Seattle (Consulate)
- Tucson (Consulate)
- Yuma (Consulate)
Common memberships
- Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
- Bank for International Settlements
- Food and Agriculture Organization
- G-20
- International Atomic Energy Agency
- International Chamber of Commerce
- International Court of Justice
- International Olympic Committee
- International Monetary Fund
- International Telecommunication Union
- Interpol
- North American Free Trade Agreement
- Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
- Organization of American States
- Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America
- UNESCO
- United Nations
- World Bank
- World Health Organization
- World Trade Organization
See also
- American immigration to Mexico
- Emigration from Mexico
- Mexican Americans
- Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, of 1848
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- ^ Russell Dean Covey, "Adventures in the Zone of Twilight: Separation of Powers and National Economic Security in the Mexican Bailout." Yale Law Journal 105 (1995): 1311-1345. Online
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- ^ "Secretaría de Economía - Información Estadística y Arancelaria". www.economia-snci.gob.mx. Archived from the original on April 25, 2016. Retrieved November 28, 2018.
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- ^ "Tráfico de armas, problema complejo y multifactorial: Sedena". www.elfinanciero.com.mx. June 26, 2014. Retrieved March 16, 2016.
- ^ "American citizen in Mexican custody on arms-trafficking". CNN. September 6, 2011. Archived from the original on July 1, 2012. Retrieved September 6, 2011.
- ^ "American citizen in Mexican custody". Borderland Beat. September 6, 2011. Archived from the original on September 25, 2011. Retrieved September 6, 2011.
- ^ "U.S. man nabbed for smuggling grenade parts to Mexico cartel". Reuters. Reuters Editorial. September 6, 2011. Retrieved April 23, 2016.
- doi:10.1920/wp.ifs.2010.1016. Archived from the original(PDF) on April 26, 2011.
- ^ U.S. Office of the Inspector General (OIG) – Evaluation and Inspections Division (November 2010). "Review by the Office Inspector General (OIG) of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives' (ATF) implementation of Project Gunrunner" (PDF). United States of America: U.S. Department of Justice. p. 1.
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- ^ "Project Gunrunner". BATFE. February 17, 2011. Archived from the original on February 20, 2011. Retrieved February 26, 2011.
- ^ Michael Krantz, "Walking firearms to gunrunners: ATF's flawed operation in a flawed system." Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 103 (2013): 585+.
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- ^ "2011-13 - Leading Places of Origin - International Students - Open Doors Data".
- ^ "1. The tarnished American brand". June 26, 2017.
- ^ Pew Global Indicators Database.
- ^ "U.S. Image Suffers as Publics Around World Question Trump's Leadership". June 26, 2017.
- ^ "2. Worldwide, few confident in Trump or his policies". June 26, 2017.
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- National Archives.
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- ^ Kansas City Star. Associated Press. January 25, 2017. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
- ^ "Mexico's Pena Nieto outlines goals for talks with Trump". BBC News. January 23, 2017. Retrieved January 28, 2017.
- ^ Lee, Don (August 27, 2018). "U.S. and Mexico strike preliminary accord on NAFTA; Canada expected to return to bargaining table". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
- ^ "Trump calls off tariffs after Mexico vows to tighten borders". Reuters. June 8, 2019.
- ^ a b "Mexico closes Minneapolis company's plant for refusal to sell ventilators". Twin Cities. April 11, 2020. Retrieved January 23, 2021.
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Further reading
- Adams, John A. Bordering the Future: The Impact of Mexico on the United States (2006), 184pp
- Becerra Gelóver, Alejandro. "A Single Reality? The Reasons Behind Different Perceptions of Mexico-US Relations." Voices of Mexico (2001). online
- Berger, Dina. The development of Mexico's tourism industry: Pyramids by day, martinis by night (Palgrave Macmillan, 2006)
- Britton, John A. (1995). Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 0813118964.
- Bustamante, Ana Marleny. "The Impact of Post-9/11 US Policy on the California–Baja California Border Region." Journal of Borderlands Studies (2013) 28#3 pp: 307–319.
- Castañeda, Jorge G. "NAFTA's Mixed Record: The View from Mexico." Foreign Affairs 93 (2014): 134. online
- Castro-Rea, Julián, ed. Our North America: Social and Political Issues Beyond NAFTA (Ashgate, 2013) excerpt
- Cline, Howard F. The United States and Mexico (Harvard UP, 2nd ed. 1961)
- Domínguez, Jorge I.; Rafael Fernández de Castro (2009). The United States and Mexico: Between Partnership and Conflict. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9780203879252.
- Dunn, Christopher; Brewer, Benjamin; Yukio, Kawano (2000), "Trade Globalization since 1795: Waves of Integration in the World-System", American Sociological Review, vol. 65, no. 1, pp. 77–95, JSTOR 2657290.
- Fox, Claire F. The Fence and the River: Culture and Politics at the US–Mexico Border (U of Minnesota Press, 1999)
- Frank, Lucas N. "Playing with Fire: Woodrow Wilson, Self-Determination, Democracy, and Revolution in Mexico." Historian 76#1 (2014), pp. 71–96, online.
- Gereffi, Gary; Hempel, Lynn (1996), "Latin America in the Global Economy: Running Faster to Stay in Place", Report on the Americas, retrieved April 29, 2008.
- Gladstone, Fiona, et al. "NAFTA and environment after 25 years: A retrospective analysis of the US-Mexico border." Environmental Science & Policy 119 (2021): 18–33. online
- Greenberg, Amy S. A Wicked War: Polk, Clay, Lincoln, and the 1846 U.S. Invasion of Mexico (Vintage, 2012).
- Haley, P. Edward. Revolution and Intervention: The Diplomacy of Taft and Wilson with Mexico, 1910–1917 (MIT Press, 1970) online
- Henderson, Peter V. N. "Woodrow Wilson, Victoriano Huerta, and the Recognition Issue in Mexico." The Americas 41#2 (1984), pp. 151–76, online.
- Hiemstra, Nancy. "Pushing the US-Mexico border south: United States' immigration policing throughout the Americas." International Journal of Migration and Border Studies 5.1-2 (2019): 44–63. online
- Hill, Larry D. "Woodrow Wilson's Executive Agents in Mexico: From the Beginning of His Administration to the Recognition of Venustiano Carranza" (PhD dissertation; 2 vol Louisiana State U, 1971) online
- Henderson, Timothy J. A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States (2007). focus on causation from Mexican perspective online
- Hinojosa, Victor J. Domestic Politics and International Narcotics Control: U.S. Relations with Mexico and Colombia, 1989–2000 (2007)
- Jauberth, H. Rodrigo, et al. The Difficult Triangle: Mexico, Central America, and the United States (Routledge, 2019).
- Kahle, Louis G. "Robert Lansing and the Recognition of Venustiano Carranza." Hispanic American Historical Review 38.3 (1958): 353–372. online
- Kane, Stephen N. "American businessmen and foreign policy: The recognition of Mexico, 1920-1923." Political Science Quarterly 90.2 (1975): 293-313 online.
- Kelly, Patricia; Massey, Douglas (2007), "Borders for Whom? The Role of NAFTA in Mexico-U.S. Migration", The Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, vol. 610, pp. 98–118, S2CID 154846310.
- Lim, Julian. Porous Borders: Multiracial Migrations and the Law in the US-Mexico Borderlands (UNC Press Books, 2017)
- Merrill, Tim and Ramón Miró. Mexico: a country study (Library of Congress. Federal Research Division, 1996) US government document; not copyright online free
- Meyer, Lorenzo. Mexico and the United States in the oil controversy, 1917–1942 (University of Texas Press, 2014)
- Montoya, Benjamin C. Risking Immeasurable Harm: Immigration Restriction and US-Mexican Diplomatic Relations, 1924–1932 (U of Nebraska Press, 2020).
- Moreno, Julio. Yankee don't go home!: Mexican nationalism, American business culture, and the shaping of modern Mexico, 1920–1950 (University of North Carolina Press, 2003)
- Mumme, Stephen (2007), "Trade Integration, Neoliberal Reform and Environmental Protection in Mexico: Lessons for the Americas", Latin American Perspectives, vol. 34, pp. 91–107, S2CID 143636892.
- Pastor, Robert A. Limits to Friendship: The United States and Mexico (Vintage, 2011)
- Plana, Manuel. "The Mexican Revolution and the U.S. Border: Research Perspectives," Journal of the Southwest (2007), 49#4 pp 603–613, historiography
- Pletcher, David M. The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon, and the Mexican War (U of Missouri Press, 1973) online
- Pletcher, David M. Rails, mines, and progress : seven American promoters in Mexico, 1867-1911 (1958) online
- Raat, W. Dirk and Michael M. Brescia. Mexico and the United States: Ambivalent Vistas (2010), a history
- Reich, Peter L. "Foreign Relations Between Mexico and the United States in the Nineteenth Century, 1821-1910." Public Law Research Paper 20-09. online
- ISBN 9780722225844.
- Ruiz, Jason. Americans in the Treasure House: Travel to Porfirian Mexico and the Cultural Politics of Empire (University of Texas Press, 2014). excerpt
- Santa Cruz, Arturo. Mexico–United
States Relations: The Semantics of Sovereignty (Routledge, 2012)
- Schmitt, Karl M. Mexico and the United States, 1821-1973 (1974), a scholarly history.
- Schoonover, Thomas David. Dollars Over Dominion: The Triumph of Liberalism in Mexican-United States Relations, 1861-1867 (LSU Press, 1978).
- Selee, Andrew. Vanishing Frontiers: The Forces Driving Mexico and the United States (2018) excerpt ISBN 1610398599
- Shoemaker, Raymond L. "Henry Lane Wilson and Republican Policy toward Mexico, 1913-1920." Indiana Magazine of History (1980): 103–122. online
- Simon, Suzanne. Sustaining the Borderlands in the Age of NAFTA: Development, Politics, and Participation on the US-Mexico Border ( Vanderbilt UP, 2014).
- Slack, Jeremy, and Daniel E. Martínez. "Postremoval Geographies: Immigration Enforcement and Organized Crime on the US–Mexico Border." Annals of the American Association of Geographers 111.4 (2021): 1062–1078. online
- Weber, David J. The Mexican Frontier, 1821-1846: The American Southwest Under Mexico (U of New Mexico Press, 1982).
- Weintraub, Sidney. Unequal Partners: The United States and Mexico (University of Pittsburgh Press; 2010) 172 pages; Focuses on trade, investment and finance, narcotics, energy, migration, and the border. online
Illegal activities
- Díaz, George T. Border Contraband: A History of Smuggling across the Rio Grande (University of Texas Press, 2015) xiv, 241 pp. excerpt
- Dowling, Julie A., and Jonathan Xavier Inda, eds. Governing Immigration Through Crime: A Reader. (Stanford University Press, 2013).
- Espenshade, Thomas J (1995). "Unauthorized Immigration to the United States". Annual Review of Sociology. 21: 195–216. PMID 12291061.
- Ferreyra, Gabriel. Drug Trafficking in Mexico and the United States (2020). excerpt
- Gratton, Brian, and Emily Merchant. "Immigration, Repatriation, and Deportation: The Mexican-Origin Population in the United States, 1920–1950." International Migration Revie 47$3 2013, pp. 944–75. online.
- Gravelle, Timothy B. "Politics, time, space, and attitudes toward US–Mexico border security." Political Geography 65 (2018): 107–116. online
- Harris, Charles H. III; Sadler, Louis R. (2009). The Secret War in El Paso: Mexican Revolutionary Intrigue, 1906–1920. Albuquerque, New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 978-0-8263-4652-0.
- Hopkins, Daniel J. "Politicized Places: Explaining Where and When Immigrants Provoke Local Opposition." American Political Science Review 104#1 (2010), pp. 40–60. online
- Inda, Jonathan Xavier. Targeting Immigrants: Government, Technology, and Ethics. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006.
- Kalhan, Anil, Rethinking Immigration Detention, 110 Columbia Law Review Sidebar 42, 2010
- Kalhan, Anil, Immigration Policing and Federalism Through the Lens of Technology, Surveillance, and Privacy, 74 Ohio State Law Journal (2013) 1105+
- Kamphoefner, Walter D. "What’s New About the New Immigration? A Historian’s Perspective over Two Centuries." Studia Migracyjne-Przegląd Polonijny 45.3 (173) (2019). online
- Ngai, Mae M. Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (2004)
- Ngai, Mae M. "The Strange Career of the Illegal Alien: Immigration Restriction and Deportation Policy in the United States, 1921-1965." Law and History Review 21#1 2003, pp. 69–107. online
- Payan, Tony. The Three U.S.-Mexico Border Wars: Drugs, Immigration, and Homeland Security (2nd ed. 2016). excerpt ISBN 1440835411
- Weintraub, Sidney. The illegal alien from Mexico : policy choices for an intractable issue (1980) online
In Spanish
- Bosch García, Carlos. Documentos de la relación de México con los Estados Unidos. (in Spanish) Volumes 1–2. ISBN 978-968-5805-52-0.
- Terrazas y Basante, Marcela, and Gerardo Gurza Lavalle. Las relaciones México–Estados Unidos, 1756–2010: Tomo I: Imperios, repúblicas, y pueblos en pugna por el territorio, 1756–1867 (The Mexican-American Relationship, 1756–2010: Part 1; Empires, Republics, and People Fighting for the Territory, 1756–1867). Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2012.
- Terrazas y Basante, Marcela, and Gerardo Gurza Lavalle. Las relaciones México–Estados Unidos, 1756–2010: Tomo II: ¿Destino no manifesto?, 1867–2010. (The Mexican–American Relationship, 1756–2010: Part 2: A Non-Manifest Destiny?, 1867–2010). Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2012.
- Woodbury, Ronald G. "Wilson y La Intervención de Veracruz: Análisis Historiográfico." Historia Mexicana 17#2 (1967), pp. 263–92, online in Spanish.