Mihail Kogălniceanu
Mihail Kogălniceanu | |
---|---|
Ion Brătianu | |
Personal details | |
Born | Iași, Moldavia | September 6, 1817
Died | July 1, 1891 Paris, France | (aged 73)
Nationality | Moldavian, Romanian |
Political party | National Liberal Party |
Spouse | Ecaterina Jora |
Profession | Historian, journalist, literary critic |
Signature | |
Mihail Kogălniceanu (Romanian pronunciation:
Following the
A decade later, he helped create the National Liberal Party, before playing an important part in Romania's decision to enter the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878—a choice which consecrated her independence. He was also instrumental in the acquisition, and later colonization, of the Northern Dobruja region. During his final years, he was a prominent member and one-time President of the Romanian Academy, and briefly served as Romanian representative to France.
Biography
This article cites its page references.(May 2021) ) |
Early life
Born in Iași, he belonged to the Kogălniceanu family of Moldavian boyars, being the son of Vornic Ilie Kogălniceanu, and the great-grandson of Constantin Kogălniceanu (noted for having signed his name to a 1749 document issued by Prince Constantine Mavrocordatos, through which serfdom was disestablished in Moldavia).[1] Mihail's mother, Catinca née Stavilla (or Stavillă), was, according to Kogălniceanu's own words, "[from] a Romanian family in Bessarabia".[2] The author took pride in noting that "my family has never searched its origins in foreign countries or peoples".[2] Nevertheless, in a speech he gave shortly before his death, Kogălniceanu commented that Catinca Stavilla had been the descendant of "a Genoese family, settled for centuries in the Genoese colony of Cetatea Albă (Akerman), whence it then scattered throughout Bessarabia".[3][non-primary source needed][non-primary source needed]
During Milhail Kogălniceanu's lifetime, there was confusion regarding his exact birth year, with several sources erroneously indicating it as 1806; in his speech to the Romanian Academy, he acknowledged this, and gave his exact birth date as present in a register kept by his father.[3] It was also then that he mentioned his godmother was Marghioala Calimach, a Callimachi boyaress who married into the Sturdza family, and was the mother of Mihail Sturdza (Kogălniceanu's would-be protector and foe).[3]
Kogălniceanu was educated at
With support from Prince Sturdza, Kogălniceanu continued his studies abroad, originally in the French city of Lunéville (where he was cared for by Sturdza's former tutor, the abbé Lhommé), and later at the University of Berlin.[3][6][7][8][page needed] Among his colleagues was the future philosopher Grigore Sturdza, son of the Moldavian monarch.[3][9] His stay in Lunéville was cut short by the intervention of Russian officials, who were supervising Moldavia under the provisions of the Regulamentul Organic regime, and who believed that, through the influence of Lhommé (a participant in the French Revolution), students were being infused with rebellious ideas; all Moldavian students, including Sturdza's sons and other noblemen, were withdrawn from the school in late 1835, and reassigned to Prussian education institutions.[3][8]
-
Ilie Kogălniceanu
-
Catinca Stavilla
-
Mihail Kogălniceanu in cadet uniform at age 18
In Berlin
During his period in
Kogălniceanu later noted with pride that he had been the first of Ranke's Romanian students, and claimed that, in conversations with Humboldt, he was the first person to use the modern equivalents
Kogălniceanu was also introduced to
Greatly expanding his familiarity with historical and social subjects, Kogălniceanu also began work on his first volumes: a pioneering study on the
In addition, he authored a series of studies on
Raising the suspicions of Prince Sturdza after it became apparent that he sided with the reform-minded youth of his day in opposition to the Regulamentul Organic regime, Kogălniceanu was prevented from completing his doctorate, and instead returned to Iași, where he became a princely adjutant in 1838.[6]
In opposition to Prince Sturdza
Over the following decade, he published a large number of works, including essays and articles, his first editions of the Moldavian chroniclers, as well as other books and articles, while founding a succession of short-lived periodicals: Alăuta Românească (1838), Foaea Sătească a Prințipatului Moldovei (1839), Dacia Literară (1840), Arhiva Românească (1840), Calendar pentru Poporul Românesc (1842), Propășirea (renamed Foaie Științifică și Literară, 1843), and several almanacs.[6][8][15] In 1844, as a Moldavian law freed some slaves in Orthodox Church property, his articles announced a great triumph for "humanity" and "new ideas".[16]
Both Dacia Literară and Foaie Științifică, which he edited together with Alecsandri,
With Dacia Literară, Kogălniceanu began expanding his
In May 1840, while serving as Prince Sturdza's private secretary, he became co-director (with Alecsandri and Negruzzi) of the
In 1843, Kogălniceanu gave a celebrated inaugural lecture on national history at the newly founded Academia Mihăileană in Iași, a speech which greatly influenced ethnic Romanian students at the University of Paris and the 1848 generation (see Cuvânt pentru deschiderea cursului de istorie națională).[6][30] Other professors at the Academia, originating in several historical regions, were Ion Ghica, Eftimie Murgu, and Ion Ionescu de la Brad.[6] Kogălniceanu's introductory speech was partly prompted by Sturdza's refusal to give him imprimatur, and amounted to a revolutionary project.[31] Among other things, it made explicit references to the common cause of Romanians living in the two states of Moldavia and Wallachia, as well as in Austrian- and Russian-ruled areas:
"I view as my country everywhere on earth where Romanian is spoken, and as national history the history of all of Moldavia, that of Wallachia, and that of our brothers in Transylvania."[6][32]
Revolution
Around 1843, Kogălniceanu's enthusiasm for change was making him a suspect to the Moldavian authorities, and his lectures on History were suspended in 1844.
Having sold his personal library to Academia Mihăileană,
For a while, he concentrated his activities on reviewing historical sources, expanding his series of printed and edited Moldavian chronicles.[7] At the time, he renewed his contacts with Vaillant, who helped him publish articles in the Revue de l'Orient.[26] He would later state: "We did not come to Paris just to learn how to speak French like the French do, but also to borrow the ideas and useful things of a nation that is so enlightened and so free".[8]
Following the onset of the
Kogălniceanu became a member and chief ideologue of the Moldavian Central Revolutionary Committee in exile. Referring to the latter ideal, Kogălniceanu stressed that it formed:
"the keystone without which the national edifice would crumble".[7]
At the same time, he published a more explicit "Project for a Moldavian Constitution", which expanded on how Dorințele could be translated into reality.
Prince Ghica's reforms
In April 1849, part of the goals of the 1848 Revolution were fulfilled by the
Kogălniceanu was consequently appointed to various high level government positions, while continuing his cultural contributions and becoming the main figure of the loose grouping
"There is not a single reform, not a single national act, from which my name would be absent. All the major laws were made and countersigned by me."[7]
He inaugurated his career as a legislator under Prince Ghica. On December 22, 1855, legislation he drafted with Petre Mavrogheni regarding the abolition of slavery was passed by the Boyar Divan.[3][39][40] This involved the freeing of privately owned Roma slaves, as those owned by the state had been set free by Prince Sturdza in January 1844.[3][39] Kogălniceanu claimed to have personally inspired the measure.[3] Ghica was prompted to complete the process of liberation by the fate of Dincă, an educated Roma cook who had murdered his French wife and then killed himself after being made aware that he was not going to be set free by his Cantacuzino masters.[41]
Prince Ghica also attempted to improve the peasant situation by outlawing quit-rents and regulating that peasants could no longer be removed from the land they were working on.[3] This measure produced little lasting effects; according to Kogălniceanu, "the cause [of this] should be sought in the all-mightiness of landowners, in the weakness of the government, who, through its very nature, was provisional, and thus powerless".[3]
Ad hoc Divan
Interrupted by Russian and Austrian interventions during the Crimean War, his activity as Partida Națională representative was successful after the
In addition, Kogălniceanu began printing the magazine Steaua Dunării in Iași: a unionist mouthpiece, it enlisted support from Alecsandri and his România Literară.[42] Kogălniceanu encouraged Nicolae Ionescu to issue the magazine L'Étoile de Danube in Brussels, as a French-language version of Steaua Dunării which would also serve to popularize Partida Națională's views.[43][page needed] By that time, he was in correspondence with Jean Henri Abdolonyme Ubicini, a French essayist and traveler who had played a minor part in the Wallachian uprising, and who supported the Romanian cause in his native country.[36]
Elected by the
Following the elections of September 1857, the entire Partida Națională chose to support Cuza for the Moldavian throne.
He played the decisive part in the Divan's decision to abolish
Many of Kogălniceanu's efforts were centered on bringing about an end to the peasant question, but, as he admitted, his boyar electorate threatened to recall him if he was to pursue this path any further.
Outmaneuvering the opposition of Vogoride and his group of conservative followers during new elections for the Divan, Kogălniceanu was able to promote Cuza in Moldavia on January 17, 1859, leading to Cuza's election for a similar position in Wallachia (February 5)—the
Secularization of monastery estates
From 1859 to 1865, Kogălniceanu was on several occasions the cabinet leader in the Moldavian half of the United Principalities, then
Although political opposition prevented him from pushing agrarian reform at the time that he proposed it, Mihail Kogălniceanu is seen as the person responsible for the manner in which it was eventually carried out by Cuza.[52] The changes in legislation came at the end of a lengthy process, inaugurated in 1860, when the institution regulating legislative projects for the two principalities, the Conservative-dominated Common Commission of Focșani, refused to create the basis for land reform.[3][53] Instead, it provided for an end to corvées, while allowing peasants on boyar estates control over their own houses and a parcel of pasture.[3][54] Known as Legea Rurală (the "Rural Law"), the project received instant support from the then-Premier Barbu Catargiu, leader of the Conservatives, and the target of vocal criticism on Kogălniceanu's part.[3][55] On June 6, 1862, the project was first debated in parliament, causing a standstill between Cuza and the Conservatives.[3][56] As noted by historian L. S. Stavrianos, the latter considered the project advantageous because, while preserving estates, it created a sizable group of landless and dependent peasants, who could provide affordable labor.[54]
Late in the same month, Catargiu was mysteriously assassinated on
As the
Cuza's personal regime
In the spring of 1864, the cabinet introduced a bill providing for an extensive land reform, which proposed allocating land based on peasant status.
Tensions mounted and, on May 14, 1864, Cuza carried out a
The new regime passed its own version of Legea Rurală, thus effectively imposing land reform, as well as putting an end to corvées.
More reserved members of the Council asked for the land reform law not to be applied for a duration of three years, instead of the presumed April 1865 deadline, and Cuza agreed.
With Kogălniceanu's participation, the
After 1863, relations between Mihail Kogălniceanu and his friend Vasile Alecsandri soured dramatically, as the latter declared himself disgusted with politics.[74] Alecsandri withdrew to his estate in Mircești, where he wrote pieces critical of the political developments.[75]
Carol's ascent and Mazar Pașa Coalition
Domnitor Cuza was ultimately ousted by a coalition of Conservatives and Liberals in February 1866; following a period of transition and maneuvers to avert international objections, a perpetually unified Principality of Romania was established under Carol of Hohenzollern, with the adoption of the 1866 Constitution.[76] Two years later, in recognition of his scholarly contributions, Kogălniceanu became a member of the newly created Romanian Academy Historical Section.[6][77]
In November 1868 – January 1870, he was again
He was at the time involved in a new diplomatic effort: the Ghica government was aiming to receive formal recognition of the name "Romania", as opposed to "United Principalities". The bid was successful, after the Ottomans gave their approval, but marked a slump in Romania's relationship with Prussia—its
Kogălniceanu's term was confirmed by the 1869 election, after which he was able to persuade Alecsandri to accept a position as deputy for Roman.[75] The poet, who had been nominated without expressing his consent, cast aside hostility and became one of Kogălniceanu's main supporters in the chamber.[75] Also then, Kogălniceanu blocked the republican gambit of his friend Ion Ghica, the acting Premier. When Carol threatened to leave the country and let he liberals deal with all subsequent problems, Kogălniceanu gathered together the party's moderates in a decisive show of support for the monarch.[84]
Even after Cuza left the country and settled in
Kogălniceanu carried on as leader of pragmatic-reformist liberalism in Romania; in loose opposition to the
Kogălniceanu also signed his name to the proclamation Alegătorul Liber ("The Enfranchised Voter"), which stated the main National Liberal goals.
Like his political career, Kogălniceanu's tracts focused on condemning Austrian ethnic and territorial policies. Also in 1875, he issued from Paris an anti-Austrian brochure about the Romanian cause in Bukovina. Called Rapt de la Bukovine d'après les documents authentiques ("The Rape of Bukovina, from Genuine Documents"),[90] it reused old texts collected by the Hurmuzachis. The propaganda effort won support from across the floor: Junimea Conservatives (Titu Maiorescu, Theodor Rosetti, Ioan Slavici), National Liberals (D. Sturdza) and independents (Alexandru Odobescu) all signed up to the enterprise.[91]
Kogălniceanu joined other National Liberals in expressing opposition to the trade convention Catargiu had signed with Austria-Hungary, which was advantageous to the latter's exports, and which, they claimed, was leading Romanian industry to ruin.[92] He accepted it while in office, but looked into adopting European-like patent laws, as a measure of encouraging local industries.[93] A National Liberal government would repeal the agreement in 1886.[92]
Romanian independence
Serving as
Upon his return to office, Kogălniceanu personally organized conspiratorial meetings with the Russian diplomat
In the end, the Russian declaration of war came as a surprise to both Carol and Kogălniceanu, who had not been informed of the exact date (April 23) when the Imperial Russian Army would start moving into Moldavia—hence, Romanians tended to regard it as an invasion.[97] Also alarming for Kogălniceanu, the official Russian proclamation addressed Romanians as protegés of the Empire.[97] Bilateral tensions were somewhat alleviated by Russian apologies and, later, by the Ottoman pledge to annex Romania; addressing a discontented Parliament, Kogălniceanu asserted that the Russian road was the country's only choice.[98]
On May 9, 1877, it was through Kogălniceanu's speech in Parliament that Romania acknowledged she was discarding Ottoman
Over the following year, he coordinated efforts to have the act recognized by all European states, and stated that his government's policies were centered on "as rapid as possible, the transformation of foreign
Congress of Berlin and Northern Dobruja
Upon the war's end, Mihail Kogălniceanu and Ion Brătianu headed the Romanian delegation to the
As an effect of Waddington's intervention,
This outcome was the subject of controversy in Romania, where the territorial exchange was generally considered unfair, with some voices even arguing that the country could again accept Ottoman suzerainty as a means to overturn the state of affairs.[105] Unbeknown to them, the cession of Southern Bessarabia had been secretly agreed upon with Nelidov in early 1877. Even then, against his subordinates in the diplomatic corps, but in consonance with the Domnitor, Kogălniceanu privately noted that he "fully agreed" with it, and that he regarded the new province as a "splendid acquisition".[116] However, in April 1877, Kogălniceanu had explicitly assured Parliament that no real threat loomed over Southern Bessarabia.[117] By that point in time, both the Germans and the Austrians had begun suspecting that Kogălniceanu was in fact a favorite and agent of influence of the Russians, and, reportedly, he even encouraged the rumor to spread.[118] Andrássy reportedly commented: "Prince Carol is really unfortunate to have people like Mr. Kogălniceanu in his service".[119]
Opposition came from both Conservative and National Liberal legislators, who viewed Northern Dobruja as an inhospitable, nonstrategic and non-Romanian territory.[120][121] Contrarily, with his proclamation to the peoples of Northern Dobruja, Kogălniceanu enshrined the standard patriotic narrative of the events: he asserted that the region had been "united" with Romania, as a "Romanian land", because of the people's wishes and sacrifices.[122] During the heated parliamentary sessions of late September 1878, he helped swing the vote in favor of the annexation, with speeches which also helped transform the public's mood, and which promised a swift process of Romanianization.[120] These addresses are credited with having first backdated the Romanian claim to ca. 1400, when Wallachia briefly held the Principality of Karvuna.[120]
In 1879, again head of Internal Affairs, Kogălniceanu began organizing the administration of Northern Dobruja, through decrees. He supported a distinct legal regime, as a transition from
Final years
Kogălniceanu subsequently represented his country in France (1880), being the first Romanian envoy to
Upon his return to the newly proclaimed
After withdrawing from political life, Kogălniceanu served as Romanian Academy President from 1887 to 1889 (or 1890).
Mihail Kogălniceanu died while undergoing surgery in Paris, and was succeeded in his seat at the academy by Alexandru Dimitrie Xenopol.[51] He was buried in his native Iași, at the Eternitatea cemetery.[51]
Views
Liberalism and conservatism
Mihail Kogălniceanu's contributions as a leader of opinion and statesman have won acclaim for their role in shaping the development of modern Romania before and after 1848.[6][51] Nicolae Iorga, a major historian of the 20th century, celebrated Kogălniceanu as "the founder of modern Romanian culture, the thinker who has seen in clarity the free and complete Romania [...], the redeemer of peasants thrown into serfdom [a reference to corvées], the person understanding all the many, secretive, and indissoluble connections linking the life of a people to the moral quality and the energy of its soul".[51]
Kogălniceanu was a
Supportive of constitutionalism, civil liberties, and other liberal positions, Kogălniceanu prioritized the nation over individualism, an approach with resonated with the tendencies of all his fellow Moldavian revolutionaries.[6] In maturity, Kogălniceanu had become a skeptic with respect to the French Revolution and its Jacobin legacy, arguing: "civilization stops when revolutions begin".[132] At the same time, his connections within Freemasonry, mirroring the conviction and affiliation of most 1848 revolutionaries, were an important factor in ensuring the success of Romanian causes abroad, and arguably played a part in the election of Cuza, who was himself a member of the secretive organization.[34]
Inside the
"Two thousand boyars do not a nation make; that is an undeniable truth."[60]
Late in his life, while crediting the University of Berlin and its notions of patriotism with having provided him with "the love for the Romanian motherland and the liberal spirit [emphasis in original]", he stressed:
"In my lengthy combats and actions, in the grim persecutions that have more than once been exercised as a means to crush me, I always had before my eyes those beautiful words which [...] Prince Hardenberg indicated as the strongest means to reawaken the character and manliness of the German people in order to liberate it from the foreign yoke, to raise and increase Germany: «Democratic principles as part of a monarchic government!»"[3]
Antisemitism
Like many of his fellow Romanian liberals, Kogălniceanu advocated a series of
Nevertheless, Kogălniceanu's antisemitic discourse was nuanced and less violent than that of some of his contemporaries. According to historian George Voicu, he stood for "a complicated balance in dealing with the 'Jewish question'", one between "antisemitic intransigence" and "concessions".[138] The more radical antisemite and National Liberal Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu expressed much criticism of this moderate stance (which he also believed was represented within the party by Rosetti and Ion Ghica), and he even claimed that Kogălniceanu was a secret "faithful" of the Talmud.[138] In 1885, Kogălniceanu strongly objected to a National Liberal cabinet decision to expel Moses Gaster, a renowned Jewish scholar, stating that the latter was "[the] only man who works in this country" (he would later celebrate him as the man "to whom Romanian literature owes so much").[139] Five years later, as rapporteur on naturalization issues, he conferred citizenship upon Marxist thinker Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea, who was a Russian-born Jewish immigrant.[140] Shortly before his death, he reportedly endorsed a similar measure for Jewish scholar Lazăr Șăineanu, expressing condemnation for those antisemites within his own party who made efforts to block it.[141]
Cultural tenets
In his polemical history tracing the development of literary criticism and its role in Romanian culture, the 20th century author Garabet Ibrăileanu made ample mention of Kogălniceanu's role in combating nationalist excesses, in particular the post-1840 attempts by Transylvanian and Wallachian intellectuals to change the fabric of the Romanian language by introducing strong influences from Latin or other modern Romance languages.[142] To illustrate this view, he cited Kogălniceanu's Cuvânt pentru deschiderea cursului de istorie națională, which notably states:
"In me you shall find a Romanian, but ever to the point where I would contribute in increasing Romanomania, that is to say the mania of calling ourselves Romans, a passion currently reigning foremost in Transylvania and among some of the writers in Wallachia."[142]
Ibrăileanu additionally credited the Moldavian faction, Kogălniceanu included, with having helped introduce spoken Romanian into the
A generation younger than Ibrăileanu,
As early as 1840, Mihail Kogălniceanu was urging writers to seek inspiration for their work in
While commenting on the differences between Moldavian and Wallachian literature,
Legacy
Descendants
Mihail Kogălniceanu was married to Ecaterina Jora (1827–1907), the widow of Iorgu Scorțescu, a Moldavian Militia colonel; they had more than eight children together (three of whom were boys).[154] The eldest son, Constantin, studied Law and had a career in diplomacy, being the author of an unfinished work on Romanian history.[51] Ion, his brother, was born in 1859 and died in 1892, being the only one of Mihail Kogălniceanu's male children to have heirs.[155] His line was still surviving in 2001.[156] Ion's son, also named Mihail, established the Mihail Kogălniceanu Cultural Foundation in 1935 (in 1939–1946, it published a magazine named Arhiva Românească, which aimed to be a new series of the one published during the 1840s; its other projects were rendered ineffectual by the outbreak of World War II).[157]
Vasile's sister Lucia (or Lucie) studied at a
Kogălniceanu's nephew, Grigore, himself a local leader of the Conservative Party and a major landowner, married to Adela Cantacuzino-Pașcanu, a member of the Cantacuzino family.[159] He died in 1904, leaving his wife a large fortune, which she spent on a large collection of jewels and fortune-telling séances.[159] Adela Kogălniceanu was robbed and murdered in October 1920; rumor had it that she had been killed by her own son, but this path was never pursued by authorities, who were quick to cancel the investigation (at the time, they were faced with the major strikes of 1920).[159]
Landmarks and portrayals
Mihail Kogălniceanu's residence in Iași is kept as a memorial house and public museum. His vacation house in the city, located in
Chronicles edited by Kogălniceanu and
Kogălniceanu is the subject of many paintings, and features prominently in
The historian's name was given to several places and landmarks; these include downtown Bucharest's
Notes
- ^ Gorovei, pp. 6, 7, 8, 10
- ^ a b Gorovei, p. 6
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw (in Romanian) Mihail Kogălniceanu, Dezrobirea țiganilor, ștergerea privilegiilor boierești, emanciparea țăranilor (wikisource)
- ^ Anineanu, p. 62; Gorovei, p. 9
- ^ a b Anineanu, p. 62; Gorovei, p. 9; Maciu, p. 66
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah "Mihail Kogălniceanu" Archived January 3, 2004, at the Wayback Machine, in the Encyclopedia of Revolutions of 1848 Archived June 23, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, at the Ohio University; retrieved November 29, 2011
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Gorovei, p. 9
- ^ a b c d e f g h i (in French) Nicolae Iorga, Histoire des relations entre la France et les Roumains (wikisource): La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains[page needed]
- ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p. 281
- ^ a b Vianu, Vol. II, pp. 273–277
- ^ Vianu, Vol. II, pp. 276–277, 311
- ^ Cândea, p. 127; Gorovei, p. 9
- ^ Achim, pp. 98–99
- ^ Djuvara, pp. 128–129
- ^ Călinescu, p. 77; Gorovei, p. 9; Vianu, p. 250
- ^ Achim, pp. 99–100
- ^ Anineanu, pp. 63–64; Călinescu, p. 77
- ^ Călinescu, p. 77; Vianu, Vol. I, p. 82
- ^ a b Grigorescu, pp. 20–21
- ^ a b Grigorescu, p. 21
- ^ Vianu, Vol. I, pp. 71, 104, 413
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Garabet Ibrăileanu, Spiritul critic în cultura românească (wikisource): Amestec de curente contradictorii: G. Asachi
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Paul Zarifopol, Poezia românească în epoca lui Asachi și Eliade (wikisource)
- ^ a b c d Anineanu, p. 64
- ^ Maciu, p. 66
- ^ a b c d Ioana Ursu, "J. A. Vaillant, un prieten al poporului român", in Magazin Istoric, July 1977, p. 15
- ^ Anineanu, p. 64; Călinescu, p. 77; Senelick, pp. 311–313
- ^ Senelick, p. 313
- ^ Senelick, pp. 314–315
- ^ Călinescu, p. 77; Gorovei, p. 9
- ^ a b Călinescu, p. 77
- ^ Boia, History and Myth, p. 131; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p. 36
- ^ a b c d (in Romanian) Eugen Denize,"Călători români în Spania secolului al XIX-lea" (PDF). Archived from the original on March 25, 2009. Retrieved February 2, 2009.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) , in Tribuna, Nr. 28, November 2003 - ^ a b (in Romanian) Vasile Surcel, "Istoria României și lojile masonice". Retrieved August 30, 2016.[dead link], in Jurnalul Național, October 11, 2004
- ^ Gorovei, p. 9; Maciu, p. 66
- ^ a b (in French) Nicolae Iorga, Histoire des relations entre la France et les Roumains[page needed] (wikisource): La Révolution de 1848 et les émigrés[page needed]
- ^ Maciu, p. 67
- ^ Djuvara, pp. 332–333
- ^ a b Achim, pp. 111–112
- ^ Djuvara, p. 278
- ^ Djuvara, pp. 275–278
- ^ Anineanu, p. 64; Maciu, p. 67
- ^ a b c d e f g h (in French) Nicolae Iorga, Histoire des relations entre la France et les Roumains[page needed] (wikisource): La guerre de Crimée et la fondation de l'Etat roumain[page needed]
- ^ Maciu, pp. 67–68
- ^ Djuvara, pp. 355–356
- ^ a b c Maciu, p. 68
- ^ Djuvara, pp. 332, 356; Gorovei, pp. 9–10
- ^ Gorovei, pp. 9–10
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p. 35; Gorovei, p. 10
- ^ (in Romanian) Ionel Ene, "Episcopul Melchisedec Ștefănescu și contribuția lui la dobândirea autocefaliei", in the V. A. Urechia Library Buletinul Fundației Urechia, Nr. 11, 2010, p. 109
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Gorovei, p. 10
- ^ Boia, Romania: Borderland of Europe, p. 81; Barbu & Preda, pp. 448–449; Gorovei, p. 10
- ^ Giurescu, p. 147
- ^ a b Stavrianos, p. 353
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p. 23; Giurescu p. 147
- ^ Giurescu, pp. 147–148
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, pp. 24–27, 32–33; Giurescu, p. 148
- ^ Giurescu, p. 148; Stavrianos, p. 353
- ^ a b Clark, p. 53; Giurescu, p. 148; Stavrianos, p. 352
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Giurescu, p. 148
- ^ a b Giurescu, p. 148; Stavrianos, p. 352
- ^ Stavrianos, p. 352
- ^ a b Clark, p. 53
- ^ a b Clark, p. 53; Giurescu, p. 148
- ^ Boia, Romania: Borderland of Europe, p. 81; Clark, p. 53; Giurescu, p. 148; Stavrianos, p. 352
- ^ Clark, p. 53; Giurescu, p. 148; Stavrianos, p. 353
- ^ Clark, p. 53; Giurescu, pp. 148–149; Stavrianos, p. 353
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, pp. 35–37
- ^ Stavrianos, pp. 353–355
- ^ Clark, p. 54; Stavrianos, pp. 355–356
- ^ Boia, Romania: Borderland of Europe, p. 81; Stavrianos, pp. 355–356
- ^ a b Stavrianos, p. 356
- ^ Boia, Romania: Borderland of Europe, p. 81
- ^ Anineanu, pp. 64–65
- ^ a b c Anineanu, p. 65
- ^ Stavrianos, pp. 356–357
- ^ a b Gheorghe & Șerbu, p. 37; Gorovei, p. 10
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p. 37
- ^ Augustin Z. N. Pop, "D. Haciulea mai puie-și pofta în cui!", in Magazin Istoric, September 1971, pp. 37–39
- ^ Giura & Giura, p. 164
- ^ Giura & Giura, pp. 164–166, 171
- ^ Nadia Manea, "1870. Deschiderea 'Hotelului' sau 'Palatului de monetă' de la București", in Magazin Istoric, November 2011, p. 84
- ^ Cândea, pp. 44–45
- ^ Ioan Scurtu, "Carol I riscă și... câștigă", in Magazin Istoric, March 2002, p. 29
- ^ D. Gh. Vitcu, p. 20
- ^ D. Gh. Vitcu, p. 22
- ^ a b Paul Cernovodeanu, "Punți între două lumi. Britanici printre români", in Magazin Istoric, July 1995, pp. 40–41
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, pp. 79, 87
- ^ Ornea, Junimea..., pp. 293–295
- ^ Cândea, p. 133
- ^ Gabriel Ștrempel, "Ioan Slavici și Academia Română", in Magazin Istoric, March 1999, pp. 5–6
- ^ a b Giurescu, p. 291
- ^ (in Romanian) Ștefan Iancu, "130 de ani de la prima lege a mărcilor din România. Premisele dezvoltării protecției proprietății industriale în țara noastră" Archived May 5, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, in the Romanian State Office for Inventions and Trademarks Revista Română de Proprietate Industrială, Nr. 2/2009, p. 56
- ^ a b D. Vitcu, p. 81
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 87–88
- ^ Clark, p. 60
- ^ a b D. Vitcu, p. 89
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 89–91
- ^ Giura & Giura, p. 167; Giurescu, p. 153; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p. 123; Gorovei, p. 10
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p. 85
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 92–93
- ^ a b Alexandre Davier, "Sinuozitățile relațiilor franco-române" (part I), in Magazin Istoric, March 2000, p. 60
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 94–95
- ^ Giura & Giura, pp. 167–169
- ^ Radio Free Europe Research, September 19, 1979, at the Blinken Open Society Archives; retrieved September 8, 2021
- ^ Clark, pp. 61–62; Giura & Giura, pp. 169–170; Norton Medlicott, p. 90; Ornea, Anii treizeci..., p. 390; D. Vitcu, pp. 95sqq
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- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 97, 100
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- ^ Dominuț Pădurean, "Insula Șerpilor", in Magazin Istoric, September 2008, p. 10
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- ^ Clark, pp. 62, 352; Ornea, Anii treizeci..., p. 390
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 85–86
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 90–91
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Nicolae Ioniță, "Portrete ale oamenilor politici români de la sfârșitul secolului al XIX-lea în documente diplomatice germane" Archived April 25, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, in the University of Galați Anale. Seria Istorie, Vol. VII, 2008, pp. 152–153
- ^ D. Vitcu, p. 85
- ^ a b c d e f g (in French) Constantin Iordachi, "«La Californie des Roumains»: L’intégration de la Dobroudja du Nord à la Roumanie, 1878–1913", in Balkanologie, Nr. 1-2/2002
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 105–107
- ^ D. Vitcu, pp. 107–108
- ^ Ion I. Ghelase, "Mocanii din Dobrogea", in Viața Românească, Nr. 1-2/1933, p. 127
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- ^ Anineanu, p. 66
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- ^ a b c d (in Romanian) Garabet Ibrăileanu, Spiritul critic în cultura românească (wikisource): Recunoașterea necesității criticii. Cauzele pentru care spiritul critic apare în Moldova
- ISBN 0-521-52447-4
- ^ Barbu & Preda, p. 449
- ^ Final Report, pp. 24–25
- ^ Final Report, p. 25
- ISBN 0-521-59369-7
- ^ Final Report, pp. 22, 25, 45; Ornea, Anii treizeci..., p. 31
- ^ a b George Voicu, "The 'Judaisation' of the Enemy in the Romanian Political Culture at the Beginning of the 20th Century" Archived February 24, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, in the Babeș-Bolyai University's Studia Judaica Archived March 29, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, 2007, pp. 139–140
- ^ Lucica Bercovici, "Românul Moses Gaster, un modus vivendi", in Magazin Istoric, November 2007, p. 53
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- OCLC 47918962
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- OCLC 5279951
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- ^ Călinescu, p. 78; Ornea, Junimea..., p. 111; Vianu, Vol. II, p. 19
- ^ Vianu, Vol. I, pp. 391–392; Vol. II, pp. 52, 244
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- ^ (in Romanian) Paul Zarifopol, Introduceri la ediția critică I.L. Caragiale, opere (wikisource)
- OCLC 5833024
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- ^ (in Romanian) Constantin Coroiu, " 'Ce nu scrii și tu frumos românește, măi Trăsne?' " Archived September 27, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, in Evenimentul, March 18, 2003
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- ^ Cândea, pp. 15–16
References
- Final Report of the ISBN 973-681-989-2
- ISBN 963-9241-84-9
- Marta Anineanu, "Prietenia Alecsandri—Kogălniceanu. Pășind alături spre visul înstelat", in Magazin Istoric, October 1971, pp. 62–67
- ISBN 963-7326-44-8
- Lucian Boia,
- History and Myth in Romanian Consciousness, Central European University Press, Budapest, 2001. ISBN 963-9116-96-3
- Romania: Borderland of Europe, ISBN 1-86189-103-2
- History and Myth in Romanian Consciousness, Central European University Press, Budapest, 2001.
- George Călinescu, Istoria literaturii române. Compendiu, Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1983
- (in Romanian) ISBN 978-973-8369-90-0
- ISBN 0-405-02741-9
- ISBN 973-28-0523-4
- (in Romanian) Constantin Gheorghe, Miliana Șerbu, Miniștrii de interne (1862–2007). Mică enciclopedie, Romanian Ministry of the Interior, 2007
- (in Romanian) Maura G. Giura, Lucian Giura, "Otto von Bismarck și românii", in the December 1 University of Alba IuliaAnnales Universitatis Apulensis, Series Historica (AUASH), Nr. 2–3, 1998–1999, pp. 161–175
- OCLC 1279610
- Dan Grigorescu, preface to Brillat-Savarin, Fiziologia gustului, Editura Meridiane, Bucharest, 1988, pp. 5–22
- Ștefan Gorovei, "Kogălnicenii", in Magazin Istoric, July 1977, pp. 6–10, 60
- (in Romanian) Laura Guțanu, "Valori de patrimoniu. Lucia Kogălniceanu", in the University of IașiCentral Library Biblos, Nr. 11-12 (2001), pp. 8–9
- Vasile Maciu, "Costache Negri, un ctitor al României moderne", in Magazin Istoric, May 1975, pp. 66–69
- William Norton Medlicott, The Congress of Berlin and After, ISBN 0-7146-1501-3
- Z. Ornea,
- Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească, ISBN 973-9155-43-X
- Junimea și junimismul, Vol. II, Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1998. ISBN 973-21-0562-3
- Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească,
- Laurence Senelick, National Theatre in Northern and Eastern Europe, 1746–1900, ISBN 0-521-24446-3
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- OCLC 7431692
- (in French) Dumitru Vitcu, "Les dilemmes, les controverses et les conséquences d'une alliance politique conjecturale. Les relations roumaino-russes des années 1877–1878", in the Ștefan cel Mare University of Suceava Codrul Cosminului, Nr. 14 (2008), pp. 77–117
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External links
- (in Romanian) The Mihail Kogălniceanu Memorial House in Iași
- (in Romanian) Ion Creangă, Moș Ion Roată, at wikisource
- Independența României and Războiul Independenței, at the Internet Movie Database
- Frescoes at the Romanian Athenaeum site