Nanaya
Nanaya | |
---|---|
Goddess of love | |
Major cult center | Uruk, Larsa, Borsippa |
Abode | Eanna |
Personal information | |
Parents | |
Consort | sometimes Nabu or Muati |
Children | possibly Kanisurra and Gazbaba |
Equivalents | |
Amorite equivalent | Pidray |
Assyrian equivalent | Tashmetum (as Nabu's spouse) |
Nanaya (
While she is well attested in Mesopotamian textual sources from many periods, from the times of the Third Dynasty of Ur to the Fall of Babylon and beyond, and was among the most commonly-worshipped goddesses through much of Mesopotamian history, both her origin and the meaning of her name are unknown. It has been proposed that she originated either as a minor Akkadian goddess or as a hypostasis of Sumerian Inanna, but the evidence is inconclusive.
Her primary role was that of a goddess of love, and she was associated with eroticism and sensuality, though she was also a patron of lovers, including rejected or betrayed ones. Especially in early scholarship, she was often assumed to be a goddess of the planet Venus like Inanna, but this view is no longer supported by most Assyriologists.
In addition to Inanna, she could be associated with other deities connected either to love or to the city of Uruk, such as Ishara, Kanisurra or Uṣur-amāssu.
Name and origin
It is accepted in modern literature that "Nanaya" is more likely to be the correct form of the goddess' name than "Nana," sometimes used in past scholarship.
Two theories which are now regarded as discredited but which gained some support in past scholarship include the view that Nanaya was in origin an Aramean deity, implausible in the light of Nanaya being attested before the Arameans and their language, and an attempt to explain her name as derived from Elamite, which is unlikely due to her absence from oldest Elamite sources.[6] Occasionally Indo-European etymologies are proposed too,[1] but the notion that there was an Indo-European substrate in Mesopotamia is generally considered to be the product of faulty methodology and words to which such an origin had been attributed in past studies tend to have plausible Sumerian, Semitic or Hurrian origin.[7]
Frans Wiggermann proposes that Nanaya was originally an epithet of Inanna connected to her role as a goddess of love, and that the original form of the name had the meaning "My Inanna!" but eventually developed into a separate, though similar, deity.[8] Olga Drewnowska-Rymarz considers it a possibility that Nanaya was initially a hypostasis of "Inanna as quintessence of womanhood," similar to how Annunitum represented her as a warrior.[9] However, Joan Goodnick Westenholz argued that the view that Nanaya was a manifestation of Inanna in origin should be considered a misconception.[10]
An artificial Sumerian etymology was created for the name in late Babylonian texts, deriving it from NA, "to call," with a feminine suffix, A.[2] A possible translation of this ancient scholarly explanation is "the one who keeps calling" or "the calling one".[11] Invented etymologies were a common topic of late cuneiform commentaries.[2]
Functions and iconography
Nanaya's primary function was that of a goddess of love, and she was referred to as bēlet ru'āmi, "lady of love".[12] The physical aspect of love was particularly strongly associated with her, and texts dedicated to her could be explicit.[13] For example, a cultic song describes her in the following terms: "When you lean the side against the wall, your nakedness is sweet, when [you] bow down, the hips are sweet," and indicates that the goddess was believed to charge fees for sexual services.[14] She was also viewed as a guardian of lovers,[15] according to a text from Sippar (Si 57) titled "The Faithful Lover" and to some spells especially the disillusioned or rejected ones.[16] Joan Goodnick Westenholz describes her character as seen through the Sumerian texts as that of a "sweet erotic lover"[14] and "perpetual lover and beloved".[10]
A characteristic frequently attributed to Nanaya as a goddess of love, present in the majority of royal inscriptions pertaining to her and in many other documents, was described with the Sumerian word ḫili[17] and its Akkadian equivalent kubzu, which can be translated as charm, luxuriance, voluptuousness or sensuality.[18] Joan Goodnick Westenholz favors "sensuality" in translations of epithets involving this term,[19] while Paul-Alain Beaulieu - "voluptuousness."[20] Such titles include belet kubzi, "lady of voluptuousness/sensuality," and nin ḫili šerkandi, "the lady adorned with voluptuousness/sensuality."[21] An inscription of Esarhaddon describes her as "adorned with voluptuousness and joy."[22] However, it was not an attribute exclusively associated with her, and in other sources it is described as a quality of both male and female deities, for example Shamash, Aya, Ishtar and Nisaba.[21]
Nanaya was also associated with kingship, especially in the Isin-Larsa period, when a relationship with her, possibly some type of hieros gamos, was "an aspect of true kingship".[23] Joan Goodnick Westenholz rules out any association between Nanaya and nursing in the context of royal ideology.[24]
Nanaya was also one of the deities believed to protect from the influence of the demon lamashtu, in this role often acting alongside Ishtar.[25]
Nanaya eventually developed a distinctly warlike aspect, mostly present in relation to the so-called "Nanaya Eurshaba", worshipped in Borsippa independently from Nabu.[26] She was instead associated with the god Mār-bīti, described as warlike and as a "terrifying hero",[27] and, like in Uruk, with Uṣur-amāssu.[28] Like Inanna, she could also be identified with Irnina, the deified victory.[29]
According to Joan Goodnick Westenholz it is possible that a further aspect of Nanaya which presently cannot be determined is alluded to in an incantation from Isin, according to which she was the denizen of a location usually regarded as profane rather than sacred, the šutummu, understood as treasury, storehouse or granary.[14] The text contrasts her dwelling place with the dais on which Ishtar sits.[14]
Neo-Babylonian archives from Uruk contain extensive lists of cultic paraphernalia dedicated to Nanaya, including a feathered tiara (presumably similar to that depicted on the kudurru of Meli-Shipak II), a crown, multiple breast ornaments (including breastplates decorated with depictions of snakes and fantastic animals), assorted jewelry and other small valuables like mirrors and cosmetic jars, and a large variety of garments, some of them decorated with golden rosette-shaped sequins).[30]
In a single late text Nanaya is associated with an unidentified spice, ziqqu.[31]
Astral associations
One of the most recurring questions in scholarship about Nanaya through history was her potential association with Venus, or lack thereof. Many early Assyriologists assumed that Nanaya was fully interchangeable with Inanna and likewise a Venus goddess, but in the 1990s Joan Goodnick Westenholz challenged this view,[32] and her conclusions were accepted by most subsequent studies. Westenholz argues that the evidence for an association between Nanaya and the planet Venus is scarce, and an argument can be made that she was more often associated with the moon.[33] Olga Drewnowska-Rymarz, following her research, concluded in her monograph Mesopotamian Goddess Nanajā that Nanaya was not herself a Venus goddess, and at most could acquire some such characteristics due to association or conflation with Inanna/Ishtar.[34] Michael P. Streck and Nathan Wassermann in an article from 2013 also follow the conclusions of Westenholz and do not suggest an association with Venus in discussion of Nanaya as a luminous deity.[35] Piotr Steinkeller nonetheless asserted as recently as 2013 that Nanaya was simply a Venus goddess fully analogous to Inanna, and interchangeable both with her and with Ninsianna, without discussing the current state of research.[36] Ninsianna is well attested as a Venus deity and was associated with Ishtar and the Hurrian form of Pinikir who had similar character,[37] but Nanaya was regarded as a figure distinct from Ninsianna in Uruk[38] and in Larsa.[39]
Corona Borealis was associated with Nanaya in astronomical texts.[40]
Nanaya in art
While references to statues of Nanaya are known from earlier periods, with no less than six mentions already present in documents from the Ur III period,[42] the oldest presently known depiction of her is the kudurru of Kassite king Meli-Shipak II, which shows her in a flounced robe and a crown decorated with feathers.[43] This work of art is regarded as unusual, as the inscription and the deity depicted on the monument are integrated with each other.[44] The other figures depicted on it are the king in mention, Meli-Shipak II, and his daughter Ḫunnubat-Nanaya, who he leads to the enthroned goddess.[44] Above them the symbols of Ishtar, Shamash and Sin are placed, most likely in order to make these deities serve as a guarantee of the land grant described in the accompanying text.[45]
Another possible depiction of Nanaya is present on a kudurru from Borsippa from the reign of Nabu-shuma-ishkun.[46]
On an Aramean pithos from Assur Nanaya is depicted in robes with a pattern of stars and crescents.[47]
A number of Hellenized depictions of Nanaya are known from the Parthian period, one possible example being the figure of a naked goddess discovered as a tomb deposit,[47] wearing a crescent-shaped diadem.[41] Late depictions also often show her with a bow, but it is uncertain if it was a part of her iconography before the Hellenistic period.[48]
Associations with other deities
Deities from the circle of Inanna
God lists consistently associated Nanaya with Inanna and her circle, starting with the so-called
Many sources present Nanaya as a
A variety of epithets associate Nanaya both with Inanna and the Eanna temple, for example "ornament of Eanna", "pride of the Eanna", "the deity who occupies the high throne of the land of Uruk".[58]
As early as in the Ur III period, Nanaya came to be associated with the goddess Bizilla.
Much like Ninshubur, Nanaya was frequently associated with the lamma goddesses, a class of minor deities believed to intercede between humans and major gods, and in some texts she is called the "lady of lamma."[65] One example comes from inscriptions of Kudur-Mabuk and Rim-Sîn I, who apparently regarded Nanaya as capable of mediating on their behalf with An and Inanna, and of assigning lamma deities to them.[66]
The Elamite goddess Narundi, in Mesopotamia best known for her connection to the Sebitti, was possibly associated with Nanaya or Ishtar.[72]
Kanisurra and Gazbaba
The minor goddess Kanisurra and Gazbaba were regarded as attendants and hairdressers of Nanaya.[73] The latter was associated with the sexual sphere, and her name might be derived from the term kubzu,[74] frequently attested in association with Nanaya.[18] In Šurpu she is described as the "smiling one," which might also point at a connection to eroticism, as smiles are commonly highlighted in Akkadian erotic poetry.[74] Paul-Alain Bealieu notes that association with Nanaya is the best attested characteristic of the otherwise enigmatic Kanisurra, and that her name might therefore simply be an Akkadian or otherwise non-standard pronunciation of ganzer, a Sumerian term for the underworld or its entrance.[75]
It is commonly assumed that both Kanisurra and Gazbaba were daughters of Nanaya.[76][77] However, as remarked by Gioele Zisa there is however no direct evidence in favor of this interpretation.[78] In the Weidner god list, the line explaining whose daughter Kanisurra is, is not preserved.[79]
In one text from the Maqlû corpus Ishtar, Dumuzi, Nanaya identified as "lady of love") and Kanisurra (identified as "mistress of the witches", bēlet kaššāpāti) were asked to counter the influence of a malevolent spell.[80] In some love incantations, Ishtar, Nanaya, Kanisurra and Gazbaba are invoked together.[81] Another goddess sometimes associated with combinations of them in such texts was Ishara.[82]
In late texts Kanisurra and Gazbaba are collectively labeled as "Daughters of Ezida".[83] Most groups of such "divine daughters" are known from northern Mesopotamia: Ezida in Borsippa, Esagil in Babylon, Emeslam in Kutha, Edubba in Kish, Ebabbar in Sippar, Eibbi-Anum in Dilbat, and from an unidentified temple of Ningublaga,[84] though examples are also known from Uruk, Nippur, Eridu and even Arbela in Assyria.[85] Based on the fact that daughters of Esagil and of Ezida are identified as members of courts of Sarpanit and of Nanaya respectively, specifically as their hairdressers, it has been proposed by Andrew R. George that these pairs of goddesses were imagined as maidservants in the household of the major deity or deities of a given temple.[84]
Marital status
In love incantations, Nanaya occurs with an anonymous lover in parallel with Ishtar/Inanna with Dumuzi[10] and Ishara with almanu, a common noun of uncertain meaning whose proposed translations include "widower," "man without family obligations," or perhaps simply "lover."[86]
In some early sources Nanaya's spouse was the sparsely attested god
In the first millennium BCE pairing Nabu with Nanaya in some cases, for example in Uruk, represented efforts to subordinate the pantheons of various areas of Mesopotamia to the dominant state ideology of the Babylonian empire, which elevated Marduk and Nabu above other deities.[89]
One late Babylonian litany assigns the epithets of Tashmetum, but also Ninlil and Sarpanit, to Nanaya.[92]
Parentage
Texts from the reign of Rim-Sin I and Samsu-Iluna are the oldest sources to identify her as a daughter of Anu,[98] a view later also present in an inscription of Esarhaddon.[22] Paul-Alain Beaulieu speculates that Nanaya developed in a milieu in which An and Inanna were viewed as a couple, and that she was initially envisioned as their daughter.[99] However, as noted by Olga Drewnowska-Rymarz, direct references to Nanaya being regarded as the daughter of Inanna are not common, and it is possible that an epithet indicating closeness between the deities rather than a statement about actual parentage is meant.[98] References to Nanaya as a daughter of Sin, likely a result of syncretism between her and Ishtar are also known, for example from a hymn from the reign of the neo-Assyrian king Sargon II.[100]
Other attested connections
It is possible that the goddess Ninḫilisu (Sumerian: "graceful lady"), who was worshipped in
In a bilingual
Worship
First texts mentioning Nanaya come from the period of Shulgi's reign.[49] She is attested in the administrative texts from Puzrish-Dagan, where she is among the 12 deities who received offerings the most frequently.[4] Records also show that queen Shulgi-simti, one of the wives of Shulgi, made offerings to many foreign or minor deities, among them Nanaya, as well as "Allatum" (the Hurrian goddess Allani), Ishara, Belet Nagar, Belet-Šuḫnir and Belet-Terraban.[105]
Her principal cult center was Uruk,
Nanaya was among the deities taken away from Uruk when Sennacherib sacked the city, though she was subsequently returned to it by Esarhaddon.[100] Ashurbanipal also claimed that he brought her statue back to Uruk, though he instead states that she spent 1635 years in Elam.[113] It is presently unknown what event his inscriptions refer to, and it might merely be a rhetorical figure.[114] If it refers to a historical event, it is possible that it occurred during the reign of Ebi-Eshuh, during which Elamites raided Sippar and perhaps Kish, though due to lack of any sources other than the aforementioned late annals this cannot be conclusively proven.[115]
Offerings made to Nanaya in neo-Babylonian Uruk included dates, barley, emmer, flour, beer, sweets, cakes, fish and meat of oxen, sheep, lambs, ducks, geese and turtle doves.[116]
After the reorganization of the pantheon of Uruk around Anu and
The name Eshahulla, known from Uruk, was applied to a temple in Larsa built by Kudur-Mabuk and his son Rim-Sin I, which seemingly was also a temple of Inanna, unless two temples with the same name existed in the same city.
In offering lists from the archives of the First Dynasty of Sealand Nanaya appears alongside various hypostases of Inanna, including Inanna of Larsa, though the latter could also be associated with the rainbow goddess Manzat instead.[120] In a single case, Nanaya is also accompanied by Kanisurra in an offering list.[120]
A temple of Nanaya built by Lipit-Ishtar existed in Isin.[121] The oldest recorded hymn dedicated to her also comes from this city.[17] However, there is overall less evidence for the worship of Nanaya in Isin than in Larsa, as the kings of Isin apparently favored the goddesses Ninisina and Ninsianna instead.[119]
In Babylon Nanaya is attested for the first time during the reign of Sumulael, who ordered statues of her and of Inanna to be fashioned in his twenty sixth year on the throne.[122] Later she was worshipped in the Eturkalamma, "house, cattle pen of the land," built by Hammurabi for deities of Uruk - Inanna, Nanaya, Anu[123] and Kanisurra,[124] and later on in the temples Emeurur and Eurshaba, "house, oracle of the heart."[125] A temple named Eurshaba existed in Borsippa too, though Nanaya was worshipped in a chapel in Ezida, the temple of Nabu as well.[126] A late ritual text describes the procession undertaken by Nanaya, her court and various other deities from Borsippa to Kish.[124] A festival celebrating the marriage of Nanaya and Nabu is still attested from Borsippa from Seleucid times. A unique writing of Nanaya's name, dNIN.KA.LI, is known from documents related to it.[127]
In the late Old Babylonian period the cult of Nanaya was also introduced to Kish, where the clergy of Uruk found refuge after abandoning the temporarily destroyed city.[43]
Temples of Nanaya are also attested from Kazallu (Eshahulla, "house of the happy heart"),[128] and from Nerebtum, though the name of the latter is not known, and it is simply called e dNa-na-a-a in known texts.[123]
In Nippur Nanaya had no temple of her own, though offerings to her are attested from a temple of Ninurta located there.[55]
It is possible that Nanaya was worshipped in Der, though the evidence is limited to a list of deities of that city taken away by Shamshi-Adad V during his fifth campaign against Babylonia.[129] Some evidence also exists for offerings made to her in Sippar and in Dur-Kurigalzu.[129]
In Assur, there was a gate named in honor of Nanaya and Uṣur-amāssu.
There is a lot of evidence for private worship of Nanaya, including seals with the phrase "servant of Nanaya" seemingly owned by many women.
Outside Mesopotamia
In offering lists from Ur III period Mari, a goddess named dNin-Na-na-a, seemingly Nanaya with the determinative "lady" (nin) added to her name, appears in among gods introduced from Uruk, alongside Ninshubur, Dumuzi and (Nin-)Bizila.[140] Additionally, a deity of uncertain identity known from Mari and Khana, Nanni, is more likely to be connected to Nanaya than Nanna, as the name is grammatically feminine.[141] In the west Nanaya is also attested in Emar, though only in a god list.[142]
The only known reference to worship of Nanaya among the Hittites comes from a single document mentioning her as the goddess of the town Malidaskuriya in the district of Durmitta, located in the proximity of the middle of the river Kızılırmak.[143] It has been proposed that her worship in that location was a relic of Old Assyrian practices.[143] Possible theophoric names are known from Hittite sources too.[144]
Nanaya was also worshipped in Susa in Elam,[145] where she is particularly well attested in Seleucid times.[146] It is uncertain at which point was she introduced to this city, though it has been proposed her arrival in the local pantheon was connected with the theft of her statue during a raid.[147] Greek authors regarded her as the main goddess of Susa.[147]
Literature
A bilingual Sumero-Akkadian
In a mythical explanation of the rites of Egashankalamma (the temple of the Assyrian
In the Hurrian tale of
Later relevance
In a papyrus from
Nanaya is mentioned in the
The last Mesopotamian reference to Nanaya appears in a
Some late references to a goddess partially derived from Nanaya are known from Sogdia, where a Greek and Kushan-influenced version of her was worshipped in Panjakent as late as in the eighth century.[166] Her depictions in Sogdian art have no clear forerunners in earlier tradition, and appear to be based on four-armed Mahayana Buddhist figures.[167]
Syriac scholar
References
- ^ a b c Westenholz 1997, p. 58.
- ^ a b c Beaulieu 2003, p. 182.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 57.
- ^ a b c d Westenholz 1997, p. 60.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 21.
- ^ Rubio 1999, pp. 6–8.
- ^ Wiggermann 2011, p. 417.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 156.
- ^ a b c Westenholz 1997, p. 80.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 97.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, pp. 64–65.
- ^ a b c d Westenholz 1997, p. 65.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 125.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 120.
- ^ a b c Westenholz 1997, p. 68.
- ^ a b c Beaulieu 2003, p. 184.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, pp. 67–68.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, pp. 184–185.
- ^ a b Beaulieu 2003, p. 185.
- ^ a b Beaulieu 2003, p. 188.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, pp. 68–69.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 67.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 99–100.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 282.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 281.
- ^ Riva & Galetti 2018, p. 192.
- ^ Streck & Wasserman 2013, p. 184.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, pp. 191–208.
- ^ a b Westenholz 1997, p. 74.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 6–7.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 64.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 154–155.
- ^ Streck & Wasserman 2013, pp. 183–184.
- ^ Steinkeller 2013, p. 109.
- ^ Beckman 1998, p. 27.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 126.
- ^ a b Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 92.
- ^ a b Stol 1998, p. 147.
- ^ a b Westenholz 2014, p. 184.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 45.
- ^ a b Westenholz 1997, p. 71.
- ^ a b Westenholz 2014, p. 168.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 169.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, pp. 178–180.
- ^ a b Westenholz 2014, p. 182.
- ^ a b c d e f Westenholz 1997, p. 79.
- ^ a b Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 9.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 23.
- ^ Stol 1998, p. 146.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 42.
- ^ a b Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 104.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 30–31.
- ^ a b Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 65.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 131.
- ^ Cousin & Watai 2016, p. 21.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 106.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 59.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 79.
- ^ Cavigneaux & Krebernik 1998a, p. 617.
- ^ Peterson 2009, p. 239.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 112.
- ^ Peterson 2016, p. 38.
- ^ a b Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 56.
- ^ George 2000, p. 296.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 103.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 59.
- ^ Beaulieu 2014, p. 512.
- ^ Schwemer 2001, pp. 68–69.
- ^ Wiggermann 2011a, p. 462.
- ^ Edzard 1980, p. 389.
- ^ a b Zisa 2021, p. 141.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 316.
- ^ George 1993, p. 34.
- ^ a b c Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 31.
- ^ Zisa 2021, pp. 141–142.
- ^ Zisa 2021, p. 142.
- ^ Abusch 2015, p. 105.
- ^ Zisa 2021, p. 138.
- ^ Zisa 2021, p. 139.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 77.
- ^ a b George 2000, p. 295.
- ^ MacGinnis 2020, p. 109.
- ^ Zisa 2021, p. 434.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, pp. 185–186.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 186.
- ^ a b Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 105.
- ^ Horry 2013.
- ^ a b Westenholz 1997, p. 76.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 127.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2014, p. 404.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 139.
- ^ Lambert 1983, p. 419.
- ^ Krebernik 2014, p. 405.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 76–77.
- ^ a b Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 30.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 317.
- ^ a b c d Beaulieu 2003, p. 187.
- ^ Cavigneaux & Krebernik 1998, p. 378.
- ^ George & Krebernik 2022, p. 114.
- ^ a b George & Krebernik 2022, p. 119.
- ^ George & Krebernik 2022, p. 139.
- ^ Sharlach 2007, p. 365.
- ^ a b Beaulieu 2003, p. 183.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 213.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 133.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 214.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Krebernik 2011, pp. 71–72.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 185-186.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, pp. 188–189.
- ^ a b Beaulieu 2003, p. 189.
- ^ Boivin 2018, pp. 104–105.
- ^ Beaulieu 2003, pp. 208–212.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 83.
- ^ a b Westenholz 1997, p. 69.
- ^ a b c Boivin 2018, p. 210.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 10.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 70.
- ^ a b Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 57.
- ^ a b George 2000, p. 291.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 62–63.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 63.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, pp. 124–125.
- ^ George 1993, p. 143.
- ^ a b c Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 64.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 273.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 242.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 11–12.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 88.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 86.
- ^ Cousin & Watai 2016, p. 17.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 86–93.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, pp. 279–280.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 69.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 173.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 25.
- ^ Krebernik 1993, p. 361.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 26.
- ^ a b Cammarosano 2015, p. 208.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 93.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, pp. 159–160.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 181.
- ^ a b Westenholz 2014, p. 186.
- ^ a b Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 116.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 73.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, pp. 116–117.
- ^ a b c Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 117.
- ^ Nissinen & Mattila 2021.
- ^ Beckman 1998, p. 5.
- ^ Westenholz 1997, p. 72.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 542.
- ^ a b Westenholz 1997, p. 78.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 187.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 185.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 188.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 170.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 189.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 190.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 191.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, pp. 187–188.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 100.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 192.
- ^ Westenholz 2014, p. 193.
- ^ Drewnowska-Rymarz 2008, p. 167.
Bibliography
- Abusch, Tzvi (2015). The Witchcraft Series Maqlu. Writings from the Ancient World. SBL Press. ISBN 978-1-62837-085-0. Retrieved 2022-03-13.
- Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On Divine Powers, Roles, Relationships and Gender in Mesopotamian Textual and Visual Sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0.
- Beaulieu, Paul-Alain (2003). The Pantheon of Uruk During the Neo-Babylonian Period. Leiden Boston: Brill STYX. OCLC 51944564.
- Beaulieu, Paul-Alain (2014), "Uṣur-awāssu (Akkadischer Gott) · Uṣur-awāssu (Akkadian god)", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2023-04-22
- Beckman, Gary (1998). "Ištar of Nineveh Reconsidered". Journal of Cuneiform Studies. 50. American Schools of Oriental Research: 1–10. S2CID 163362140. Retrieved 2022-03-12.
- Beckman, Gary (1999). "The Goddess Pirinkir and Her Ritual from Ḫattuša (CTH 644)". Ktèma: Civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques. 24 (1). PERSEE Program: 25–39. ISSN 0221-5896.
- Boivin, Odette (2018). The First Dynasty of the Sealand in Mesopotamia. De Gruyter. ISBN 978-1-5015-0782-3.
- Cammarosano, Michele (2015). "Foreign Gods in Hatti: a New Edition of CTH 510". KASKAL. Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico. 12 (12). Padova: Sargon: 199–244. doi:10.1400/239734. Retrieved 2022-03-13.
- Cavigneaux, Antoine; Krebernik, Manfred (1998), "Nin-ḫilisu", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-04-22
- Cavigneaux, Antoine; Krebernik, Manfred (1998a), "Nungal", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-03-12
- Cousin, Laura; Watai, Yoko (2016). "Onomastics of Women in Babylonia in the First Millennium BC". Orient. 51. Tokyo: The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (NIPPON ORIENTO GAKKAI): 3–27. S2CID 166601142.
- Drewnowska-Rymarz, Olga (2008). Mesopotamian goddess Nanāja. Warszawa: Agade. OCLC 263460607.
- Edzard, Dietz-Otto (1980), "Kanisurra", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-03-12
- George, Andrew R. (1993). House most high: the temples of ancient Mesopotamia. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. OCLC 27813103.
- George, Andrew R. (2000). "Four Temple Rituals from Babylon". Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Assyriology in Honour of W. G. Lambert. Eisenbrauns. ISBN 978-1-57506-004-0. Retrieved 2022-03-07.
- George, Andrew; Krebernik, Manfred (2022). "Two Remarkable Vocabularies: Amorite-Akkadian Bilinguals!". Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale. 116 (1). CAIRN: 113–166. S2CID 255918382.
- Haas, Volkert (2015). Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2022-03-13.
- Horry, Ruth (2013), "Tašmetu (goddess)", Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses, Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus, UK Higher Education Academy
- Krebernik, Manfred (1993), "Mondgott A. I. In Mesopotamien", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-03-12
- Krebernik, Manfred (2011), "Šarrāḫītu", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-03-10
- Krebernik, Manfred (2014), "Uraš A", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-03-09
- Lambert, Wilfred G. (1983), "Lāgamāl", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-03-09
- MacGinnis, John (2020). "The gods of Arbail". In Context: the Reade Festschrift. Archaeopress Publishing Ltd. S2CID 234551379. Retrieved 2022-03-05.
- Nissinen, Marrti; Mattila, Raija (2021). "The Temple of Ištar of Arbela". Advances in Ancient, Biblical, and Near Eastern Research. ISSN 2748-6419. Retrieved 2022-11-03.
- Peterson, Jeremiah (2009). "Two New Sumerian Texts Involving The Netherworld and Funerary Offerings". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. 99 (2). S2CID 162329196.
- Peterson, Jeremiah (2016). "UET 6/1, 74, the Hymnic Introduction of a Sumerian Letter-Prayer to Ninšubur". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie. 106 (1). Walter de Gruyter GmbH. S2CID 164470953.
- Riva, Rocío Da; Galetti, Gianluca (2018). "Two Temple Rituals from Babylon". Journal of Cuneiform Studies. 70 (1). University of Chicago Press: 189–227. S2CID 165598135.
- Rubio, Gonzalo (1999). "On the Alleged "Pre-Sumerian Substratum"". Journal of Cuneiform Studies. 51. American Schools of Oriental Research: 1–16. S2CID 163985956. Retrieved 2022-03-13.
- Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. OCLC 48145544.
- Sharlach, Tonia (2007). "Shulgi-simti and the Representation of Women in Historical Sources". Ancient Near Eastern art in context: studies in honor of Irene J. Winter. Leiden, Boston: Brill. OCLC 648616171.
- Steinkeller, Piotr (2013). "More on the Nature and History of the Goddess Nanaya" (PDF). N.A.B.U. Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires (4). ISSN 0989-5671. Retrieved 2022-03-13.
- Stol, Martin (1998), "Nanaja", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-03-12
- Streck, Michael P.; Wasserman, Nathan (2013). "More Light on Nanāya" (PDF). Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. 102 (2). De Gruyter: 183–201. S2CID 163386405.
- Westenholz, Joan Goodnick (1997). "Nanaya: Lady of Mystery". In Finkel, I. L.; Geller, M. J. (eds.). Sumerian Gods and their Representations. STYX Publications. ISBN 978-90-56-93005-9.
- Westenholz, Joan Goodnick (2014). "Trading the Symbols of the Goddess Nanaya". Religions and Trade. Brill. pp. 167–198. ISBN 9789004255302.
- Wiggermann, Frans A. M. (2011), "Sexualität A. In Mesopotamien · Sexuality A. In Mesopotamia", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-03-13
- Wiggermann, Frans A. M. (2011a), "Siebengötter A. Mesopotamien · Seven gods A. In Mesopotamia", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-03-13
- Zisa, Gioele (2021). The Loss of Male Sexual Desire in Ancient Mesopotamia. De Gruyter. S2CID 243923454.
External links
- A tigi to Nanaya for Išbi-Erra (Išbi-Erra C) in the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature
- A balbale to Inana as Nanaya (Inana H) in the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature
- A German translation of Appu (CTH 360.1) in Mythen der Hethiter. Das Projekt of the University of Marburg