Moral panic
A moral panic is a widespread feeling of
Stanley Cohen, who developed the term, states that moral panic happens when "a condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests".[6] While the issues identified may be real, the claims "exaggerate the seriousness, extent, typicality and/or inevitability of harm".[7] Moral panics are now studied in sociology and criminology, media studies, and cultural studies.[2][8]
Examples of moral panic include the belief in widespread
It differs from
History and development
Though the term moral panic was used in 1830 by a religious magazine regarding a sermon,[17][18] it was used in a way that completely differs from its modern social science application. The phrase was used again in 1831, with an intent that is possibly closer to its modern use.[19]
Though not using the term moral panic, Marshall McLuhan, in his 1964 book Understanding Media,[20] articulated the concept academically in describing the effects of media.
As a
According to Cohen, a moral panic occurs when a "condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to
In the early 1990s, Erich Goode and Nachman Ben-Yehuda produced an "attributional" model that placed more emphasis on strict definition than cultural processes.[12][8]
Differences in British and American definitions
Many sociologists have pointed out the differences between definitions of a moral panic as described by American versus British sociologists.[
British criminologist Jock Young used the term in his participant observation study of drug consumption in Porthmadog, Wales, between 1967 and 1969.[25] In Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State and Law and Order (1978),[26] Marxist Stuart Hall and his colleagues studied the public reaction to the phenomenon of mugging and the perception that it had recently been imported from American culture into the UK. Employing Cohen's definition of moral panic, Hall and colleagues theorized that the "rising crime rate equation" performs an ideological function relating to social control. Crime statistics, in Hall's view, are often manipulated for political and economic purposes; moral panics could thereby be ignited to create public support for the need to "police the crisis".[26]
Cohen's model of moral panic
Author | Stanley Cohen |
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Published |
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First to name the phenomenon, Stanley Cohen investigated a series of "moral panics" in his 1972 book Folk Devils and Moral Panics.[7] In the book, Cohen describes the reaction among the British public to the seaside rivalry between the "mod" and "rocker" youth subcultures of the 1960s and 1970s. In a moral panic, Cohen says, "the untypical is made typical".[7]
Cohen's initial development of the concept was for the purpose of analyzing the definition of and social reaction to these subcultures as a
Setting out to test his hypotheses on mods and rockers, Cohen ended up in a rather different place: he discovered a pattern of construction and reaction with greater foothold than mods and rockers – the moral panic. He thereby identified five sequential stages of moral panic.[28]
Characterizing the reactions to the mod and rocker conflict, he identified four key agents in moral panics: mass media, moral entrepreneurs, the culture of social control, and the public.[1][8][22]
In a more recent edition of Folk Devils and Moral Panics, Cohen suggested that the term "panic" in itself connotes irrationality and a lack of control. Cohen maintained that "panic" is a suitable term when used as an extended metaphor.[7]
Cohen's stages of moral panic
Setting out to test his hypotheses on mods and rockers, Cohen discovered a pattern of construction and reaction with greater foothold than mods and rockers – the moral panic.[28]
According to Cohen, there are five sequential stages in the construction of a moral panic:[1][7][22]
- An event, condition, episode, person, or group of persons is perceived and defined as a threat to societal values, safety, and interests.
- The nature of these apparent threats are amplified by the mass media, who present the supposed threat through simplistic, symbolic rhetoric. Such portrayals appeal to public prejudices, creating an evil in need of social control (folk devils) and victims (the moral majority).
- A sense of social anxiety and concern among the public is aroused through these symbolic representations of the threat.
- The editors, religious leaders, politicians, and other "moral"-thinking people – respond to the threat, with socially-accredited experts pronouncing their diagnoses and solutions to the "threat". This includes new laws or policies.
- The condition then disappears, submerges or deteriorates and becomes more visible.
Cohen observed further:[28]
Sometimes the object of the panic is quite novel and at other times it is something which has been in existence long enough, but suddenly appears in the limelight. Sometimes the panic passes over and is forgotten, except in folk-lore and collective memory; at other times it has more serious and long-lasting repercussions and might produce such changes as those in legal and social policy or even in the way the society conceives itself.
Agents of moral panic
Characterizing the reactions to the mod and rocker conflict, Cohen identified four key agents in moral panics: mass media, moral entrepreneurs, the culture of social control, and the public.[1][8][22]
- Media – especially key in the early stage of social reaction, producing "processed or coded images" of deviance and the deviants.[29] This involves three processes:[8]
- exaggeration and distortion of who did or said what;
- prediction, the dire consequences of failure to act;
- symbolization, signifying a person, word, or thing as a threat.
- Moral entrepreneurs – individuals and groups who target deviant behavior
- Societal control culture – comprises those with institutional chain of commandto the national level, where control measures are instituted.
- The public – these include individuals and groups. They have to decide who and what to believe: in the mod and rocker case, the public initially distrusted media messages, but ultimately believed them.
Mass media
The concept of "moral panic" has also been linked to certain assumptions about the mass media.[7] In recent times, the mass media have become important players in the dissemination of moral indignation, even when they do not appear to be consciously engaged in sensationalism or in muckraking. Simply reporting a subset of factual statements without contextual nuance can be enough to generate concern, anxiety, or panic.[7]
Cohen stated that the mass media is the primary source of the public's knowledge about deviance and social problems. He further argued that moral panic gives rise to the folk devil by labelling actions and people.[7] Christian Joppke, furthers the importance of media as he notes, shifts in public attention "can trigger the decline of movements and fuel the rise of others."[30]
According to Cohen, the media appear in any or all three roles in moral panic dramas:[7]
- Setting the agenda – selecting deviant or socially problematic events deemed as newsworthy, then using finer filters to select which events are candidates for moral panic.
- Transmitting the images – transmitting the claims by using the rhetoric of moral panics.
- Breaking the silence and making the claim.
Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s attributional model
In their 1994 book Moral Panics: The Social Construction of Deviance,
Reviewing empirical studies in the social constructionist perspective, Goode and Ben-Yehuda produced an "attributional" model that identifies essential characteristics and placed more emphasis on strict definition than cultural processes.[3][8][12] They arrived at five defining "elements", or "criteria", of a moral panic:[31]
- Concern – there is "heightened level of concern over the behaviour of a certain group or category" and its consequences; in other words, there is the belief that the behavior of the group or activity deemed deviant is likely to have a negative effect on society. Concern can be indicated via lobbying activity.[31]
- Hostility – there is "an increased level of hostility" toward the deviants, who are "collectively designated as the enemy, or an enemy, of respectable society". These deviants are constructed as "folk devils", and a clear division forms between "them" and "us".[32]
- Consensus – "there must be at least a certain minimal measure of consensus" across society as a whole, or at least "designated segments" of it, that "the threat is real, serious and caused by the wrongdoing group members and their behaviour". This is to say, though concern does not have to be nationwide, there must be widespread acceptance that the group in question poses a very real threat to society. It is important at this stage that the "moral entrepreneurs" are vocal and the "folk devils" appear weak and disorganized.[32]
- Disproportionality – "public concern is in excess of what is appropriate if concern were directly proportional to objective harm". More simply, the action taken is disproportionate to the actual threat posed by the accused group. According to Goode and Ben-Yehuda, "the concept of moral panic rests on disproportion".[33] As such, statistics are exaggerated or fabricated, and the existence of other equally or more harmful activity is denied.
- Volatility – moral panics are highly volatile and tend to disappear as quickly as they appeared because public interest wanes or news reports change to another narrative.
Goode and Ben-Yehuda also examined three competing explanations of moral panics:[8][34]
- the grass-roots model – the source of panic is identified as widespread anxieties about real or imagined threats.
- the elite-engineered model – an elite group induces, or engineers, a panic over an issue that they know to be exaggerated in order to move attention away from their own lack of solving social problems.
- the interest group theory – "the middle rungs of power and status" are where moral issues are most significantly felt.
Similarly, writing about the
- Hidden dangers of modern technology.
- Evil stranger manipulating the innocent.
- A "hidden world" of anonymous evil people.
Topic clusters
In over 40 years of extensive study, researchers have identified several general clusters of topics that help describe the way in which moral panics operate and the impact they have.[7][8] Some of the more common clusters identified are: child abuse, drugs and alcohol, immigration, media technologies, and street crime.
Child abuse
Exceptional cases of
Alcohol and other drugs
Substances used for pleasure such as
Immigration
A series of moral panic is likely to recur whenever humans migrate to a foreign location to live alongside the native or indigenous population, particularly if the newcomers are of a different
Media technologies
The advent of any new
According to media studies professor Kirsten Drotner:[40]
[E]very time a new mass medium has entered the social scene, it has spurred public debates on social and cultural norms, debates that serve to reflect, negotiate and possibly revise these very norms.… In some cases, debate of a new medium brings about – indeed changes into – heated, emotional reactions … what may be defined as a media panic.
Recent manifestations of this kind of development include cyberbullying and sexting.[8]
Street crime
A central concern of modern mass media has been interpersonal crime. When new types or patterns of crime emerge, coverage expands considerably, especially when said crime involves increased violence or the use of weapons. Sustaining the idea that crime is out of control, this keeps prevalent the fear of being randomly attacked on the street by violent young men.[8][41]
Examples
Researchers have considered a number of historical and current events to meet the criteria set out by Stanley Cohen.
Historic examples
Nativist movement and the Know-Nothing Party (1840s–1860s)
The brief success of the
Red Scare (1919–1920, late 1940s–1950s)
During the years 1919 to 1920, followed by the late 1940s to the 1950s, the United States had a moral panic over
"The Devil's music" (1920s–1980s)
Over the years, there has been concern of various types of new music causing spiritual or otherwise
Blues was one of the first music genres to receive this label, mainly due to a perception that it incited violence and other poor behavior.[51] In the early 20th century, the blues was considered disreputable, especially as white audiences began listening to the blues during the 1920s.[52]
Jazz was another early receiver of the label. At the time, traditionalists considered jazz to contribute to the breakdown of morality.[53] Despite the veiled attacks on blues and jazz as "negro music" often going hand-in-hand with other attacks on the genres, urban middle-class African Americans perceived jazz as "devil's music", and agreed with the beliefs that jazz's improvised rhythms and sounds were promoting promiscuity.[54]
Some have speculated that the rock phase of the panic in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the popularity of the
Comic books (1950s)
In the United States, substantial limits were placed on comic book content during the 1950s, especially in the horror and crime genres. This moral panic was promoted by the psychologist Fredric Wertham, who claimed that comics were a major source of juvenile delinquency, arguing in his book Seduction of the Innocent that they predisposed children to violence. Comic books appeared in congressional hearings, and organisations promoted book burnings.[56][57] Wertham's work resulted in the creation of the Comics Code, which drastically limited what kind of content could be published.[57] As a result of these limitations, many comics publishers and illustrators were forced to leave the profession, and the content produced by those that remained became tamer and more focused on superheroes.[57][58]
During the following decades, the Comics Code was loosened in scope before finally being abolished in 2011.[56][58]
Switchblades (1950s)
In the United States, a 1950 article titled "The Toy That Kills" in the
Fixation on the switchblade as the symbol of youth violence, sex, and delinquency resulted in demands from the public and Congress to control the sale and possession of such knives.[60][61] State laws restricting or criminalizing switchblade possession and use were adopted by an increasing number of state legislatures, and many of the restrictive laws around them worldwide date back to this period.[citation needed]
Mods and rockers (1960s)
In early 1960s Britain, the two main youth subcultures were Mods and Rockers. The "Mods and Rockers" conflict was explored as an instance of moral panic by sociologist Stanley Cohen in his seminal study Folk Devils and Moral Panics,[62] which examined media coverage of the Mod and Rocker riots in the 1960s.[63]
Although Cohen acknowledged that Mods and Rockers engaged in street fighting in the mid-1960s, he argued that they were no different from the evening brawls that occurred between non-Mod and non-Rocker youths throughout the 1950s and early 1960s, both at seaside resorts and after football games.[64]
Dungeons & Dragons (1980s–1990s)
At various times,
Satanic panic (1980s–1990s)
The "satanic panic" was a series of moral panics regarding satanic ritual abuse that originated in the United States and spread to other English-speaking countries in the 1980s and 1990s, which led to a string of wrongful convictions.[12][67][68][69] The West Memphis Three were three teenagers falsely accused of murdering children in a satanic ritual.[citation needed] Two were sentenced to life in prison and one was sentenced to death, before all being released after 18 years in prison.
HIV/AIDS (1980s–1990s)
The media outlets nicknamed HIV/AIDS the "gay plague", which further stigmatized the disease. However, scientists gained a far better understanding of HIV/AIDS as it grew in the 1980s and moved into the 1990s and beyond. The illness was still negatively viewed by many as either being caused by or passed on through the gay community. Once it became clear that this was not the case, the moral panic created by the media changed to blaming the overall negligence of ethical standards by the younger generation (both male and female), resulting in another moral panic. Authors behind AIDS: Rights, Risk, and Reason argued that "British TV and press coverage is locked into an agenda which blocks out any approach to the subject which does not conform in advance to the values and language of a profoundly homophobic culture—a culture that does not regard gay men as fully or properly human. No distinction obtains for the agenda between 'quality' and 'tabloid' newspapers, or between 'popular' and 'serious' television."[72]
Similarly, reports of a group of AIDS cases amongst gay men in
Dangerous dogs (late 1980s–early 1990s)
After a series of high-profile dog attacks on children in the United Kingdom, the British press began to engage in a campaign against so-called dangerous dog breeds, especially Pit Bulls and Rottweilers, which bore all the hallmarks of a moral panic.[75][76][77]
This media pressure led the government to hastily introduce the
Ongoing historic examples
Increase in crime (1970s–present)
Research shows that fear of increasing crime rates is often the cause of moral panics.[7][26][79][80] Recent studies have shown that despite declining crime rates, this phenomenon, which often taps into a population's "herd mentality", continues to occur in various cultures. Japanese jurist Koichi Hamai explains how the changes in crime recording in Japan since the 1990s caused people to believe that the crime rate was rising and that crimes were getting increasingly severe.[81]
Violence and video games (1970s–present)
There have been calls to regulate violence in video games for nearly as long as the video game industry has existed, with Death Race being a notable early example.[82][83] In the 1990s, improvements in video game technology allowed for more lifelike depictions of violence in games such as Mortal Kombat and Doom. The industry attracted controversy over violent content and concerns about effects they might have on players, generating frequent media stories that attempted to associate video games with violent behavior, in addition to a number of academic studies that reported conflicting findings about the strength of correlations.[82] According to Christopher Ferguson, sensationalist media reports and the scientific community unintentionally worked together in "promoting an unreasonable fear of violent video games".[84] Concerns from parts of the public about violent games led to cautionary, often exaggerated news stories, warnings from politicians and other public figures, and calls for research to prove the connection, which in turn led to studies "speaking beyond the available data and allowing the promulgation of extreme claims without the usual scientific caution and skepticism".[84]
Since the 1990s, there have been attempts to regulate violent video games in the United States through congressional bills as well as within the industry.[82] Public concern and media coverage of violent video games reached a high point following the Columbine High School massacre in 1999, after which videos were found of the perpetrators, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, talking about violent games like Doom and making comparisons between the acts they intended to carry out and aspects of games.[82][84]
Ferguson and others have explained the video game moral panic as part of a cycle that all new media go through.[84][85][86] In 2011, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association that legally restricting sales of video games to minors would be unconstitutional and deemed the research presented in favour of regulation, as "unpersuasive".[84]
War on drugs (1970s–present)
Some critics have pointed to moral panic as an explanation for the War on Drugs. For example, a Royal Society of Arts commission concluded that "the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 ... is driven more by 'moral panic' than by a practical desire to reduce harm".[87]
Some have written that one of the many rungs supporting the moral panic behind the War on Drugs was a separate but related moral panic, which peaked in the late 1990s, involving media's gross exaggeration of the frequency of the surreptitious use of date rape drugs.[88][79][89] News media have been criticized for advocating "grossly excessive protective measures for women, particularly in coverage between 1996 and 1998", for overstating the threat and for excessively dwelling on the topic.[79] For example, a 2009 Australian study found that drug panel tests were unable to detect any drug in any of the 97 instances of patients admitted to the hospital believing their drinks might have been spiked.[90]
Sex offenders, child sexual abuse, and pedophilia (1970s–present)
The media narrative of a sex offender, highlighting egregious offenses as typical behaviour of any sex offender, and media distorting the facts of some cases,[91] has led legislators to attack judicial discretion,[91] making sex offender registration mandatory based on certain listed offenses rather than individual risk or the actual severity of the crime, thus practically catching less serious offenders under the domain of harsh sex offender laws. In the 1990s and 2000s, there have been instances of moral panics in the United Kingdom and the United States, related to colloquial uses of the term pedophilia to refer to such unusual crimes as high-profile cases of child abduction.[67]
The moral panic over pedophilia began in the 1970s after the sexual revolution. While homosexuality was becoming more socially accepted after the sexual revolution, pro-contact pedophiles believed that the sexual revolution never helped pro-contact pedophiles.[92] In the 1970s, pro-contact pedophile activist organizations such as Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) and North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA) were formed in October 1974 and December 1978, respectively. Despite receiving some support, PIE received much backlash when they advocated for abolishing or lowering age of consent laws. As a result, people protested against PIE.[93]
Until the first half of the 1970s, sex was not yet part of the concept of domestic
In the 1980s, the media began to report more frequently on cases of children being raped, kidnapped, or murdered, leading to the moral panic over sex offenders and pedophiles becoming very intense in the early 1980s. In 1981, for instance, a six-year-old boy named
Also during the 1980s, inaccurate and heavily flawed data about sex offenders and their
Another contributing factor in the moral panic over pedophiles and sex offenders was the day-care sex-abuse hysteria in the 1980s and early 1990s, including the McMartin preschool trial. This led to a panic where parents became hypervigilant with concerns of predatory child sex offenders seeking to abduct children in public spaces, such as playgrounds.[101]
Contemporary examples
Human trafficking (2000–present)
Many critics of contemporary anti-prostitution activism argue that much of the current concern about
Terrorism and Islamic extremism (2001–present)
After the
Following the September 11 attacks, there was a dramatic increase in hate crimes against Muslims and Arabs in the United States, with rates peaking in 2001 and later surpassed in 2016.[15][110]
QAnon conspiracies (2020s)
LGBT grooming conspiracy theory (2020s–present)
Since the early 2020s, members of the
Criticism of moral panic as an explanation
Paul Joosse has argued that while classic moral panic theory styled itself as being part of the "sceptical revolution" that sought to critique
Writing in 1995 about the moral panic that arose in the UK after a series of murders by juveniles, chiefly that of two-year-old James Bulger by two 10-year-old boys but also including that of 70-year-old Edna Phillips by two 17-year-old girls, the sociologist Colin Hay pointed out that the folk devil was ambiguous in such cases; the child perpetrators would normally be thought of as innocent.[119]
In 1995, Angela McRobbie and Sarah Thornton argued "that it is now time that every stage in the process of constructing a moral panic, as well as the social relations which support it, should be revised". Their argument is that mass media has changed since the concept of moral panic emerged so "that 'folk devils' are less marginalized than they once were", and that "folk devils" are not only castigated by mass media but supported and defended by it as well. They also suggest that the "points of social control" that moral panics used to rest on "have undergone some degree of shift, if not transformation".[120]
British criminologist Yvonne Jewkes (2004) has also raised issue with the term "morality", how it is accepted unproblematically in the concept of "moral panic" and how most research into moral panics fails to approach the term critically but instead accepts it at face value.[41] Jewkes goes on to argue that the thesis and the way it has been used fails to distinguish between crimes that quite rightly offend human morality, and thus elicit a justifiable reaction, and those that demonise minorities. The public are not sufficiently gullible to keep accepting the latter and consequently allow themselves to be manipulated by the media and the government.[41]
Another British criminologist, Steve Hall (2012), goes a step further to suggest that the term "moral panic" is a fundamental category error. Hall argues that although some crimes are sensationalized by the media, in the general structure of the crime/control narrative the ability of the existing state and criminal justice system to protect the public is also overstated. Public concern is whipped up only for the purpose of being soothed, which produces not panic but the opposite, comfort and complacency.[121]
Echoing another point Hall makes, sociologists Thompson and Williams (2013) argue that the concept of "moral panic" is not a rational response to the phenomenon of social reaction, but itself a product of the irrational middle-class fear of the imagined working-class "mob". Using as an example a peaceful and lawful protest staged by local mothers against the re-housing of sex-offenders on their estate, Thompson and Williams argue that the sensationalist demonization of the protesters by moral panic theorists and the liberal press was just as irrational as the demonization of the sex offenders by the protesters and the tabloid press.[122]
Many sociologists and criminologists (Ungar, Hier, Rohloff)[full citation needed] have revised Cohen's original framework. The revisions are compatible with the way in which Cohen theorizes panics in the third Introduction to Folk Devils and Moral Panics.[123]
See also
- Alarmism – Excessive or exaggerated alarm about a real or imagined threat
- Antisemitic canard– Hoaxes or other false stories about Jews and Judaism
- Blood libel – False claim that Jews killed Christians to use blood in ceremonies
- List of common misconceptions
- Conspiracy theory – Attributing events to secret plots instead of more probable explanation
- List of conspiracy theories
- Deviance (sociology) – Action or behavior that violates social norms
- False accusation – Claim or allegation of wrongdoing that is untrue
- Fear mongering– Deliberate use of fear-based tactics
- Labeling theory – Labeling people changes their behavior
- LGBT ideology-free zone– Polish areas declaring against LGBT rights
- Major Boobage, a fictional depiction of one
- Mass hysteria– Spread of illness without organic cause
- Moral entrepreneur
- Persecutory delusion – Delusion involving perception of persecution
- The Population Bomb (1968)
- Recovered-memory therapy – Scientifically discredited form of psychotherapy
- Satanic ritual abuse– Widespread moral panic alleging abuse
- Social mania
- Social panic – Extreme community reaction
- Social stigma – Type of discrimination or disapproval
- Think of the children – Cliché phrase
- Witch-hunt – Search for witchcraft or subversive activity
- Modern witch-hunts
- Witch trials in the early modern period – Prosecutions for witchcraft in Europe
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Further reading
- Barron, Christie; Lacombe, Dany (2008). "Moral Panic and the Nasty Girl". Canadian Review of Sociology. 42: 51–69. .
- Ben-Yehuda, Nachman (1986). "The Sociology of Moral Panics: Toward a New Synthesis". The Sociological Quarterly. 27 (4): 495–513. .
- Boëthius, Ulf (1995), "Youth, the media and moral panics", in Fornäs, Johan; Bolin, Göran (eds.), Youth culture in late modernity, London & Thousand Oaks, CA: ISBN 978-0803988996.
- Colomb, Wendy; Damphousse, Kelly (2004). "Examination of newspaper coverage of Hate Crimes: A moral panic perspective". American Journal of Criminal Justice. 28 (2): 147. S2CID 145519152.
- Cree, Viviene E.; Clapton, Gary; Smith, Mark (2015). Revisiting moral panics. Bristol, UK; Chicago: Policy Press. ISBN 978-1447321859.
- Critcher, Chas (2008). "Moral Panic Analysis: Past, Present and Future". Sociology Compass. 2 (4): 1127–1144. .
- Gill, Aisha K; Harrison, Karen (2015). "Child Grooming and Sexual Exploitation: Are South Asian Men the UK Media's New Folk Devils?". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy. 4 (2): 34–49. S2CID 54797987.
- Fitzgerald, Maureen H. (2005). "Punctuated Equilibrium, Moral Panics and the Ethics Review Process". Journal of Academic Ethics. 2 (4): 315–338. S2CID 145303045.
- Frankfurter, David (2008). Evil Incarnate: Rumors of Demonic Conspiracy and Satanic Abuse in History. Princeton: ISBN 978-0691136295.
- Gausel, Nicolay; Leach, Colin Wayne (2011). "Concern for self-image and social image in the management of moral failure: Rethinking shame". European Journal of Social Psychology. 41 (4): 468. doi:10.1002/ejsp.803.
- Heathcott, Joseph (2011). "Moral panic in a plural culture". CrossCurrents. 61: 39–44. S2CID 143002118.
- Hier, S. P. (2002). "Conceptualizing Moral Panic through a Moral Economy of Harm". Critical Sociology. 28 (3): 311–334. S2CID 16081774.
- Hunt, Arnold (1997). "'Moral Panic' and Moral Language in the Media". The British Journal of Sociology. 48 (4): 629–648. JSTOR 591600.
- ISBN 978-0080430768.
- Klapp, Orrin E. (1954). "Heroes, Villains and Fools, as Agents of Social Control". American Sociological Review. 19 (1): 56–62. JSTOR 2088173.
- Klocke, Brian V.; Muschert, Glenn W. (2010). "A Hybrid Model of Moral Panics: Synthesizing the Theory and Practice of Moral Panic Research". Sociology Compass. 4 (5): 295. .
- Kuzma, Cindy (28 September 2005). "Rights and liberties: sex, lies, and moral panics". AlterNet. Archived from the original on 19 May 2008. Retrieved 5 September 2008. Author affiliation: Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA)
- Lawson, Louanne (2008). "Why Moral Panic is Dangerous". Journal of Forensic Nursing. 3 (2): 57–59. PMID 17679267.
- Monod, Sarah Wright ed. Making Sense of Moral Panics: A Framework for Research (Palgrave Studies in Risk, Crime and Society, 2017)[ISBN missing]
- Montana, Riccardo (2009). "Prosecutors and the Definition of the Crime Problem in Italy: Balancing the Impact of Moral Panics" (PDF). Criminal Law Forum. 20 (4): 471–494. S2CID 143090113.
- Pearce, J. M.; Charman, E. (2011). "A social psychological approach to understanding moral panic". Crime, Media, Culture. 7 (3): 293. S2CID 145149474.
- Rodwell, Grant (2011). "One newspaper's role in the demise of the Tasmanian Essential Learnings Curriculum: Adding new understandings to Cohen's moral panic theory in analyzing curriculum change". Journal of Educational Change. 12 (4): 441–456. S2CID 143481477.
- Rohloff, A.; Wright, S. (2010). "Moral Panic and Social Theory: Beyond the Heuristic". Current Sociology. 58 (3): 403. S2CID 44838870.
- Ungar, Sheldon (2001). "Moral panic versus the risk society: The implications of the changing sites of social anxiety". British Journal of Sociology. 52 (2): 271–291. PMID 11440057.
- Victor, Jeffrey S. (1998). "Moral Panics and the Social Construction of Deviant Behavior: A Theory and Application to the Case of Ritual Child Abuse". Sociological Perspectives. 41 (3): 541–565. S2CID 18583486.
- Waiton, Stuart (2008). The politics of antisocial behaviour: amoral panics. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978--0415957052.
- Ward, Russell E (2002). "Fan violence". Aggression and Violent Behavior. 7 (5): 453–475. .
- "Moral panic studies working paper series". College of Business, Arts and Social Sciences, Brunel University London.
- "Volume 49, Issue 1, January 2009". The British Journal of Criminology. Oxford University Press Academic.
- Ben-Yehuda, Nachman (2009). "Foreword: Moral Panics – 36 Years on". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 1–3. JSTOR 23639651.
- Young, Jock (2009). "Moral Panic: Its Origins in Resistance, Ressentiment and the Translation of Fantasy into Reality". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 4–16. SSRN 1315137.
- Critcher, Chas (2009). "Widening the Focus: Moral Panics as Moral Regulation". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 17–34. SSRN 1315133.
- Jenkins, Philip (2009). "Failure to Launch: Why Do Some Social Issues Fail to Detonate Moral Panics?". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 35–47. SSRN 1315131.
- Levi, Michael (2009). "Suite Revenge?: The Shaping of Folk Devils and Moral Panics about White-Collar Crimes". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 48–67. SSRN 1315136.
- Ajzenstadt, Mimi (2009). "Moral Panic and Neo-Liberalism: The Case of Single Mothers on Welfare in Israel". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 68–87. SSRN 1315135.
- Weitzer, Ronald (2009). "Legalizing Prostitution: Morality Politics in Western Australia". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 88–105. SSRN 1315132.
- Woodiwiss, Michael; Hobbs, Dick (2009). "Organized Evil and the Atlantic Alliance: Moral Panics and the Rhetoric of Organized Crime Policing in America and Britain". British Journal of Criminology. 49 (1): 106–128. SSRN 1315134.
External links
- Media related to Moral panic at Wikimedia Commons
- Quotations related to Moral panic at Wikiquote
- The dictionary definition of moral panic at Wiktionary