National and regional identity in Spain

Both the perceived nationhood of Spain, and the perceived distinctions between different parts of its territory derive from historical, geographical, linguistic, economic, political, ethnic and social factors.

Present-day Spain was formed in the wake of the expansion of the Christian states in northern Spain, a process known as the

embodies an attempt to recognise nationalities and regional identities within Spain as a basis for devolution of power.

From the Reconquista onwards, in most parts of the peninsula, territories have identified themselves as distinct from the rest of Spain in one of three ways. In the north:

.

Demands for greater autonomy or full independence remain in certain regions, conflicting with the view that decentralisation has already gone far enough.[1] The most dramatic recent manifestations of separatism have been the violent campaign by the Basque ETA group in the late 20th century, and the unilateral Catalan declaration of independence in 2017.

Aspects of unity and diversity within Spain

Geographical

arid

conditions in Spain

... the Peninsula strongly asserts a fundamental unity comprising considerable variety

— Madariaga, p. 177–8

Mainland Spain has been characterised historically by relative inaccessibility from outside and by difficult communication between different parts of it. "[W]alls and battlements divide within itself the territory which walls and battlements separate from other countries".^[2] In contrast to the "vast monotony" of the central plateau, the surrounding peripheral areas "present to the traveler every possible landscape".^[3] Diversity in forms of agriculture and its productivity are conditioned by the contrasts in rainfall between "wet" and "dry" Spain, and to the extent that irrigation has been introduced.^[4] In the past the peripheral regions benefited from cheap coastal transport, whereas transport costs and distance hindered the development of the central regions.^[5]

Historical

Roman and Islamic conquests

The Iberian Peninsula, as Hispania, became subject to Rome in the third to first centuries BC. The Romans divided the peninsula into different provinces and introduced the Latin language, Roman law, and later Christianity to the majority of the peninsula. They were succeeded by a number of Germanic tribes. The most significant of these was the Visigoths, who attempted to unify the disparate parts of Iberia, focusing on the Roman legacy, especially the Roman law.^[6][7]

711AD marks the beginning of the Arab period. The vast majority of Iberia came under Islamic control fairly quickly. Over the next couple hundred years, the rulers of

.

Reconquista: Rise of the Christian states

In the mountainous, rural northern regions to the north, the Christian rulers were regaining their footing, despite numerous internal conflicts, and they slowly expanded their control throughout the Reconquista, between the Battle of Covadonga c. 720 CE and the Fall of Granada in 1492.^[8]

During this period several independent Christian kingdoms and mostly independent political entities (Asturias, León, Galicia, Castile, Navarre, Aragon, Catalonia) were formed by their own inhabitants' efforts under aristocratic leadership, coexisting with the Muslim Iberian states and having their own identities and borders. Portugal, formerly part of León, gained independence in 1128 after a split in the inheritance of the daughters of Alfonso VI and remained independent throughout the Reconquista.

All these different kingdoms were ruled together, or separately in personal union, but maintained their particular ethnic differences, regardless of similarities through common origins or borrowed customs. These kingdoms sometimes collaborated when they fought against Al-Andalus and sometimes allied themselves with the Muslims against rival Christian neighbors.

Unification

The common non-Christian enemy has been usually considered the single crucial catalyst for the union of the different Christian realms. However, it was effective only for permanently reconquered territories. Much of the unification happened long after the departure of the last Muslim rulers.^[9] Just as Christians remained in Arab Spain after the Muslim conquest, so too did Muslims and Arab culture remain after Christian conquest.^[10]

Eventually, the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon eclipsed the others in power and size through conquest and dynastic inheritance. The process of amalgamation can be summed up thus: From the west, Galicia and Asturias merged into León, which itself was incorporated in the

During the Bourbon monarchy of the 18th century, the central authorities in Spain made various efforts towards centralisation, notably the Nueva Planta decrees extinguishing most of the ‘’fueros’’ – long-standing privileges and institutions of different territories.^[13] Some kingdoms, like Navarre and the Lordships of the Basque Country, did maintain constitutions based on their historical rights and laws, while other kingdoms revolted against this process of centralisation demanding a return of their derogated laws as well as better living conditions (Revolt of the Comuneros, Revolt of the Brotherhoods, Catalan Revolt).

19th- and 20th-century movements

In the 1833 territorial division of Spain, the nation was divided into 49 provinces – most of which have remained unchanged since then – which were grouped into 15 "historic regions", many of whose boundaries bear a strong resemblance to those of the present-day Autonomous Communities. The "historic regions", however, were not granted any administrative powers.^[14]

(1931–6) made a start on restoring and extending regional autonomy.

Following the Spanish Civil War, the Francoist regime imposed Spanish as the only official language. The use of other languages was restricted, and all forms of regional autonomy and special privileges (except in Navarre) were suppressed. The attempt to "eradicate the linguistic and cultural diversity of Spain" went further than any previous regime, but only "led to the revitalization and spread of regionalist sentiments".^[15]

Autonomous communities

In the

Eight of the Autonomous Communities (Andalucia, Aragon, Basque Country, Canary Islands, Catalonia, Galicia, and Valencia) are officially designated as "nationalities", while the rest are defined as regions, historical regions, communities and historical communities. The designation as a "nationality" was originally confined to the "historic nationalities" of Catalonia, the Basque Country, and Galicia, which were selected to receive a greater degree of autonomy sooner,[16] but later amendments have increased the autonomy of most other regions as well.^[17]

This delineation of regions and nationalities within Spain has been seen as only imperfectly reflecting historical and ethnic distinctions.

opted to become separate Autonomous Communities despite having a weak or conflicted regional identity.

Linguistic

The

Among the Spanish population as a whole, Spanish is spoken by 98.9%, and 23.3% speak Catalan/Valencian (17.5% speak Catalan and 5.8% speak Valencian), 6.2% speak Galician and 3,0% speak Basque.^[23] Valencian and Catalan are regarded by most linguists and the European Union as the same language.

Economic

The economic history of Spain has been described in terms of a regional imbalance between a progressive periphery and a stagnant centre. "The prosperity of the periphery could not be easily transferred to the rest of Spain: there was still no true national economy".^[24] "By 1930, when a Roman would still have felt at home on an Andalusian estate, Catalonia contained some of the largest textile concerns in Europe".^[25] Madrid had long been a centre of small-scale manufacturing, but the development of Spanish industry began in Catalonia at the end of the 18th century in the form of cotton textiles, and later in the Basque Country centred on the iron ore deposits.^[26] Thus the regions of industrial development in part coincided with those where a distinctive language and culture were most prominent.^[27] Moreover, the economic development of Spain as a whole was late and sporadic, and its wealth and prestige had suffered repeated blows from the loss of the colonies: "if [Spain] had become a prosperous and progressive community, no-one would have turned to Catalan nationalism".^[28]

Regional disparity continued into the 1960s and the 1970s as industry continued to grow mainly in the regions where it was already concentrated, bringing about the internal migration of millions of Spaniards and contributing to a revival of nationalism in the receiving regions.^[29] Catalonia and the Basque Country, together with Madrid and Navarre, are still the wealthiest parts of Spain in terms of GDP per head,^[30] and this has fuelled conflict between the regions and the centre over regional autonomy in taxation and over policies for redistribution between richer and poorer regions.^[16]

Expressions of unity and diversity

Social attitudes

Eurobarometer surveys throughout Europe asked people to "rate their attachment to their region" and to their country, EU, and local area. From this data a "regionalism index" was constructed.^[32] By this index Spain is the country with the highest variation between regions in the degree of regionalism, interpreted as reflecting "internal tensions within the Spanish state, where the dominant Castilian-speaking group seems to have become increasingly loyal to the state in response to pressures from non-Castilian areas for devolution or secession". Madrid, Castilla y León, Castilla-La Mancha, Cantabria and Murcia are among the lowest 10 regions in Europe on this index, while the Basque Country and Catalonia are among the top 10.^[33] There has been "a persistent tension between Spanish national identity, nationalism, and state-building on the one hand, and the corresponding forces in the ethno-regions on the other" as the result of the way in which the Spanish state became integrated.^[34]

Another survey, carried out in 2002 in Spain only, asked respondents about their comparative degree of identification with their own region compared to that with Spain. In the Basque Country and Catalonia. 15% or more "did not consider themselves Spanish at all". In all regions except Madrid, a majority identified at least as strongly with their region as with Spain, indicating "well-established" regional consciousness throughout the country.^[35] "[M]any Spaniards do not identify with being Spanish, but rather have a tendency to identify more with either their region or city."^[36]

Results from a 2012 survey by the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas clearly identified three autonomous communities with significantly higher percentage populations who did not identify with Spain at all: Basque Country (23.5%), Catalonia (21.9%) and Navarre (16.9%).^[31]

Political parties and movements

There is continued pressure in some regions for increased autonomy or full independence. The two most popular parties in Spain have different views on the subject. The People's Party supports a more centralized Spain, with a unitary market, and usually does not support movements advocating greater regional autonomy. The newer Citizens party was formed in Catalonia in 2006 to oppose independence, and now operates throughout Spain.^[37] The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party supports a federal state with greater autonomy for the regions, but is opposed to total independence for any region. Nationalist and regionalist political parties operate in many parts of Spain, with widely varying policy platforms and degrees of support.

Spanish nationalism

Spanish nationalism has been tied to the conception of a

Through the 16th and 17th centuries Spain hugely increased its wealth and power through colonial conquest. Nevertheless, although under a single monarchy, Spain remained "a confederation of loosely connected States" with "no real political unity". The Catholic Church in Spain, upholding and upheld by the State and with the Inquisition enforcing religious orthodoxy, was much more important as a unifying factor.^[39] The power of the Church began to wane during the 18th century as the Bourbon monarchy sought a more centralised State. The 19th-century liberal governments continued the centralising process, but encountered increasing resistance in the regions and failed to "invent tradition" as a new focus for national feeling: an annual celebration on May 2 recalling national resistance to the Napoleonic invasion did not excite much national fervour, and the religious identity of Spain still predominated over the secular one when Franco came to power.^[40] "In comparison with France, the centralizing spirit of Spain was very mild"^[41] and even Franco did not succeed permanently in making Spain "a culturally homogeneous nation".^[15]

Today, Spanish nationalists often reject other nationalist movements within Spain, specifically Catalan and Basque nationalism, but have not so far been able to "articulate a collective project that could integrate distinct peoples who feel themselves to be different".^[42]

Peripheral Nationalism

In Spain, "nationalism" may refer to unitary Spanish nationalism or to the assertion of nationhood for one of the territories within Spain. Many but by no means all supporters of the latter urge secession of their territory from the Spanish state. There are clearly defined nationalist parties that support separation from the Spanish state, like the Republican Left of Catalonia. Other nationalist parties, such as Convergence and Union, Basque Nationalist Party, and Galician Nationalist Bloc, have taken a range of positions between supporting greater decentralization of the Spanish state and calling for outright separation.

Regionalism

In many parts of Spain—Castile, León, Cantabria, Navarre, Balearic Islands, Valencia, Andalusia, Rioja, Extremadura, La Mancha, Murcia, Ceuta & Melilla—most people do not sense a conflict between Spanish nationality and their own claimed national or regional identity.

Regionalists "see the region as the real historical unit".^[43] They may call for greater autonomous powers and for the definition of the region as a nationality or nation within Spain, or may seek to promote the interests of the region without challenging its status within the system of Autonomous Communities. Some of these regionalist parties are associated with the People's Party in its region or acting as its substitute or branch, as in the Navarrese People's Union (UPN).

Culture and traditions

The cultural image of "flamenco, Sevillanas dancing, and bullfighting, which originated in Andalusia" is widespread outside Spain, but this image is "rather narrow and misleading" and "has really masked the true heterogeneous nature of the country."^[36]

Eastern and northeastern Spain

The Autonomous Communities which made up the former Crown of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands) can be treated with slightly more unity when dealing with the past than when dealing with the present.^[44] By the time of the dynastic union between Ferdinand and Isabella, the Crown of Aragon encompassed many different territories, including ones in other parts of the Mediterranean Sea, though only four remain within Spain's borders now. At the time of the union, and long afterwards, those territories were known as the Kingdom of Aragon, the Principality of Catalonia, the Kingdom of Valencia, and the Kingdom of Majorca.

Despite all being under the same crown, each kingdom effectively had its own distinct government.^[45] The Crown of Aragon was characterised by limited monarchy and a federalist structure.^[46] The monarchy was limited by some of the earliest constitutions in Europe. Each polity was essentially treated as a separate country with separate laws and parliaments, though united by one king. Each kingdom retained its traditional laws (fueros). The parliaments claimed representative authority for the people of their region, initiated new legislation (though the king retained veto power), and needed to approve any expenditures by the crown. The monarchy, then, had to engage in negotiation and compromise. These kingdoms retained much of their independent identity after the dynastic union of Aragon and Castile, in the face of subsequent efforts towards unification and centralisation by Spanish leaders.^[47]

Catalonia

Geography

Catalonia, in the north-east of Spain bordering France and the Mediterranean, contains large areas of productive agriculture. Historically it has been a land of small proprietors with relatively secure tenure.^[48] Its position has oriented its trade towards the Mediterranean through the great port-city of Barcelona, rather than the transatlantic trade that grew during the Spanish Golden Age.^[49]

History

Catalonia's identity derives from before it was a part of the Crown of Aragon. Largely free of Muslim occupation, Catalonia long had closer ties to France and areas other than in Iberia. Briefly part of

The County of Barcelona united by marriage with the Kingdom of Aragon in the mid-12th century, forming the Crown of Aragon, and the County became known as the Principality of Catalonia. With the ancient

(1462–1472) weakened the role of the Principality within the Crown and international affairs.

After the union of Castilian and Aragonese Crowns (1479), Catalonia continued as a distinct political entity under the Spanish crown, retaining its political liberties. Nevertheless, there were conflicts with the centre over trade and financial policy,^[53] and the Reapers' War of 1640–59 showed the "typical tendencies of Catalan separatism", when Catalonia sought the protection of France, then at war with Spain.^[54]

During the War of the Spanish Succession, Catalonia largely supported the claim of the Archduke Charles. The victorious Bourbons soon outlawed many Catalan political and cultural institutions through the Nueva Planta decrees, and Castilian was introduced as official language.^[55]

The

Under the

of 2017.

Catalan language

The presence of a distinct Catalan language has been seen as the basis for "the claim of Catalonia to be considered as something more than a mere region".^[62] Catalan is spoken also in Valencia, the Balearics, and certain adjacent areas of France. The language was prevalent in Catalonia and beyond during the Middle Ages, but "died as a language of culture in the early 16th century",^[52] being revived in the 19th century with the Renaixença. The use of the language was restricted under Franco, but since then it has achieved the status of co-official language and has been actively promoted by Catalonia's government.

As of 2011, 95% of the population were able to understand Catalan, and 73% could speak it.^[63] In 2007, 32% named Catalan as the primary language that they actually did speak, against 50% for Spanish (Castilian); 7% spoke the two languages equally.^[64] The ethnolinguistic composition of the population has been heavily affected by extensive immigration from non-Catalan speaking parts of Spain, much of it associated with rapid growth in industry, since the late 19th century and more particularly between 1950 and 1975.^[65]

Economy

Catalonia, especially Barcelona, was the first part of Spain to industrialize. This early industrialization and the new economic problems associated with it led to even more of a break with the central government and culture.^[66] Catalan industrialists often lobbied for trade protection and opposed trade treaties with other countries.^[67][68]

On 2014 figures Catalonia is the fourth wealthiest of Spain's Autonomous Communities.^[69]

Politics

Before the Civil War, followers of the Catalanist Lliga were largely of the middle class, while industrial workers (many of whom did not speak Catalan) were more likely to support either socialism, represented by different political parties and the UGT union, or anarcho-syndicalism (CNT and FAI).^[70] A left-wing nationalist party, the Republican Left of Catalonia (Esquerra or ERC) was formed in 1931 and soon grew to overshadow the Lliga.^[71]

Upon the restoration of autonomy in the late 1970s, the dominant party in the Catalan parliament was until 2003 the center-right nationalist

Catalonia is among the top 10 regions in Europe on a "regionalism index".[33] According to another survey carried out in 2002, 16% of residents in Catalonia "did not consider themselves Spanish at all" and another 24% identified more strongly with Catalonia than with Spain.^[35] The overwhelming majorities for independence in the 2014 and 2017 referendums are dubious as a reflection of overall opinion, owing to low turnout and, in 2017, to police action during the poll.^[73][74][75] Extensive opinion polling on the issue of independence has taken place in Catalonia. One series of such polls shows that support for independence increased markedly after 2011, and settled around 40% between 2015 and 2017.^[76]

Catalan Countries

Over the past few decades, a concept known as the Catalan Countries (

Valencia

The Valencian Community lies on the Spanish Mediterranean coast. The coastal plain or horta is well-irrigated and agriculturally productive, while the inland mountainous areas are much poorer.

.

The present-day Valencian Community is identified with the historic Kingdom of Valencia, which became a Catalan-speaking part of the Crown of Aragon when it was conquered from the Arabs in the 13th century. The Crown of Aragon instituted a form of independent government in Valencia similar to what already existed in the Kingdom of Aragon and in Catalonia. The Kingdom of Valencia reached a height of population and economic power at that time.

This represented the loss of up to one third of the population of the Kingdom of Valencia and removed a large part of the agricultural labor force.

city of Valencia

Valencia remained an independent state under the Crown of Castile, governed by its own parliament (the

In 1977, after Franco's dictatorship, Valencia began to recover its autonomy with the creation of the Council of the Valencian Country (Consell del País Valencià),

The Statute, as reformed in 2006, recalls the foral civil law, while it also recognizes Valencia as a nationality.

Nationalist sentiment is not widespread and most of the population do not consider themselves more Valencian than Spanish.[35] Valencian regionalism marked with anti-Catalan sentiment is also called Valencianism or blaverism. Its adherents consider Valencian to be distinct from Catalan and called for the Autonomous Community to be named "Kingdom of Valencia", as opposed to the term País Valencià which may imply an identification with the Països Catalans or Catalan Countries. Only a minor tendency within Valencianism proposed independence for Valencia from both Catalonia and Spain.^[90]

After the restoration of democracy Valencian nationalism or regionalism was at first represented politically by the Valencian People's Union and the more conservative, blaverist Valencian Union. These were superseded by the Valencian Nationalist Bloc (BNV, founded 1998). BNV has favoured cooperation and ties with the other Catalan speaking territories and greater autonomy – if not independence itself – from Spain, in form of the Països Catalans. It polled at 4–8% in regional elections until in 2011 it joined in an electoral alliance, the Compromís coalition, which gained 18% of the vote in the 2015 regional election and entered the regional government in coalition with the Socialist Party. The Compromís coalition focuses on fighting corruption, and has significantly reduced its nationalist discourse in order to gain wider appeal among Valencian voters and has been often accused of camouflaging its ideology.^[91] Electoral support for nationalism is greatest in an area split between two provinces: the southern end of the Valencia province and the northern end of Alicante province. Nationalist parties hold several town councils, mostly in the areas mentioned above.

Balearic Islands

Consisting of four main inhabited islands – Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza (Eivissa in Catalan language) and Formentera – off the coast of Catalonia and Valencia, the Balearic Islands comprise one province and an Autonomous Community of Spain. The islands were under Muslim control until 1229–35, when they were conquered by King

.

Over 70% of the inhabitants of the Balearic Islands speak dialects of Catalan,

(for example "mallorquí"). Each island has its own dialect, and the four most populated islands each has its own Island Council known as Consell Insular as a tier of local government.

The islanders took an interest in the Catalan Renaixença and produced some Catalan literature, but this then largely rural, conservative society did not participate in the political movements of the time. Since the Franco period there has been a renewal of awareness of a Balearic identity centred on the language.

In the 2015 regional election an alliance of the nationalist parties Més per Mallorca and Més per Menorca ("More for ...") won 15% of the vote, entering into a coalition government with PSOE and Podemos. At the time Més per Mallorca appeared to be prioritising social and ecological concerns above questions of sovereignty.^[96] Another 8% went to Proposta per les Illes (El Pi), an autonomist party that aims to promote the Catalan language and the culture and traditions of the islands;^[97] this party remained in opposition after the election.

Aragon

The three provinces making up the present-day Autonomous Community of Aragon roughly coincide with the former Kingdom of Aragon, up to the early 18th century a discrete entity within the wider Crown of Aragon. The irrigated Ebro valley contrasts with mountainous areas of low rainfall, marked in the past by rural poverty, a stronghold of anarcho-syndicalism in the earlier 20th century and, in the Maestrazgo, of Carlism in the 19th century.^[98]

Aragon, like Catalonia, maintained much of its independence under the Crown of Castile,^[12] up to the point of a revolt in 1591–1592 over their regional rights and independence.^[99] The region retained significant Arab influence after the expulsion, particularly in the Ebro valley to the south, although leaving less trace architecturally than in Valencia.^[100]

Aragon has its own language,

Most of Aragon's population does not seek an independent state; but there is a strong regional identification

and other parties.

Northern and northwestern Spain

The coastal strip on the

(Green Spain), and broadly includes the regions of Basque Country, Navarre, Cantabria, Asturias, and Galicia.

As has already been mentioned, the northern territories for the most part share a similar pattern of identity development. Each region has its own language or distinct dialect, most of which derive from different dialects from the early Reconquista. Most of these regions were largely independent of Muslim rule and continuously shifted between Christian kings during the Reconquista, sometimes being split between three or four kingdoms, but at other times being entirely united. Eventually, the Christian territory expanded far enough for Portugal to break from Galicia, which shortly afterwards united with León. After that, the Reconquista in all parts except for Valencia was carried out by Portugal, León, and Castile. From this point on, all of the northern territories west of Navarre were under the Castilian Crown, which attempted to centralize more and more. Despite that increasing centralization, which united some of the judicial and governmental structures with those of Castile over time and which promoted increased castilianization of the upper classes, the regions in northern Spain still retained and recreated their own regional identities.

The Basque Country

Geography

The

(Vizcaya, Biscay). Navarre chooses to remain outside the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country.

Much of the country between the coast and the

, and a land communication route with France around the western end of the Pyrenees.

History

Records of people and place names from Roman times indicate that the Basques occupied an area somewhat larger than that which they currently inhabit, and supported a claim by Sabino Arana, the traditional founder of Basque Nationalism, that the Basque homeland has been occupied by the Basques longer than any other part of France or Spain has been inhabited by their people.^[106]

Like other northern regions, the Basque territories remained independent,

Sabino de Arana

(1865–1903)

The Basque Country was one of the main centres of 19th-century Carlism, which opposed the reigning monarchy and was defeated in a series of wars. Modern Basque nationalism originated during this period. "Basque nationalism was a true peasant nationalism"

Basque Nationalists opposed the creation of the Second Republic in 1931. A Statute of Basque Home Rule in 1932 was put to a referendum and rejected in Navarre, but accepted in the other three Spanish Basque provinces (narrowly in Álava, overwhelmingly in the other two).[117] However, under the right-wing government of the day it was never fully implemented. This and other grievances led the Basques to resist Franco's forces during the Civil War.^[118] Under the subsequent Franco regime regional self-rule was suppressed and the public use of the Basque language was forbidden.

The

Under the 1978 Constitution the Basque Country again obtained a

.

Demographics and language

Industrial development since the late 19th century led to large-scale immigration of workers from other parts of Spain. It was estimated in 1998 that 30% of the population in the Basque Country Autonomous Community were born in other regions of Spain and that 40% of the people living in that territory did not have a Basque parent.^[123]

A significant aspect of Basque identity is the unique language (Basque: Euskara) which is not related to any other known language. In 2011, 32% of people in the Autonomous Community were recorded as "bilingual" in Basque and Spanish, and another 17% could understand Basque but not speak it well. Knowledge of Basque appeared to be increasing with time and in the younger age groups.^[124][125]

Basque has the status of co-official language in the Autonomous Community, and is being promoted through the education system and in other ways. Use of Basque is concentrated in Gipuzcoa, eastern and central Biscay, and the north of Alava, and also in the northern half of Navarre. Within this area there are different dialects of Basque. A standard Basque language was developed in the 1960s aiming to minimise problems arising from dialectic variation.

Economy

Up to the 20th century the Basque country supported a "stable traditional rural society" with small farms kept as a single unit within families, often living non the land rather than in agrarian villages as in other parts of Spain.^[126] The Basques also engaged in fishing, marine trade, and finally industrial development based on iron deposits (late 19th century). The region followed Catalonia in becoming one of the leading industrial areas of Spain.^[127]

On 2014 figures the Basque Country is the second wealthiest of Spain's Autonomous Communities.^[69]

Politics

Social survey analysis has indicated a high level of regional identification in the Basque Country, the topmost "regionalist region" in Europe.^[33] In a 2002 survey, almost a quarter of residents "did not consider themselves Spanish at all".^[35] According to a survey published in 2016, 31% of Basques would vote for independence in a referendum, and 39% against. The proportion considering themselves nationalists was 46%, a figure that had decreased since 2005. Among the declared nationalists, fewer supported total independence than some form of continued association with Spain in an autonomous or federal system.^[128]

The oldest and largest of the Basque nationalist parties is the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV, EAJ). Its position is

The PNV has regularly won elections at municipal, regional or Spanish levels in the Basque Country.

The Batasuna party, whose aims were aligned with those of ETA, generally received 10% to 20% of the vote in the Basque Autonomous Community until it was banned in 2003.^[130][131] Since then, other left-wing, pro-independence parties or coalitions have come to prominence: Amaiur and later EH Bildu.^[132]

In the regional elections in 2016, the two leading parties were both supporters of Basque nationalism. PNV won 37% of the vote and 28 seats out of the 75 in the Basque Parliament, and EH Bildu won 21% of the vote and 18 seats. The remaining seats were won by the Basque wings of big parties active throughout Spain: PP, PSOE and Podemos.

Navarre

Navarre borders the Basque Country, but its southern parts more resemble Castile in terrain, climate and agriculture.^[133]

At its greatest extent around 1000, the Kingdom of Navarre embraced the present-day Basque Country and other areas in what are now Castile, Aragon and France. In contrast with the other Basque provinces, Navarre remained independent until it was militarily conquered by Castile in the 16th century. The Spanish monarchy allowed Spanish Navarre, like the Basque Country, to retain its fueros (traditional customs and laws). These were subsequently restricted, but never abolished.^[20] Navarre suffered less separatism than places like Catalonia, and in return for its support for the Bourbons during the War of the Spanish Succession it was allowed to retain its special status and institutions up to the First Carlist War.^[134] Traditionally Navarre has been a "conservative, stable rural society", staunchly Catholic, a main base of 19th-century Carlism, and the only province to have supported Franco's rising in 1936, after which it was again allowed some special status.^[135]

Navarre opted in 1982 not to adopt the official status of Autonomous Community. Instead, as the result of a legal process known as Amejoramiento ("improvement") it is considered a Foral ("chartered") Community (i.e. Community possessing fueros).^[20] This is seen as a continuation of Navarre's "historical rights", which are now guaranteed by the Spanish Constitution.^[136] The Basque Statute of Autonomy provides for Navarre to join the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country at any time if approved by the Navarrese Parliament and people. This option also has not been taken up by Navarre.

Basque and Spanish identities are "today superimposed on each other" in Navarre.

of Geroa Bai was appointed president of Navarre.

Cantabria

Cordillera Cantabrica

divides Cantabria from Castile.

The Autonomous Community of Cantabria comprises the single province of Cantabria (formerly Province of Santander). It was part of the Kingdom of Castile from the early days of that kingdom, being known outside the territory as La Montaña ("The Mountain"),^[141] and providing Castile's only outlet to the northern coast. Geographically, however, Cantabria was isolated from Castile and contrasted with it in many ways; the primary division between Cantabria and the rest of Castile was more geographic than political or ideological.^[142]

Cantabria was first constituted as a province only in 1778, when the ancient name of Cantabria was chosen for it, later replaced by "Santander" after the main city. The province was included within the region of Old Castile when Spain's "historic regions" were defined in 1833. A proposal for a Statute of Autonomy for a Cantabrian-Castilian Federal State came forward during the Second Republic. During the formation of Autonomous Communities, Cantabria based its claim to autonomy on the constitutional precept that made provision for self-government for "provinces with a historic regional character". In its current Statute of Autonomy, passed in 1981, Cantabria is termed as comunidad histórica ("historic community").^[143]

The development of a regional identity for Cantabria is said to have been impelled by the creation of autonomous institutions, building on geography, a specific

, which has not achieved substantial electoral support.

Asturias

king of Asturias

Asturias is a coastal and mountainous area, which had a major coal industry during the 19th and 20th centuries. The Kingdom of Asturias was the first Christian kingdom established after the Muslim invasion. It rose to prominence across the north and northwest before being overshadowed by the kingdoms of León, Navarre and Castile. Asturias had (and still has) its own language, Asturian, with similarities to Leonese. Asturias has never had strong regionalist tendencies compared with other regions; however, there was a brief consideration of separatism during the mid-17th century. Even during that time and until recently, any form of regional independence was more prompted by economic factors than any form of ideological regionalism.^[145] In a 2002 survey, 87% of Asturians showed a strong regional identification, but not to the exclusion of a Spanish identity.^[35]

The most important regionalist party is Asturias Forum (Foro Asturias, FAC), which split from the People's Party in 2011. It was the largest party in the regional government from 2011 to 2012, and attracted 25% of votes in the 2012 regional election, but their poll was down to 8% in 2015. Its platform focuses on administrative improvements and economic growth, rather than any increase in autonomy.^[146] Nationalist parties, campaigning for independence, include Unidá and Andecha Astur. These attract only small electoral support.

Galicia

Galicia is an area of abundant rainfall but poor soil, sometimes compared with Ireland,

The Galician language is more similar to

.

The present

Unlike in other Spanish Autonomous Communities, the Galician arms of the main Spanish parties – the conservative

Galician nationalism is present in the majority of Galician social movements, especially in the Galician language defense movement (A Mesa pola Normalización Lingüística ("The Panel for Language Normalization"), Queremos Galego ("We Want Galician"), AGAL, and other groups) and in the ecologist movement (ADEGA, Verdegaia, Nunca Máis ("Never Again"), and other groups). Nationalism is also present in organized labour and trade unions: the most important union of Galicia is the left-wing nationalist Confederación Intersindical Galega ("Galician Interunion Confederation"), with more than 80,000 members and 5,623 delegates.^[161]

Central Spain

Castile

The 1833 division of Spain defined

.

Castile, with the capital Madrid at its heart, roughly coincides with the central tableland of Spain (meseta). It is in the main a region of poor soils and unreliable rainfall. Historically agriculture has not brought prosperity and for long was subordinated to the powerful guild of sheep owners, while industrial development has been hampered by distance and difficult terrain raising transport costs.^[162]

The Kingdom of Castile even from the 11th century "claimed a kind of sovereignty over all the princes, Christian or Moslem, of the Peninsula".

Government from Madrid was gradually extended to the whole of Spain.

Under the current system of Autonomous Communities, León is incorporated into

Castile-La Mancha

. Cantabria, La Rioja, and the Community of Madrid have each become separate Autonomous Communities.

Castilians, as the "dominant group" in Spain, "do not distinguish between their national Castilian identity and their allegedly supranational Spanish identity ... they prefer to think of themselves as Spanish rather than as Castilian".[165] Social survey analysis has indicated a low level of regional identification in all three of the Autonomous Communities making up Castile.^[33] The Castilian nationalist movement seeks to unify historical Castile, taking in Cantabria and La Rioja.^[166] Its political expression Commoners' Land merged into the Castilian Party in 2009, but neither this nor the La Mancha-based Castilian Unity have attracted significant support in regional elections. In La Mancha, a Mancheguian regionalism has existed since the 19th century.

León

The historical Kingdom of León once extended over the whole northwest region of the Iberian Peninsula. This kingdom participated in the Reconquista (primarily in Extremadura) in rivalry with Castile. Despite being the larger and more powerful of the two kingdoms,^[11] León was forcibly incorporated into Castile in the 13th century. Under Castilian rule, León retained the title of Kingdom and many of its own institutions down to the 19th century.

León has a

(UPL). The UPL finds most support in León province, where its share of the vote in regional elections reached 18% in 1999 and 2003 (7% in 2015). Other regionalist parties are Leonese Autonomist Party–Leonesist Unity (PAL-UL) and Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL). More militant nationalists call for reunification of all the historically Leonese territories including some in Portugal.^[167]

La Rioja

The regionalist Riojan Party has attracted around 6% of the vote in regional elections ever since its foundation in 1982. In a 2002 survey 19% of respondents said they identified more with La Rioja than with Spain.^[35] Most respondents in a 2015 survey in the province were not supportive of further increases in regional autonomy in Spain in general.^[169]

Extremadura

This predominantly rural and partly mountainous western region was conquered in the late 12th and early 13th centuries by the Kingdoms of León and Castile. The resulting territories were termed Extremadura leonesa and Extremaduras de Castilla (the latter including lands well to the north of the present-day region).^[170] On the union of the two kingdoms, the Provincia de Extremadura gained recognition as an administrative area.^[170] That province was reconstituted in 1653 when the main cities, headed by Trujillo, together obtained representation in the Cortes de Castilla.^[171] In the 1833 demarcation, Extremadura was recognised as a "historic region", from then on composed of the two provinces of Cáceres and Badajoz.

In the late 1970s, a proposed incorporation of Extremadura into the Andalusian Autonomous Community was rejected by Andalusia on the grounds that Extremadura was too poor, and Extremadura itself felt that its other option, New Castile, was also too poor. In the end Extremadura became a separate Autonomous Community.^[172]

Extremadura is a sparsely populated region, one of the poorest in Spain, historically dependent on agriculture and livestock farming. It has experienced much emigration: many of the conquistadores of the Americas came from there.^[173] At the present day service industries dominate in the economy, with a growing rural tourism sector and very few larger businesses.^[174]

The Extremaduran language is spoken in northern rural areas, and shades into dialects of Spanish that are in wider use.^[175][176] There are a few border areas where varieties close to Portuguese are spoken, for example near Olivenza (Olivença). Sovereignty over Olivenza and other, smaller, border areas has been disputed between Spain and Portugal since the early 19th century.^[177]

The great majority of Extremadurans identify at least as strongly with their region as they do with Spain, but without "rejecting Spanishness".^[35] Regionalist political parties include the Extremaduran Coalition (eXtremeños) and United Extremadura (EU). The electoral support they attract is small.^[178]

Southern Spain

Andalusia

Arbonaida

: symbol of left-wing Andalusian nationalism

The southern region of Andalusia, the most populous and second largest Autonomous Community in Spain, comprises eight provinces (

Andalusia saw many waves of invaders and settlers: the ancient

Andalusian nationalism arose in the later 19th century, with leaders such as Blas Infante (1885–1936) campaigning for an autonomous Andalusia within a federal state. In 1980, following the collapse of the Franco regime, the region petitioned in a referendum to be granted a "fast track" to a fuller degree of autonomy on the same basis as the "historical nations" of Catalonia and the Basque Country. Although Andalusia had always been part of Castile after the Reconquista, it was nevertheless granted autonomy, following which a similar status of autonomy was extended to all parts of the country that wanted it (Navarre declined).^[181] The Statute of Autonomy introduced at that time defines this region as a nationality. In a later Statute of Autonomy, approved in 2007, Andalusia is defined as a national entity and as a "historic nationality".^[182] According to a poll^[183] 18.1% supported declaring Andalusia a nation in the new statute, while 60.7% of Andalusians did not agree with it. A survey in 2002 found that the overwhelming majority of Andalusians, in common with most other Spaniards outside Castile, identified at least as strongly with their Autonomous Community as they did with Spain as a whole.^[35]

The economy of Andalusia has traditionally been based on agriculture, which is still an important sector. Since the Romans, land ownership has been concentrated to a greater degree than elsewhere in Spain into large estates, called

.

The

.

Andalusia may itself be considered a collection of distinct regions.[190] Nevertheless, Andalusia has maintained a relatively shared identity, based upon similar economies, foods, customs, and lesser formality than the rest of the historical region of Castile. Despite the expulsion edicts, several aspects of Arab culture remained for a good part of the early modern period: in art, architecture (e.g. having interior-facing homes), social practices, and types of dress and dances.^[191] Andalusian cultural identity was already delineated in the 19th century and diffused widely in the literary and pictorial genre of Andalusian costumbrismo.^[192][193] Andalusian culture came to be widely viewed as the Spanish culture par excellence, in part thanks to the perceptions of romantic travellers. In the words of Ortega y Gasset:

Andalusia, which has never shown the swagger nor petulancy of particularism; that has never pretended to the status of a State apart, is, of all the Spanish regions, the one that possesses a culture most radically its own.^[194]

— Ortega y Gasset, Teoría de Andalucía, 1927

Politically, the Alianza Socialista de Andalucía (ASA) was founded in 1971 and campaigned for Andalusian autonomy through the Transition period, based on economic rather than historical or cultural factors.^[195] The Andalusian Party (PA) continued to campaign for self-determination and the recognition of Andalusians as a nation within a Europe of the Peoples. This party won 1.5% of the vote and no seats in the regional elections in 2015.^[196] It was dissolved the same year.^[197] In the trade union movement, the nationalist Andalusian Workers' Union (SAT) has 25,000 members and a strong presence in the rural areas.^[198]

Eastern Andalusia

Eastern Andalusia [es

] in Spain

There is a regionalist movement in the eastern part of Andalusia – mainly

Gitanos

The formerly nomadic

Canary Islands

The Canary Islands form an archipelago in the Atlantic, at closest 100 kilometres (62 mi) off the coast of southern Morocco, and 1,800 kilometres (1,100 mi) flight distance from Madrid. Eight of the islands are inhabited, with over 80% of the population living on the two islands of Tenerife and Gran Canaria, each part of a different province. A distinct dialect, Canarian Spanish, is spoken.

The islands were first inhabited by a people known as the

The leading sector of the economy is tourism, with almost 15 million visitors in 2016.

) charged at varying rates for different products. Some exports from the Canaries into mainland Spain or the rest of the EU are subject to import tax and VAT.

Social survey analysis has indicated a high level of regional identification in the Canary Islands.

Murcia

This Mediterranean region was once the centre of an Islamic kingdom, the

The region is agriculturally productive where sufficient water can be provided, and has an important tourist trade concentrated on the coastline. A dialect, Murcian Spanish, is spoken and written, which some argue should be recognised as a distinct language, murciano.^[218]

Social survey analysis has indicated a low level of regional identification in Murcia.^[33] Politically, several Murcian nationalist and regionalist parties were launched during the 1980s and 1990s;^[219] however, Murcia currently has no nationalist or regionalist party with significant impact.^[178]

Ceuta and Melilla

Ceuta and Melilla are port cities, Spanish enclaves on the coast of North Africa. Their incorporation within Spain is disputed by Morocco. Their population contains a large element of Moroccan and Muslim origin, who speak North African languages.

Ceuta was under Portuguese rule from the 15th century, and was transferred to Spain in the 17th century. Melilla was occupied by Spain in 1497, and was repeatedly besieged by Moroccan forces thereafter. Ceuta was attached to the

The official language is Spanish, but the two cities have been described as “laboratories of multilingualism”.

Ceuta and Melilla are historically military strongholds and fishing ports with the status of

The cities have the status of

Since 2010, Ceuta and Melilla have declared the

Maps

• 
  Andalusia
• 
  Aragon
• 
  Asturias
• 
  Balearic Islands
• 
  Basque Country
• 
  Canary Islands
• 
  Cantabria
• 
  Castile La Mancha
• 
  Castile and León
• 
  Catalonia
• 
  Ceuta
• 
  Community of Madrid
• 
  Extremadura
• 
  Galicia
• 
  La Rioja
• 
  Melilla
• 
  Navarra
• 
  Region of Murcia
• 
  Valencian Community

See also

• Spanish dialects and varieties
• Autonomist and secessionist movements in Spain
• Coconstitutionalism
• Ethnic groups of Spain
• Catalan independence movement
• Galician independence
• Spanish football rivalries

Notes

References

Sources

• Brenan, Gerald (1942). The Spanish Labyrinth (Paperback edition 1960 ed.). Cambridge University Press.
• Carr, Raymond (1966). Spain: 1808–1939. Clarendon Press.
• Elliott, J.H. (2002). Imperial Spain 1469-1716 (Repr. ed.). London [u.a.]: Penguin Books.
  ISBN 0-14-100703-6
  .
• Fletcher, Richard (2006). Arab Spain (2. paperback print. ed.). Berkeley, Calif. [u.a.]: Univ. of California Press.
  ISBN 0-520-24840-6
  .
• Kern, Robert W. (1995). The regions of Spain : a reference guide to history and culture. Westport, Conn. [u.a.]: Greenwood Press.
  ISBN 0-313-29224-8
  .
• Madariaga, Salvador de (1958). Spain: a modern history. Praeger.
• Ruiz, Teofilo F. (2001). Spanish society, 1400-1600 (1. publ. ed.). Harlow: Longman.
  ISBN 0-582-28692-1
  .
• Shubert, Adrian (2 September 2003). A Social History of Modern Spain. Routledge.
  ISBN 978-1-134-87552-8
  .
• Wulff, Fernando (2003). Las esencias patrias : historiografía e historia antigua en la construccion de la identidad española (siglos XVI-XX). Barcelona: Crítica.
  ISBN 978-84-8432-418-8
  .

Further reading

• Amersfoort, Hans Van & Jan Mansvelt Beck. 2000. 'Institutional Plurality, a way out of the Basque conflict?', Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 26. no. 3, pp. 449–467
• Antiguedad, Iñaki (et al.):Towards a Basque State. Territory and socioeconomics, Bilbo: UEU, 2012
  ISBN 978-84-8438-423-6
• Conversi, Daniele 'Autonomous Communities and the ethnic settlement in Spain', in Yash Ghai (ed.) Autonomy and Ethnicity. Negotiating Competing Claims in Multi-Ethnic States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 122–144
  ISBN 0-521-78642-8
  paperback
• Flynn, M. K. 2004. 'Between autonony and federalism: Spain', in Ulrich Schneckener and Stefan Wolf (eds) Managing and Settling Ethnic Conflicts. London: Hurst
• Heywood, Paul. The Government and Politics of Spain. New York St. Martin's Press, 1996 (see in particular ch. 2)
• Keating, Michael. 'The minority nations of Spain and European integration: A new framework for autonomy?', Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, vol. 1, n. 1, March 2000, pp. 29–42
• Lecours, André. 2001. 'Regionalism, cultural diversity and the state in Spain', Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, vo. 22, no. 3, pp. 210–226
• Magone, José M. 2004. Contemporary Spanish Politics. London: Routledge, 1997
• Mateos, Txoli (et al.):Towards a Basque State. Citizenship and culture, Bilbo: UEU, 2012
  ISBN 978-84-8438-422-9
• Moreno, Luis. 'Local and global: Mesogovernments and territorial identities'^{[permanent dead link]}. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Sociales Avanzados (CSIC), Documento de Trabajo 98–09, 1998. Paper presented at the Colloquium on ‘Identity and Territorial Autonomy in Plural Societies’, IPSA Research Committee on Politics and Ethnicity. University of Santiago (July 17–19, 1998), Santiago de Compostela, Spain.
• Moreno, Luis. The Federalization of Spain. London; Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2001
• Núñez Seixas, X.M. 1993). Historiographical approaches to nationalism in Spain, Saarbrücken, Breitenbach
• Núñez Seixas, X.M. 1999). "Autonomist regionalism within the Spanish state of the Autonomous Communities: an interpretation", in Nationalism & ethnic politics, vol. 5, no. 3–4, p. 121-141. Frank Cass, Ilford
• Paredes, Xoan M. 'The administrative and territorial structure of the Spanish State. Galicia within its framework', in Territorial management and planning in Galicia: From its origins to end of Fraga administration, 1950s - 2004. Unpublished thesis (2004, revised in 2007). Dept. of Geography, University College Cork, Ireland [URL: https://web.archive.org/web/20081030214139/http://www.xoan.net/recursos/tese/GzinSp.pdf, 27 August 2008], pp. 47–73.
• Zubiaga, Mario (et al.) Towards a Basque State. Nation-building and institutions, Bilbo: UEU, 2012
  ISBN 978-84-8438-421-2

External links

• Detailed linguistic map of the Iberian Peninsula