Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
This article may be readable prose size was 15,537 words. . (February 2024) |
Halâskâr Leader of the Republican People's Party | |
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In office 9 September 1923 – 10 November 1938 | |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü |
Personal details | |
Born | Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa (Mustafa son of Ali Rıza) c. 1881 Latife Uşaklıgil (1923–25) |
Parent(s) | Ali Rıza Efendi Zübeyde Hanım |
Relatives | Makbule Atadan (sister) |
Awards | List (24 medals) |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance | Ottoman Empire (1893–1919) Ankara Government (1921–1923) Turkey (1923–1927) |
Branch/service | Ottoman Army Army of the GNA Turkish Army |
Rank | Major General (Ottoman Army) Marshal (Turkish Army) |
Commands | |
Battles/wars | See list
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Part of a series on |
Progressivism |
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Part of a series on |
Radicalism |
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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk,
Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency.[7] In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage.[8] His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner.[9][10][11] Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities;[12] non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname.[13][14] The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic.[15] He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57;[16] he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü[17] and was honored with a state funeral.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the
Name
Atatürk was born Mustafa. His second name Kemal (meaning "perfection" or "maturity" in Arabic) was given to him by his mathematics teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi. According to Afet İnan, his teacher gave this name "in admiration of [Atatürk's] capability and maturity."[21][22] According to other sources, his teacher wanted to distinguish Atatürk from another student who was also named Mustafa.[23][24] Andrew Mango suggests that he may have chosen the name himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet Namık Kemal.[25] According to Alkan, Atatürk seems to have embraced the name Kemal during his army years.[26]
After receiving the surname Atatürk on his first ID card in 1934, his given name appeared as Kemal Atatürk, while the name Mustafa had disappeared altogether. In February 1935, Atatürk began to use his supposedly "original" name Kamâl. According to Tarama Dergisi (1934), kamal meant "fortification", "castle", "army", and "shield". On 4 February 1935, the government's official news agency Anadolu Agency gave the following explanation:[26]
In the light of our information, the name 'Kamâl' that Atatürk bears is not an Arabic word, nor does it have the meaning by the Arabic word kemal ['maturity', 'perfection']. Atatürk's [original] personal name, which is being retained, is 'Kamâl', the Turkish meaning of which is army and fortification. As the circumflex accent on the final a softens the k the pronunciation closely approximates that of the Arabic 'Kemal'. That is the full extent of the resemblance.
— Anadolu Agency
However, Atatürk returned to the old spelling of Kemal from May 1937 and onwards. To make a soft transition, he avoided using the name as much as he could, either by not using it at all or by signing documents as 'K. Atatürk'. An official explanation was never given, but it is widely agreed that the issue with Atatürk's name was linked to the Turkish language reform.[26]
Early life
Atatürk was born either in the Ahmet Subaşı neighbourhood or at a house (preserved as a museum) in Islahhane Street (now Apostolou Pavlou Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood in Salonica (Selanik),[27] Ottoman Empire (Thessaloniki in present-day Greece). His parents were Ali Rıza Efendi, a military officer originally from Kodžadžik (Kocacık), title deed clerk and lumber trader, and Zübeyde Hanım. Only one of Mustafa's siblings, a sister named Makbule (Atadan) survived childhood; she died in 1956.[28]
Claims and theories about Atatürk's ancestry are strikingly varied and contrasting.
In his early years, his mother encouraged Atatürk to attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School (a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. When he was seven years old, his father died.
Military career
Early years
Shortly after graduation, he was arrested by the police for his anti-monarchist activities. Following confinement for several months he was released only with the support of Rıza Pasha, his former school director.
He was proposing depoliticization in the army, a proposal which was disliked by the leaders of the CUP. As a result, he was sent away to
In April 1909 in Constantinople, a group of soldiers began a counter-revolution (see
In 1910, he was called to the
Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military observers who attended the Picardie army manoeuvres in France,[59] and in 1911, served at the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople for a short time.
Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)
In 1911, he volunteered to fight in the
During the Battle of Derna on 16–17 January 1912, while Atatürk was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman forces; a
Balkan Wars (1912–13)
On 1 December 1912, Atatürk arrived at his new headquarters on the Gallipoli peninsula and, during the First Balkan War, he took part in the amphibious landing at Bulair on the coast of Thrace under Binbaşı Fethi Bey, but this offensive was repulsed during the Battle of Bulair by Georgi Todorov's 7th Rila Infantry Division[65] under the command of Stiliyan Kovachev's Bulgarian Fourth Army.[66]
In June 1913, during the
In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to
First World War (1914–18)
In 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the
Following this victory, the
In July 1917, he was appointed to the command of the
When Mehmed VI became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Atatürk to Constantinople, and after several meetings in the months July and August 1918, reassigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine.[71] Atatürk arrived in Aleppo on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in Nablus. The Seventh Army was holding the central sector of the front lines. On 19 September, at the beginning of the Battle of Megiddo, the Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the Jordan River. The Seventh Army retired towards the Jordan River but was destroyed by British aerial bombardment during its retreat from Nablus on 21 September 1918.[72] Nevertheless, Atatürk managed to form a defence line to the north of Aleppo. According to Lord Kinross, Atatürk was the only Turkish general in the war who never suffered a defeat.[73]
The war ended with the
Atatürk's last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the Ottoman troops left behind to the south of the defensive line. In early November 1918, the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved, and Atatürk returned to an
Ottoman genocides (1913–1924) and Atatürk
Atatürk's relation to the late Ottoman genocides committed by the Young Turk movement and the dying Ottoman Empire, which to this day are denied by the Turkish government, has been the subject of his most major controversy. Atatürk had been a member of the Young Turk movement in 1908, but so had many Arabs, Albanians, Jews, and initially, Armenians and Greeks, as it was then simply an anti-Abdul Hamid movement.[75] As for the actual occurrences of the genocides, Atatürk had since divested from the movement and was serving as a relatively junior Lieutenant Colonel fighting in Gallipoli and Western Thrace during the Armenian genocide. Historical evidence proves decisively that he was not involved with the killings, and that he later went on to condemn them.[76] One such explicit condemnation was in September 1919, when Atatürk met with the United States Army General James Harbord, the leader of the Harbord Commission into the genocides, in Sivas. Harbord would later recall that Atatürk told him of his disapproval of the Armenian genocide, and that he had allegedly stated that "the massacre and deportation of Armenians was the work of a small committee who had seized power", rather than by the government in actuality.[77] In 1920, before the Turkish Parliament, Atatürk called the genocides a "shameful act" and didn't publicly deny them at that time.[76]
Atatürk's relations with Enver Pasha, a key perpetrator of the genocides, has also been controversial but poorly understood. While the two men may have been close at times, Atatürk held a personal dislike of Enver Pasha; he once said to a confidant that Enver Pasha was a dangerous figure who might lead the country to ruin.[78]
The primary concern towards Atatürk was the Turkish government's involvement with and reaction to the
Although Atatürk was critical of the Armenian genocide and Kemalists had pledged to prosecute those involved with the genocide, on March 31, 1923, a general amnesty was declared for those who had been convicted of court-martial and by the municipal courts after the defeat of the Ottoman forces. Turkey also refused to deliver those involved with the crimes to the Allies, arguing that it would violate Turkish sovereignty. Some of the war criminals were also invited to the government of the new Turkish republic.[81]
Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923)
On 30 April 1919, Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan") Mirliva Atatürk was assigned as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security.[82] On 19 May 1919, he reached Samsun. His first goal was the establishment of an organized national movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the Amasya Circular, declaring the independence of the country was in danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July, and the Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. But Kâzım Karabekir and other military commanders active in Eastern Anatolia followed Atatürk's lead and acknowledged him as their leader.[83]
On 4 September 1919, he assembled a congress in Sivas. Those who opposed the Allies in various provinces in Turkey issued a declaration named Misak-ı Millî ("National Pact"). Atatürk was appointed as the head of the executive committee of the Congress,[84] which gave him the legitimacy he needed for his future politics.[85][84]
The
On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman
The GNA military successes against the
After a series of battles during the
Establishment of the Republic of Turkey
The
On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed.[96] Since then, Republic Day has been celebrated as a national holiday on that date.[97]
Presidency
With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Atatürk's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the
Domestic policies
Atatürk's driving goal was the complete independence of the country.[100] He clarified his position:
...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence.[101]
He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economic aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures. Though he was later idealized by some as an originator of sweeping reforms, many of his reformist ideas were already common in Ottoman intellectual circles at the turn of the 20th century and were expressed more openly after the Young Turk Revolution.[102]
Atatürk created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as the "Six Arrows", or Kemalism. Kemalism is based on Atatürk's conception of realism and pragmatism.[103] The fundamentals of nationalism, populism, and statism were all defined under the Six Arrows. These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were explicitly formulated for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly Christian states.
Emergence of the state, 1923–1924
Atatürk's private journal entries dated before the establishment of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman heritage.[104] For instance, they made Ankara (as Angora has been known in English since 1930), the country's new capital and reformed the Turkish postal service. Once a provincial town deep in Anatolia, the city was thus turned into the center of the independence movement. Atatürk wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"[105] and visualized a representative democracy, parliamentary sovereignty, where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.[105]
In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as
The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Atatürk.[112] The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot.[112] Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, served as an organ of scrutiny under the Turkish Constitution of 1921.[112] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. Atatürk, then the President, occupied a dominant position in this political system.
The one-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "People's Party", founded by Atatürk on 9 September 1923. (But according to the party culture the foundation date was the opening day of Sivas Congress on 4 September 1919). On 10 November 1924, it was renamed Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası or Republican People's Party (the word fırka was replaced by the word parti in 1935).
Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925
The abolition of the
The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Atatürk said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.[116] He wanted to integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924, when[116] İnönü, Çakmak, and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.[113] On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Atatürk said:
The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.[117]
On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the caliphate as they decided whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph.[113] A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.[113]
Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.[113] Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence. Meanwhile, Atatürk and the reformists continued their own way.[118]
On 8 April 1924, sharia courts were abolished with the law "Mehakim-i Şer'iyenin İlgasına ve Mehakim Teşkilatına Ait Ahkamı Muaddil Kanun".[119][120]
Educational reform
The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of institutions. The most common institutions were
Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."[122]
In the summer of 1924, Atatürk invited American educational reformer
Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430). With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all schools submitted their curriculum to the "
Western attire
Beginning in the fall of 1925, Atatürk encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.[123] He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II.[123] The fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925 introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Atatürk first made the hat compulsory for civil servants.[123] The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat willingly. In 1925, Atatürk wore a Panama hat during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern Western suits with neckties as well as Fedora and Derby-style hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934.
Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Atatürk never made specific reference to women's clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife
Religious insignia
On 30 August 1925, Atatürk's view on religious insignia used outside places of worship was introduced in his Kastamonu speech. This speech also had another position. He said:
In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges [tekke] and admit that their disciplines have grown up.[125][126]
On 2 September, the government issued a decree closing down all
Opposition to Atatürk in 1924–1927
In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table,
There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes[who?]. So many members were denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the Republican People's Party (CHP) that Atatürk expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party.[131] He decided not to purge this group.[131] After a censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group, Kâzım Karabekir, along with his friends, established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Atatürk. On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.[131] The CHP held all but one seat in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him,[131] Atatürk said, "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress".[131]
On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. Some of Atatürk's closest associates who had supported him in the early days of the War of Independence such as Rauf Bey (later Rauf Orbay), Refet Pasha, and Ali Fuat Pasha (later Ali Fuat Cebesoy) were among the members of the new party. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the statism of the CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of the CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.[132] The PRP was not against Atatürk's main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civil law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).[133] These principles were set by the leaders at the onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.
During 1926, a
Modernization efforts, 1926–1930
In the years following 1926, Atatürk introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established by the Ottoman Empire.[136] For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law and restricted to matters of religion.[136] He stated:
We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us.[137]
On 1 March 1926, the Turkish
In keeping with the Islamic practice of
The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection.[138]
Atatürk needed a new civil code to establish his second major step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of girls, a feat established with the unification of education. On 4 October 1926, the new Turkish civil code, modelled after the Swiss Civil Code, was passed. Under the new code, women gained equality with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce, since Atatürk did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for Turkey to achieve progress and become civilized if Ottoman gender separation persisted.[139] During a meeting he declaimed:
To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.[140]
Additionally, the Kemalist one-party period of Turkey's labor participation rate was as high as 70%. The participation rate continued to decline after the democratization of Turkey due to the backlash of conservative norms in Turkish society.[141]
In 1927, the
At the time, the republic used the
Over the next several months, Atatürk pressed for the introduction of the new Turkish alphabet and made public announcements of the upcoming overhaul. The creation of the alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Dil Encümeni) with the initiative of Atatürk.
Atatürk promoted modern
Atatürk generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official education meetings called "Science Boards" and "Education Summits" to discuss the quality of education, training issues, and certain basic educational principles. He said, "our [schools' curriculum] should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve." He was personally engaged with the development of two textbooks. The first one, Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (Civic knowledge for the citizens, 1930), introduced the science of comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to the new state institutions.[150] The second, Geometri (Geometry, 1937), was a text for high schools and introduced many of the terms currently used in Turkey to describe geometry.[151]
Opposition to Atatürk in 1930–1931
On 11 August 1930, Atatürk decided to try a multiparty movement once again and asked Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. Atatürk insisted on the protection of secular reforms. The brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. However, without the establishment of a real political spectrum, the party became the center to opposition of Atatürk's reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life.
On 23 December 1930, a chain of violent incidents occurred, instigated by the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in Menemen, a small town in the Aegean Region. The Menemen Incident came to be considered a serious threat against secular reforms.
In November 1930, Ali Fethi Okyar dissolved his own party. A more lasting
Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year. It should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes.[153]
Modernization efforts, 1931–1938
In 1931, Atatürk established the Turkish Language Association (Türk Dil Kurumu) for conducting research works in the Turkish language. The Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarih Kurumu) was established in 1931, and began maintaining archives in 1932 for conducting research works on the history of Turkey.[154] On 1 January 1928, he established the Turkish Education Association,[154] which supported intelligent and hard-working children in financial need, as well as material and scientific contributions to the educational life. In 1933, Atatürk ordered the reorganization of Istanbul University into a modern institution and later established Ankara University in the capital city.[155]
Atatürk dealt with the translation of scientific
Saffet Arıkan, a politician who was the head of the Turkish Language Association, said "Ulu Önderimiz Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal" ("Our Great Leader Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal") in the opening speech of the 2nd Language Day on 26 September 1934. Later, the surname "Atatürk" ("father of the Turks") was accepted as the surname of Mustafa Kemal after the adoption of the Surname Law in 1934.[159]
Beginning in 1932, several hundred "People's Houses" (Halkevleri) and "People's Rooms" (Halkodaları) across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. Atatürk supported and encouraged the visual and the plastic arts, which had been suppressed by Ottoman leaders, who regarded depiction of the human form as idolatry. Many museums opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and classical Western music, opera, ballet, and theatre took greater hold in the country. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow.
Almost all Qur'ans in Turkey before the 1930s were printed in Old Arabic. However, in 1924, three Turkish translations of the Qur'an were published in Istanbul, and several renderings of the
In 1934, Atatürk commissioned the first Turkish operatic work,
On 5 December 1934, Turkey moved to grant full political rights to women. The equal rights of women in marriage had already been established in the earlier Turkish civil code.[166] The role of women in Atatürk's cultural reforms was expressed in the civic book prepared under his supervision.[167] In it, he stated:
There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform.[168]
The 1935 general elections yielded 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives, compared to nine out of 615 members in the British House of Commons and six out of 435 in the US House of Representatives inaugurated that year.[169]
Unification and nationalisation efforts
When the modern
Another example of nationalisation was the
The 1934 Resettlement Law was a policy adopted by the Turkish government which set forth the basic principles of immigration.[190] The law, however, is regarded by some as a policy of assimilation of non-Turkish minorities through a forced and collective resettlement.[191]
Social policy reforms and economic progress
Atatürk was also credited for his transformational change in Turkish agriculture and ecological development. The Kemalist government planted four million trees, modernized the Turkish agricultural mechanism, implemented flood controls, opened schools in rural areas with rural institutions such as agricultural banks, and implemented land reform that removed heavy taxes on peasants of the Ottoman era. He was described as the "Father of Turkish Agriculture".[192][193] Atatürk also massively boomed the Turkish economy with heavy industrial production increased by 150% and GDP capita rose from 800 USD to around 2000 USD by late 1930s, on par with Japan.[194]
Atatürk's regime also passed the 1936 Labor Law, which gave substantial wage increases and improved the working conditions of workers in Turkish enterprises.[195]
Foreign policies
Atatürk's foreign policy followed his motto "
Issue of Mosul
The Issue of Mosul, a dispute with the United Kingdom over control of
In 1923, Atatürk tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the arbitration of the
While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee were sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the Sheikh Said rebellion (1924–1927) set out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebels and Britain was investigated. In fact, British assistance was sought after the rebels decided that the rebellion could not stand by itself.[202]
In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the northern frontier (present-day northern Iraq), the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the
Relations with the Russian SFSR/Soviet Union
In his 26 April 1920 message to Vladimir Lenin, the Bolshevik leader and head of the Russian SFSR's government Atatürk promised to coordinate his military operations with the Bolsheviks' "fight against imperialist governments" and requested 5 million lira in gold as well as armaments "as first aid" to his forces.[206] In 1920 alone, the Lenin government supplied the Kemalists with 6,000 rifles, over 5 million rifle cartridges, 17,600 projectiles as well as 200.6 kg of gold bullion. In the subsequent two years, the amount of aid increased.[207]
In March 1921, the GNA representatives in Moscow signed the Treaty of Moscow ("Friendship and Brotherhood" Treaty) with Soviet Russia, which was a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Kemalists. The Treaty of Moscow, followed by the identical Treaty of Kars in October the same year, gave Turkey a favourable settlement of its north-eastern frontier at the expense of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, then nominally an independent state.
Relations between the two countries were friendly but were based on the fact that they were against a common enemy: Britain and the West.
Despite his relations with the Soviet Union, Atatürk was not willing to commit Turkey to communism. "Friendship with Russia," he said, "is not to adopt their ideology of communism for Turkey."[208] Moreover, Atatürk declared, "Communism is a social issue. Social conditions, religion, and national traditions of our country confirm the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey."[209] And in a speech on 1 November 1924, he said, "Our amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the keystone of our foreign policy."[208]
After the Turks withdrew their delegation from Geneva on 16 December 1925, they left the League of Nations Council to grant a mandate for the Mosul region to Britain without their consent. Atatürk countered[210] by concluding a non-aggression pact with the USSR on 17 December.[211] In 1935, the pact was prolonged for another 10 years.[212]
In 1933, the
During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to establish a closer relationship with Britain and other major Western powers, which caused displeasure on the part of the Soviets. The second edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Volume 20, 1953) was unequivocally critical of Atatürk's policies in the last years of his rule, calling his domestic policies "anti-popular" and his foreign course as aimed at rapprochement with the "imperialist powers".[214]
Turkish-Greek alliance
The post-war leader of Greece, Eleftherios Venizelos, was also determined to establish normal relations between his country and Turkey. The war had devastated Western Anatolia, and the financial burden of Ottoman Muslim refugees from Greece blocked rapprochement. Venizelos moved forward with an agreement with Turkey, despite accusations of conceding too much on the issues of naval armaments and the properties of Ottoman Greeks from Turkey.[215] In spite of Turkish animosity against the Greeks, Atatürk resisted the pressures of historic enmities and was sensitive towards past tensions; at one point, he ordered the removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet into a Greek soldier by stating, "What a revolting scene!"[216]
Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory, and the two sides concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930. On 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey and signed a treaty of friendship.[217] Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize.[218] Even after Venizelos' fall from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos' successor Panagis Tsaldaris came to visit Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement called the Entente Cordiale between Greece and Turkey, which was a stepping stone for the Balkan Pact.
Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas once stated, with regard to Atatürk, that "...Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation."[219]
Neighbours to the east
From 1919, Afghanistan was in the midst of a
Atatürk and
In 1935, the draft of what would become the
Turkish Straits
On 24 July 1923, the
In March 1936, Hitler's
On 20 July 1936, the
Balkan Pact
This section needs additional citations for verification. (November 2020) |
Until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a neutral foreign policy with the West by developing joint friendship and neutrality agreements. These bilateral agreements aligned with Atatürk's worldview. By the end of 1925, Turkey had signed fifteen joint agreements with Western states.
In the early 1930s, changes and developments in world politics required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its security. Atatürk strongly believed that close cooperation between the Balkan states based on the principle of equality would have an important effect on European politics. These states had been ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries and had proved to be a powerful force. While the origins of the Balkan agreement may date as far back as 1925, the Balkan Pact came into being in the mid-1930s. Several important developments in Europe helped the original idea materialise, such as improvements in the Turkish-Greek alliance and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The most important factor in driving Turkish foreign policy from the mid-1930s onwards was the fear of Italy. Benito Mussolini had frequently proclaimed his intention to place the entire Mediterranean under Italian control. Both the Turks and the various Balkan states felt threatened by Italian ambitions.
The Balkan Pact was negotiated by Atatürk with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. This mutual-defence agreement intended to guarantee the signatories' territorial integrity and political independence against attack from another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. Atatürk thought of the Balkan Pact as a medium of balance in Turkey's relations with the European countries.[228] He was particularly anxious to establish a region of security and alliances to the west of Turkey in Europe, which the Balkan Pact helped achieve.[229]
The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. The importance of the agreement is best seen in a message Atatürk sent to the Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas:
The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force.[230]
The Balkan Pact was signed by the GNA on 28 February. The Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement a few days later. The unanimously ratified Balkan pact was formally adopted on 18 May 1935 and lasted until 1940.[citation needed]
The Balkan Pact turned out to be ineffective for reasons that were beyond Atatürk's control. The pact failed when Bulgaria attempted to raise the
Issue of Hatay
Turkish Prime-Minister İsmet İnönü was very conscious of foreign policy issues. During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to form a closer relationship with Britain. The risks of this policy change put the two men at odds. The Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement were two important developments in foreign policy that played a significant role in severing relations between Atatürk and İnönü.
In 1936, Atatürk raised the "Issue of Hatay" at the League of Nations. Hatay was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire called the Sanjak of Alexandretta. On behalf of the League of Nations, the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which established it as an autonomous sanjak within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, an election was conducted in 1938 by the local legislative assembly. The cities of Antakya (Antioch) and İskenderun (Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939.[233]
Economic policies
Atatürk instigated economic policies to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social strata (i.e. industrial bourgeoisie coexisting with the peasantry of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes.[234] Atatürk's vision regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the İzmir Economic Congress of 1923. The initial choices of Atatürk's economic policies reflected the realities of his time. After World War I, due to the lack of any real potential investors to fund private sector industry, Atatürk established many state-owned factories for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries.
State intervention, 1923–1929
Atatürk and İsmet İnönü's pursuit of state-controlled economic policies was guided by a national vision; their goal was to knit the country together, eliminate foreign control of the economy, and improve communications within Turkey. Resources were channeled away from Istanbul, a trading port with international foreign enterprises, in favor of other, less developed cities in order to achieve a more balanced economic development throughout the country.[235]
For Atatürk and his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to his pursuit of economic independence.
In 1924, with the initiative of Atatürk, the first Turkish bank
In 1927,
The Turkish government under Atatürk developed many economic and infrastructure projects within the first decade of the republic. However, the Turkish economy was still largely agrarian, with primitive tools and methods. Roads and transportation facilities were still far from sufficient, and management of the economy was inefficient.[citation needed] The Great Depression brought many changes to this picture.
Great Depression, 1929–1931
The young republic, like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep economic crisis during the Great Depression. Atatürk reacted to conditions of this period by moving toward integrated economic policies and establishing a central bank to control exchange rates. However, Turkey could not finance essential imports; its currency was shunned, and zealous revenue officials seized the meagre possessions of peasants who could not pay their taxes.[235]
In 1929, Atatürk signed a treaty that resulted in the restructuring of Turkey's debt with the Ottoman Public Debt Administration. At the time, Atatürk not only had to deal with the payment of the Ottoman public debt but also the turbulent economic issues of the Great Depression. For example, until the early 1930s, Turkish private business could not acquire exchange credits. It was impossible to integrate the Turkish economy without a solution to these problems.[citation needed]
In 1931, the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey was established.[239] The bank's primary purpose was to control the exchange rate and Ottoman Bank's role during its initial years as a central bank was phased out.[citation needed] Later specialized banks such as the Sümerbank (1932) and the Etibank (1935) were founded.
From the political economy perspective, Atatürk faced the problem of political upheaval. The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was necessary; he asked Ali Fethi Okyar to meet this end. The Liberal Republican Party (August 1930) was founded with a liberal program and proposed that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and state investment should be curtailed. Nevertheless, Atatürk maintained the view that "it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential development," and state capitalism became the dominant agenda during the depression era. In 1931, Atatürk proclaimed: "In the economic area ...the programme of the party is statism."[240] However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention became more moderate and more akin to a form of state capitalism. One of Atatürk's radical left-wing supporters, Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu from the Kadro (The Cadre) movement, claimed that Atatürk found a third way between capitalism and socialism.[241]
Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939
The first (1929–1933) and second five-year economic plans were enacted under the supervision of Atatürk. The first five-year economic plan promoted consumer substitution industries. However, these economic plans changed drastically with the death of Atatürk and the rise of World War II. Subsequent governments took measures that harmed the economic productivity of Turkey in various ways.[242] The achievements of the 1930s were credited to early 1920s implementations of the economic system based on Atatürk's national policies.[243]
In 1931, Atatürk watched the development of the first national aircraft, MMV-1. He realised the important role of aviation and stated, "the future lies in the skies".[244] The Turkish Aeronautical Association was founded on 16 February 1925 by his directive.[245] He also ordered the establishment of the Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery. Instead of the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes. Most of the lottery income was used to establish a new factory and fund aviation projects.[citation needed] However, Atatürk did not live to see the flight of the first Turkish military aircraft built at that factory. Operational American Curtiss Hawk fighters were being produced in Turkey soon after his death and before the onset of World War II.[citation needed]
In 1932, liberal economist Celâl Bayar became the Minister of Economy at Atatürk's request and served until 1937.[246] During this period, the country moved toward a mixed economy with its first private initiatives. Textile, sugar, paper, and steel factories (financed by a loan from Britain) were the private sectors of the period. Besides these businesses, government-owned power plants, banks, and insurance companies were established. In this period, Atatürk promoted public-private sector cooperation and the expansion of private businesses with private shareholders firms allowed to purchase shares in state-owned enterprises.
In 1935, the first Turkish cotton print factory "Nazilli
In 1936, Turkish industrialist Nuri Demirağ established the first Turkish aircraft factory in the Beşiktaş district of Istanbul.[250] The first Turkish airplanes, Nu D.36 and Nu D.38, were produced in this factory.[250]
On 25 October 1937, Atatürk appointed Celâl Bayar as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated economic policies reached their peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France.[242] The treaty signaled a turning point in Turkish history since it was the first step towards an alliance with the West.[242] After İsmet İnönü became president in 1938, the differences between İnönü (who promoted state control) and Bayar (who was liberal) came to the forefront. On 25 January 1939, Prime Minister Bayar resigned.[251]
Atatürk also supported the establishment of the automobile industry. The
In 1935, Turkey was becoming an industrial society based on the Western European model set by Atatürk.[254] However, the gap between Atatürk's goals and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country had not yet been closed.[254]
Personal life
Kemal Atatürk's name is associated with four women:
However, after the Turkish army entered İzmir in 1922, Atatürk met Latife while staying at the house of her father, the shipping magnate Muammer Uşakizade (later Uşaklı). Latife fell in love with Atatürk; again the extent to which this was reciprocated is unknown, but Atatürk was impressed by Latife's intellect: she was a graduate of the Sorbonne and was studying English in London when the war broke out. On 29 January 1923, they were married. Latife was jealous of Fikriye and demanded that she leave the house in Çankaya; Fikriye was devastated and immediately left in a carriage. According to official accounts, she shot herself with a pistol Atatürk had given her as a present. However, it was rumoured that she was instead murdered.[257]
The triangle of Atatürk, Fikriye, and Latife became the subject of a manuscript by Atatürk's close friend, Salih Bozok, though the work remained unpublished until 2005.[258] Latife was briefly and literally the face of the new Turkish woman, appearing in public in Western clothing with her husband.[259] However, their marriage was not happy; after frequent arguments, the two were divorced on 5 August 1925.[260]
During his lifetime, Atatürk adopted thirteen children: a boy and twelve girls. Of these, the most famous is Sabiha Gökçen, Turkey's first female pilot and the world's first female fighter pilot.[261]
There is a controversy on Atatürk's religious beliefs.
Illness and death
Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the
In his
Legacy
Turkey
Kemal Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials throughout Turkey, such as the
In 1951, the
In 2010, the French-based NGO Reporters Without Borders objected to the Turkish laws protecting the memory of Atatürk, arguing that they contradict the current European Union standards of freedom of speech in news media.[286]
Worldwide
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial.[18][19] The Atatürk Monument in Mexico City on Paseo de la Reforma; the Atatürk Monument in Baku, Azerbaijan; the Atatürk Monument in Almaty, Kazakhstan; the Atatürk Memorial in Wellington, New Zealand (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the Atatürk Memorial in the place of honour on Anzac Parade in Canberra, Australia; and squares called the Plaza Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Santiago, Chile and the Largo Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Rome, Italy are a few examples of Atatürk memorials outside Turkey. He has roads named after him in several countries, such as the Kemal Atatürk Marg in New Delhi, India; the Kemal Atatürk Avenues in Dhaka and Chittagong in Bangladesh; the Atatürk Avenue in the heart of Islamabad, Pakistan; the Atatürk Road in the southern city of Larkana in Sindh, Pakistan; Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Street in Tunis, Tunisia; Mustafá Kemal Atatürk Street in the Naco district of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic; and the street and memorial Atatürk in the Amsterdam-Noord borough of Amsterdam, Netherlands. In addition, the entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in Albany, Western Australia is named Atatürk Channel. There are many statues and streets named after Atatürk in Northern Cyprus.
Despite his radical secular reforms, Atatürk remained broadly popular in the Muslim world.[287] He is remembered for being the creator of a new, fully independent Muslim country at a time of encroachment by Christian powers, and for having prevailed in a struggle against Western imperialism.[287] When he died, the All-India Muslim League eulogised him as a "truly great personality in the Islamic world, a great general, and a great statesman", declaring that his memory would "inspire Muslims all over the world with courage, perseverance, and manliness".[287]
The range of Atatürk's admirers extends from the British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, his opponent in World War I, to the German Nazi leader and dictator Adolf Hitler,[288][289][290][291] who called Atatürk a "star in the darkness".[292] Some presidents of the United States, including Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy, also respected Atatürk. President Kennedy paid tribute to Atatürk in 1963 on the 25th anniversary of his death.[293]
As a role model that encouraged national sovereignty, Atatürk was especially revered in countries of the so-called
The Twelfth International Women Conference was held in Istanbul, Turkey on 18 April 1935, and Egyptian nationalist-feminist Huda Sha'arawi was elected by the conference as the vice-president of the International Women's Union. Huda considered Atatürk as a role model for her actions and wrote in her memoirs:
After the Istanbul conference ended, we received an invitation to attend the celebration held by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the liberator of modern Turkey ... and I said: If the Turks considered you the worthiness of their father and they called you Atatürk, I say that this is not enough, but you are for us "Atasharq" [Father of the East]. Its meaning did not come from any female head of delegation, and thanked me very much for the great influence, and then I begged him to present us with a picture of his Excellency for publication in the journal L'Égyptienne.[297]
In the epilogue of Grey Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator, first published in 1932 and the first biography of Atatürk published in his lifetime, H. C. Armstrong wrote these words:
He is a man born out of due season, an anachronism, a throw-back to the Tartars of the Steppes, a fierce elemental force of a man. Had he been born in the centuries when all Central Asia was on the move he would have ridden out with Sulyman Shah[sic] under the banner of the Grey Wolf, and with the heart and instincts of a Grey Wolf. With his military genius, and his ruthless determination unweakened by sentiments, loyalties or moralities, he might well have been a Tamerlane or a Jenghis Khan riding at the head of great hordes of wild horsemen, conquering countries, devouring and destroying cities, and filling in the intervals of peace between campaigns with wild and hideous orgies of wine and women.[298]
However, Atatürk's acclaim is not universal. As the leader of the national movement of 1919–1923, Atatürk was described by the Allies and Istanbul journalist Ali Kemal (who believed the liberation efforts would fail and cause a more severe punishment by the Allies) as a "bandit chief". Lord Balfour in this context called him the "most terrible of all the terrible Turks".[299]
Works
- Cumalı Ordugâhı - Süvâri: Bölük, Alay, Liva Tâlim ve Manevraları [Cumalı Camp - Cavalry: Company, Regiment, Brigade Training and Maneuvers], Thessaloniki, 1909.
- Ta’biye ve Tatbîkat Seyahati [Organization and Application Trip], Selanik Askeri Matbaası, 1911.
- Ta’biye Mes’elesinin Halli ve Emirlerin Sûret-i Tahrîrine Dâir Nasâyih [Advice on the Solution to the Problem of Organization and the Methods of Recording Orders], Edirne Sanayi Mektebi Matbaası, 1916.
- Taʼlîm ve Terbiye-i Askeriyye Hakkında Nokta-i Nazarlar [Points of View on Instruction and Military Training], Edirne Sanayi Mektebi Matbaası, 1916.
- Zâbit ve Kumandan ile Hasb-ı Hâl [Discourse with an Officer and a Commander], Minber Matbaası, 1918.
- Nutuk [Speech], Turkish Aeronautical Association, Ankara, 1927.
- Vatandaş için Medeni Bilgiler [Civic Information for Citizens], Milliyet Matbaası, İstanbul, 1930.
- Geometri [Geometry], 1937.
Translations
- Takımın Muharebe Tâlimi [Combat Training for the Squad], Selanik Asır Matbaası, Thessaloniki, 1908. (From German)
- Bölüğün Muharebe Tâlimi [Combat Training for the Company], 1912. (From German)
Awards and decorations
He received awards and decorations before, during, and after World War I.[300][301]
Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey
- Ottoman Empire: Fifth Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Abdul Hamid II (25 December 1906)
- Ottoman Empire: Silver Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V(30 April 1915)
- Ottoman Empire: Silver Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V (1 September 1915)
- Ottoman Empire: Golden Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V (17 January 1916)
- Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of Osmanieh awarded by Mehmed V (1 February 1916)
- Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V (12 December 1916)
- Ottoman Empire: Golden Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V(23 September 1917)
- Ottoman Empire: First Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V (16 December 1917)
- Ottoman Empire: Gallipoli Star awarded by Mehmed VI(11 May 1918)
- Turkey: Medal of Independence awarded by Grand National Assembly of Turkey (21 November 1923)
- Turkey: Murassa Order awarded by Turkish Aeronautical Association (20 May 1925)
Foreign honours
- Kingdom of Bulgaria: Commander Grand Cross Order of Saint Alexander awarded by Ferdinand I (1915)[302]
- German Empire: Wilhelm II (1915)[302]
- Austria-Hungary: Military Merit Medal (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I (1916)
- Austria-Hungary: 2nd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Charles I (1916)
- Austria-Hungary: 3rd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I (27 July 1916)
- German Empire: Wilhelm II(1917)
- German Empire: Wilhelm II(9 September 1917)
- Kingdom of Prussia: Wilhelm II(1918)
- Kingdom of Afghanistan: Alüyülala Order of Amānullāh Khān(27 March 1923)
See also
- Law on Crimes Committed Against Atatürk
- Atatürk and the Hagia Sophia
- Atatürk Forest Farm and Zoo
- European interwar dictatorships
- İleri newspaper
- Kemalism
- Kemalist historiography
- List of covers of Time magazine (1920s) – 24 March 1923 and 21 February 1927
- Nutuk
- Timeline of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
- Turkish War of Independence
Notes
- ^ /ˈmʊstəfə kəˌmɑːl ˈætətɜːrk/ ⓘ MUUSS-tə-fə kə-MAHL AT-ə-turk; Turkish: [mʊs'tafɑ ce'mɑʎ̟ ɑtɑ'tyrk].
Although he is commonly known as Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, his official name was Kemal Atatürk from 1934 until 1935, and Kamâl Atatürk from 1935 until his death. (see name section) - ^ In this Ottoman Turkish style name, the given name is Mustafa Kemal, the title is Pasha, and there is no family name.
- ^ In this Ottoman Turkish style name, the given name is Mustafa Kemal, the title is Ghazi, and there is no family name.
- ^ His birthday is unknown. 19 May–the day he landed to Samsun in 1919 to start the nationalist resistance–is considered his symbolic birthday. It was also claimed that he was born in 1880. See Personal life of Atatürk § Birth date
References
- ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6, [1]
- TDV Encyclopedia of Islam (44+2 vols.) (in Turkish). Istanbul: Turkiye Diyanet Foundation, Centre for Islamic Studies.
- ^ LCCN 2008020716. Retrieved 23 January 2021.
- ISBN 9780199546091, retrieved 9 June 2019
- ISBN 9780192800916, retrieved 9 June 2019
- OCLC 29416622.
- .
- ^ Türkiye'nin 75 yılı, Tempo Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 1998, pp. 48, 59, 250
- ^ ISBN 9780231700528.
- ^ S2CID 59138386. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
- ^ ISBN 978-90-04-22518-3.
- ^ ISBN 9781845111410. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
- . Retrieved 18 January 2013.
- . Retrieved 16 January 2013.
the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations
- ^ "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ün Nüfus Hüviyet Cüzdanı. (24.11.1934)". İşte Atatürk | Atatürk Hakkında Bilmek İstediğiniz Herşey. www.isteataturk.com. Retrieved 3 October 2023.
- ^ "Turkey commemorates Atatürk on 78th anniversary of his passing". News > Türkiye > Local. Hürriyet Daily News. ANKARA. 10 November 2016. Retrieved 21 November 2017.
- ISBN 9788171567515.
- ^ a b c Kandogan, Eser; SEFEROGLU, Süleyman Sadi (12 January 1994). "ATATURK: Creator of Modern Turkey / Mustafa Kemal Atatürk". Türkiye On The Web: A Cultural Warehouse. Thousand Lakes Web Pages. Columbia University in the City of New York. Retrieved 22 November 2017.
- ^ LCCN 83-16872.
- ^ "Balkan Pact and Turkey" by Esra S. Değerli
- ^ Afet İnan, Atatürk hakkında hâtıralar ve belgeler, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1959, p. 8.
- ^ "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk". Turkish Embassy website. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 7 August 2007.
- ^ Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Sınıf arkadaşım Atatürk: okul ve genç subaylık hâtıraları, İnkılâp ve Aka Kitabevleri, 1967, p. 6. Benim adım Mustafa. Senin adın da Mustafa. Arada bir fark olmalı, ne dersin, senin adının sonuna bir de Kemal koyalım.
- .
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, p. 37.
- ^ a b c Enis Dinç (2020). Atatürk on Screen: Documentary Film and the Making of a Leader. p. 180.
- ISBN 978-90-04-10798-4.
- ISBN 978-9944-203-01-2.[page needed]
- ^ S2CID 132176422.
- ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6, p. 25-27, p.27ff. – "Feyzullah's family is said to have come from the country near Vodina (now Edhessa in western Greek Macedonia). The surname Sofuzade, meaning 'son of a pious man', suggests that the ancestors of Zübeyde and Ali Rıza had a similar background. Cemil Bozok, son of Salih Bozok, who was a distant cousin of Atatürk and, later, his ADC, claims to have been related to both Ali Rıza's and Zübeyde's families. This would mean that the families of Atatürk's parents were interrelated. Cemil Bozok also notes that his paternal grandfather, Safer Efendi, was of Albanian origin. This may have a bearing on the vexed question of Atatürk's ethnic origin. Atatürk's parents and relatives all used Turkish as their mother tongue. This suggests that some at least of their ancestors had originally come from Turkey, since local Muslims of Albanian and Slav origin who had no ethnic connection with Turkey spoke Albanian, Serbo-Croat or Bulgarian, at least so long as they remained in their native land. But in looks Atatürk resembled local Albanians and Slavs.[...] But there is no evidence that either Ali Riza or Zübeyde was descended from such Turkish nomads." page 28; "It is much more likely that Atatürk inherited his looks from his Balkan ancestors.[...] But Albanians and Slavs are likely to have figured among his ancestors."
- ^ Mango, Andrew, Atatürk: the biography of the founder of modern Turkey, (Overlook TP, 2002), p. 27.
- ^ a b Jackh, Ernest, The Rising Crescent, (Goemaere Press, 2007), p. 31, Turkish mother and Albanian father
- ^ a b Isaac Frederick Marcosson, Turbulent Years, Ayer Publishing, 1969, p. 144.
- ^ Richmond, Yale (1995). From Da to Yes: Understanding the East Europeans. Intercultural Press Inc. p. 212.
- ^ Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 17. (in Turkish)
- ISBN 975-7696-97-8, p. 37, dipnote no. 6 (Atay, 1980, s. 17)
- ^ Cunbur, Müjgân. Türk dünyası edebiyatçıları ansiklopedisi, 2. cilt (2004), Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı: "Babası Ali Rıza Efendi (doğ. 1839), annesi Zübeyde Hanımdır, baba dedesi Hafız Ahmet Efendi, 14–15. yy.da Anadolu'dan göç ederek Makedonya'ya yerleşen Kocacık Yörüklerindendir."
- ^ Kartal, Numan. Atatürk ve Kocacık Türkleri (2002), T.C. Kültür Bakanlığı: "Aile Selânik'e Manastır ilinin Debrei Bâlâ sancağına bağlı Kocacık bucağından gelmişti. Ali Rıza Efendi'nin doğum yeri olan Kocacık bucağı halkı da Anadolu'dan gitme ve tamamıyla Türk, Müslüman Oğuzların Türkmen boylarındandırlar."
- ^ Dinamo, Hasan İzzettin. Kutsal İsyan: Millî Kurtuluş Savaşı'nın Gerçek Hikâyesi, 2. cilt (1986), Tekin Yayınevi.
- ^ "Mustafa Kemal Ataturk – memorial museum in village Kodzadzik (Коџаџик) in Municipality Centar Zupa (Центар Жупа)". Macedonia Travel Blog. 24 May 2013. Archived from the original on 4 November 2014. Retrieved 23 April 2018.
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His mother, Subeida, was the daughter of a small tenant of a farm in Southern Albania. According to such reliable evidence as I was able to collect, this blonde-haired, blue-eyed, robust woman was an Albanian whose mother, in turn, was a Macedonian. Mustapha Kemal with his blue eyes and blond hair resembled his...
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Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk'ün emriyle 10'uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina ettik... - ISBN 978-1-4008-3817-2. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
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"Yurtta Sulh" herşeyden önce ülkede, o insanın, insanca yaşamasını, insanlık tıynetinin gereğinin tanınmasını ifade eder".
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Haricî siyaset bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkülü dahilisi ile sıkı surette alâkadardır. Çünkü teşekkül-ü dahiliyeye istinat etmeyen haricî siyasetler daima mahkûm kalırlar. Bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkül-ü dahilisi ne kadar kuvvetli olursa, siyaset-i hariciyesi de o nisbette kavi ve rasin olur.
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... Ata'nın öncelikli dış politika sorununun Musul olduğunu söylüyor. Musul'u bırakmama konusunda aktif bir politika izlenmesinden yana olduğunu belirtiyor...
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Nazilli cotton print factory was established over an area of 65.000 m2 on the Nazilli Bozdoğan highway. It is the "first Turkish cotton print factory" the foundation of which was laid on 25 August 1935 and which was opened by Atatürk with great ceremony.
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For example, in 1938, on his birthday, in a meeting with a delegation of Turkish politicians and journalists, he reaffirmed the primal and original role Atatürk had played for him and in doing so also pinpointed what was the essence of most far-right and Nazi interpretations of Atatürk in interwar Germany: "Atatürk was the first to show that it is possible to mobilize and regenerate the resources that a country has lost. In this respect Atatürk was a teacher; Mussolini was his first and I his second student."
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"Turkey had been our ally in the World War. Its unfortunate result was as heavy a burden for Turkey as it was for us. The great and ingenious reconstructor of the new Turkey gave his Allies, beaten by fate, the first example of resurrection. While Turkey, thanks to the realistic attitude of her State leadership, preserved her independent attitude Yugoslavia fell a victim to British intrigues."
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