Jawaharlal Nehru
Jawaharlal Nehru | |
---|---|
Phulpur , Uttar Pradesh | |
Personal details | |
Born | Shantivan | 14 November 1889
Political party | Indian National Congress |
Spouse |
Kamala Kaul (m. 1916; died 1936) |
Children | Indira Gandhi |
Parents | |
Relatives | Nehru–Gandhi family |
Education | |
Awards | See awards section |
Signature | |
Jawaharlal Nehru (
The son of
Nehru and the Congress dominated Indian politics during the 1930s. Nehru promoted the idea of the
Upon India's independence on 15 August 1947, Nehru gave a critically acclaimed speech, "
Under Nehru's leadership, the Congress emerged as a
Early life and career (1889–1912)
Birth and family background
Jawaharlal Nehru was born on 14 November 1889 in
Childhood
Nehru described his childhood as a "sheltered and uneventful one". He grew up in an atmosphere of privilege in wealthy homes, including a
Nehru's theosophical interests induced him to study the
Youth
Nehru became an ardent nationalist during his youth.
Graduation
Nehru went to
After completing his degree in 1910, Nehru moved to London and studied law at the
Advocate practice
After returning to India in August 1912, Nehru enrolled as an advocate of the Allahabad High Court and tried to settle down as a barrister. But, unlike his father, he had very little interest in his profession and relished neither the practice of law nor the company of lawyers: "Decidedly the atmosphere was not intellectually stimulating and a sense of the utter insipidity of life grew upon me."[14] His involvement in nationalist politics was to gradually replace his legal practice.[14]
Nationalist movement (1912–1938)
Britain and return to India: 1912–1913
Nehru had developed an interest in Indian politics during his time in Britain as a student and a barrister.
World War I: 1914–1915
When
Nehru emerged from the war years as a leader whose political views were considered radical. Although the political discourse at the time had been dominated by the moderate, Gopal Krishna Gokhale,[26] who said that it was "madness to think of independence,"[24] Nehru had spoken, "openly of the politics of non-cooperation, of the need of resigning from honorary positions under the government and of not continuing the futile politics of representation".[30] He ridiculed the Indian Civil Service for supporting British policies. He noted someone had once defined the Indian Civil Service, "with which we are unfortunately still afflicted in this country, as neither Indian, nor civil, nor a service".[31] Motilal Nehru, a prominent moderate leader, acknowledged the limits of constitutional agitation but counselled his son that there was no other "practical alternative" to it. Nehru, however, was dissatisfied with the pace of the national movement. He became involved with aggressive nationalists leaders demanding Home Rule for Indians.[32]
The influence of moderates on Congress' politics waned after Gokhale died in 1915.[24] Anti-moderate leaders like Annie Besant and Bal Gangadhar Tilak took the opportunity to call for a national movement for Home Rule. However, in 1915, the proposal was rejected because of the reluctance of the moderates to commit to such a radical course of action.[33]
Home rule movement: 1916–1917
Nehru married
Nevertheless, Besant formed a league for advocating Home Rule in 1916. Tilak, after releasing from a term in prison, had formed his own league in April 1916.
Several nationalist leaders banded together in 1916 under the leadership of Annie Besant to voice a demand for self-governance, and to obtain the status of a Dominion within the British Empire as enjoyed at the time by Australia, Canada, South Africa, New Zealand and Newfoundland. Nehru joined the movement and rose to become secretary of Besant's Home Rule League.[35][36]
In June 1917, the British government arrested and interned Besant. The Congress and other Indian organisations threatened to launch protests if she was not freed. Subsequently, the British government was forced to release Besant and make significant concessions after a period of intense protest.[37]
Non-co-operation: 1920–1927
Nehru's first big national involvement came at the onset of the
Internationalising the struggle for Indian independence: 1927
Nehru played a leading role in the development of the internationalist outlook of the Indian independence struggle. He sought foreign allies for India and forged links with movements for independence and democracy around the world.[42] In 1927, his efforts paid off, and the Congress was invited to attend the Congress of oppressed nationalities in Brussels, Belgium. The meeting was called to coordinate and plan a common struggle against imperialism. Nehru represented India and was elected to the Executive Council of the League against Imperialism which was born at this meeting.[43]
Increasingly, Nehru saw the struggle for independence from
We have sympathy for the national movement of Arabs in Palestine
Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy: 1929
Nehru drafted the policies of the Congress and a future Indian nation in 1929.
Declaration of independence
Nehru was one of the first leaders to demand that the Congress Party should resolve to make a complete and explicit break from all ties with the British Empire. The Madras session of Congress in 1927, approved his resolution for independence despite Gandhi's criticism. At that time, he formed the Independence for India League, a pressure group within the Congress.[48][49] In 1928, Gandhi agreed to Nehru's demands and proposed a resolution that called for the British to grant Dominion status to India within two years.[50] If the British failed to meet the deadline, the Congress would call upon all Indians to fight for complete independence. Nehru was one of the leaders who objected to the time given to the British—he pressed Gandhi to demand immediate actions from the British. Gandhi brokered a further compromise by reducing the time given from two years to one.[49] The British rejected demands for Dominion status in 1929.[49] Nehru assumed the presidency of the Congress party during the Lahore session on 29 December 1929 and introduced a successful resolution calling for complete independence.[49][51] Nehru drafted the Indian Declaration of Independence, which stated:
We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as of any other people, to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their toil and have the necessities of life, so that they may have full opportunities for growth. We believe also that if any government deprives a people of these rights and oppresses them the people have a further right to alter it or abolish it. The British government in India has not only deprived the Indian people of their freedom but has based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India economically, politically, culturally, and spiritually. We believe, therefore, that India must sever the British connection and attain Purna Swaraj or complete independence.[52]
At midnight on New Year's Eve 1929, Nehru hoisted the
After the Lahore session of the Congress in 1929, Nehru gradually emerged as the paramount leader of the Indian independence movement. Gandhi stepped back into a more spiritual role. Although Gandhi did not explicitly designate Nehru as his political heir until 1942, as early as the mid-1930s, the country saw Nehru as the natural successor to Gandhi.[56]
Salt March: 1930
Nehru and most of the Congress leaders were ambivalent initially about Gandhi's plan to begin civil disobedience with a satyagraha aimed at the British salt tax. After the protest had gathered steam, they realised the power of salt as a symbol. Nehru remarked about the unprecedented popular response, "It seemed as though a spring had been suddenly released".[57] He was arrested on 14 April 1930 while on a train from Allahabad to Raipur. Earlier, after addressing a huge meeting and leading a vast procession, he had ceremoniously manufactured some contraband salt. He was charged with breach of the salt law and sentenced to six months of imprisonment at Central Jail.[58][59]
He nominated Gandhi to succeed him as the Congress president during his absence in jail, but Gandhi declined, and Nehru nominated his father as his successor.[60] With Nehru's arrest, the civil disobedience acquired a new tempo, and arrests, firing on crowds and lathi charges grew to be ordinary occurrences.[61]
Salt satyagraha success
The
Of course these movements exercised tremendous pressure on the British Government and shook the government machinery. But the real importance, to my mind, lay in the effect they had on our own people, and especially the village masses. ... Non-cooperation dragged them out of the mire and gave them self-respect and self-reliance. ... They acted courageously and did not submit so easily to unjust oppression; their outlook widened and they began to think a little in terms of India as a whole. ... It was a remarkable transformation and the Congress, under Gandhi's leadership, must have the credit for it.
Electoral politics, Europe, and economics: 1936–1938
Nehru's trip to Europe in 1936 happened to be the turning point in his political and economic mindset. The visit sparked his interest in Marxism and his socialist thought pattern. Time later spent incarcerated enabled him to research Marxism more deeply. Appealed by its ideas but repelled by some of its tactics, he never completely agreed with Karl Marx's ideas. However, from that time on, the benchmark of his economic view remained Marxist, adapted, where necessary, to Indian circumstances. [64][65]
Nehru spent the early months of 1936 in Switzerland visiting his ailing wife in Lausanne, where she died in March. While in Europe, he became very concerned with the possibility of another world war.[66] At that time, he emphasised that, in the event of war, India's place was alongside the democracies, though he insisted India could only fight in support of Great Britain and France as a free country.[67]
At its 1936 Lucknow session, despite opposition from the newly elected Nehru as the party president, the Congress party agreed to contest the provincial elections to be held in 1937 under the Government of India Act 1935.[68][69] The elections brought the Congress party to power in a majority of the provinces with increased popularity and power for Nehru. Since the Muslim League under Muhammad Ali Jinnah (who was to become the creator of Pakistan) had fared badly at the polls, Nehru declared that the only two parties that mattered in India were the British colonial authorities and the Congress. Jinnah's statements that the Muslim League was the third and "equal partner" within Indian politics were widely rejected.[70][71][72]
In the 1930s, under the leadership of
Nehru was one of the first nationalist leaders to realise the sufferings of the people in the states ruled by Indian princes.
The
Nationalist movement (1939–1947)
When World War II began, Viceroy Linlithgow unilaterally declared India a belligerent on the side of Britain, without consulting the elected Indian representatives.[86] Nehru hurried back from a visit to China, announcing that, in a conflict between democracy and fascism, "our sympathies must inevitably be on the side of democracy, ... I should like India to play its full part and throw all her resources into the struggle for a new order".[87]
After much deliberation, the Congress under Nehru informed the government that it would co-operate with the British but on certain conditions. First, Britain must give an assurance of full independence for India after the war and allow the election of a
On 23 October 1939, the Congress condemned the Viceroy's attitude and called upon the Congress ministries in the various provinces to resign in protest.[91] Before this crucial announcement, Nehru urged Jinnah and the Muslim League to join the protest, but Jinnah declined.[88][92]
As Nehru had firmly placed India on the path of democracy and freedom at a time when the world was under the threat of Fascism, he and Bose split in the late 1930s when the latter agreed to seek the help of Fascists in driving the British out of India.[93] At the same time, Nehru supported the Republicans who were fighting against Francisco Franco's forces in the Spanish Civil War.[94] Nehru and his aide V. K. Krishna Menon visited Spain and declared support for the Republicans. When Benito Mussolini, dictator of Italy, expressed his desire to meet, Nehru refused him.[95][96]
Civil disobedience, Lahore Resolution, August Offer: 1940
In March 1940, Muhammad Ali Jinnah passed what came to be known as the
In October 1940, Gandhi and Nehru, abandoning their original stand of supporting Britain, decided to launch a limited civil disobedience campaign in which leading advocates of Indian independence were selected to participate one by one. Nehru was arrested and sentenced to four years imprisonment.[39] On 15 January 1941, Gandhi stated:
Some say Jawaharlal and I were estranged. It will require much more than a difference of opinion to estrange us. We had differences from the time we became co-workers and yet I have said for some years and say so now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be my successor.
bombing of Pearl Harbor in Hawaii.[103]Japan attacks India, Cripps' mission, Quit India: 1942
When the Japanese
Cripps' mission failed as Gandhi would accept nothing less than independence. Relations between Nehru and Gandhi cooled over the latter's refusal to co-operate with Cripps, but the two later reconciled.[107]In 1942, Gandhi called on the British to leave India; Nehru, though reluctant to embarrass the allied war effort, had no alternative but to join Gandhi. Following the Quit India resolution passed by the Congress party in Bombay on 8 August 1942, the entire Congress working committee, including Gandhi and Nehru, was arrested and imprisoned.[108] Most of the Congress working committee including Nehru, Abdul Kalam Azad, and Sardar Patel were incarcerated at the Ahmednagar Fort[109] until 15 June 1945.[110]
In prison 1943–1945
During the period when all the Congress leaders were in jail, the Muslim League under Jinnah grew in power.[111] In April 1943, the League captured the governments of Bengal and, a month later, that of the North-West Frontier Province. In none of these provinces had the League previously had a majority—only the arrest of Congress members made it possible. With all the Muslim-dominated provinces except Punjab under Jinnah's control, the concept of a separate Muslim State was turning into a reality.[112] However, by 1944, Jinnah's power and prestige were waning.[113]
A general sympathy towards the jailed Congress leaders was developing among Muslims, and much of the blame for the disastrous Bengal famine of 1943–44 during which two million died had been laid on the shoulders of the province's Muslim League government. The numbers at Jinnah's meetings, once counted in thousands, soon numbered only a few hundred. In despair, Jinnah left the political scene for a stay in Kashmir. His prestige was restored unwittingly by Gandhi, who had been released from prison on medical grounds in May 1944 and had met Jinnah in Bombay in September.[113] There, he offered the Muslim leader a plebiscite in the Muslim areas after the war to see whether they wanted to separate from the rest of India. Essentially, it was an acceptance of the principle of Pakistan—but not in so many words. Jinnah demanded that the exact words be used. Gandhi refused and the talks broke down. Jinnah, however, had greatly strengthened his own position and that of the League. The most influential member of the Congress had been seen to negotiate with him on equal terms.[114]
Cabinet mission, Interim government 1946–1947
Nehru and his colleagues were released prior to the arrival of the British 1946 Cabinet Mission to India to propose plans for the transfer of power.[115][82] The agreed plan in 1946 led to elections to the provincial assemblies. In turn, the members of the assemblies elected members of the Constituent Assembly. Congress won the majority of seats in the assembly and headed the interim government, with Nehru as the prime minister. The Muslim League joined the government later with Liaquat Ali Khan as the Finance member.[116][117]
Prime Minister of India (1947–1964)
Nehru served as prime minister for 16 years, initially as the interim prime minister, then from 1947 as the prime minister of the Dominion of India and then from 1950 as the prime minister of the Republic of India.
Republicanism
In July 1946, Nehru pointedly observed that no princely state could prevail militarily against the army of independent India.[118] In January 1947, he said that independent India would not accept the divine right of kings.[119] In May 1947, he declared that any princely state which refused to join the Constituent Assembly would be treated as an enemy state.[120] Vallabhbhai Patel and V. P. Menon were more conciliatory towards the princes, and as the men charged with integrating the states, were successful in the task.[121] During the drafting of the Indian constitution, many Indian leaders (except Nehru) were in favour of allowing each princely state or covenanting state to be independent as a federal state along the lines suggested originally by the Government of India Act 1935. But as the drafting of the constitution progressed, and the idea of forming a republic took concrete shape, it was decided that all the princely states/covenanting states would merge with the Indian republic.[122]
In 1963, Nehru brought in legislation making it illegal to demand secession and introduced the Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution which makes it necessary for those running for office to take an oath that says "I will uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India".[123][124]
Independence, Dominion of India: 1947–1950
The period before independence in early 1947 was impaired by outbreaks of communal violence and political disorder, and the opposition of the Muslim League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who were demanding a separate Muslim state of Pakistan.[125][126]
Independence
He took office as the
prime minister of India on 15 August and delivered his inaugural address titled "Tryst with Destiny".Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history when we step out from the old to the new when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.[127]
Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi: 1948
On 30 January 1948, Gandhi was shot while he was walking in the garden of Birla House on his way to address a prayer meeting. The assassin,
Hindu nationalist with links to the extremist Hindu Mahasabha party, who held Gandhi responsible for weakening India by insisting upon a payment to Pakistan.[128]Nehru addressed the nation by radio:Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there is darkness everywhere, and I do not quite know what to tell you or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; nevertheless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for these many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace from him, and that is a terrible blow, not only for me but for millions and millions in this country.[129]
Integration of states and Adoption of New Constitution: 1947–1950
The British Indian Empire, which included present-day India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, was divided into two types of territories: the provinces of British India, which were governed directly by British officials responsible to the Viceroy of India; and princely states, under the rule of local hereditary rulers who recognised British suzerainty in return for local autonomy, in most cases as established by a treaty.[136] Between 1947 and about 1950, the territories of the princely states were politically integrated into the Indian Union under Nehru and Sardar Patel. Most were merged into existing provinces; others were organised into new provinces, such as Rajputana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Bharat, and Vindhya Pradesh, made up of multiple princely states; a few, including Mysore, Hyderabad, Bhopal and Bilaspur, became separate provinces.[137] The Government of India Act 1935 remained the constitutional law of India the pending adoption of a new Constitution.[138]
In December 1946, Nehru moved the Objectives Resolution. This resolution, upon Nehru's suggestion, ultimately turned into the Preamble to the Constitution of India. The preamble is considered to be the spirit of the constitution.[139][140] The new Constitution of India, which came into force on 26 January 1950 (Republic Day), made India a sovereign democratic republic. The new republic was declared to be a "Union of States".[141]
Election of 1952
After the adoption of the constitution on 26 November 1949, the Constituent Assembly continued to act as the interim parliament until new elections. Nehru's interim cabinet consisted of 15 members from diverse communities and parties.[142] The first elections to Indian legislative bodies (National parliament and State assemblies ) under the new constitution of India were held in 1952.[143][144] The Congress party under Nehru's leadership won a large majority at both state and national levels.[145]
Prime Minister: 1952–1957
In December 1953, Nehru appointed the
home minister from December 1954, oversaw the commission's efforts.[147] The commission created a report in 1955 recommending the reorganisation of India's states.[148]Under the
states'.[149] A new type of entity, the union territory, replaced the classification as a Part C or Part D state. Nehru stressed commonality among Indians and promoted pan-Indianism, refusing to reorganise states on either religious or ethnic lines.[146]Subsequent elections: 1957, 1962
In the 1957 elections, under Nehru's leadership, the Indian National Congress easily won a second term in power, taking 371 of the 494 seats. They gained an extra seven seats (the size of the Lok Sabha had been increased by five) and their vote share increased from 45.0% to 47.8%. The INC won nearly five times more votes than the Communist Party, the second-largest party.[150]
In 1962, Nehru led the Congress to victory with a diminished majority. The numbers who voted for the Communist and socialist parties grew, although some right-wing groups like Bharatiya Jana Sangh also did well.[151]
1961 annexation of Goa
After years of failed negotiations, Krishna Menon ordered the Indian Army to invade Portuguese-controlled Portuguese India (Goa) in 1961, after which Nehru formally annexed it to India. It increased the popularity of both in India, but he was criticised by the communist opposition in India for the use of military force.[152]
Sino-Indian War of 1962
From 1959, in a process that accelerated in 1961, Nehru adopted the "
line of actual control of 1959.[154]The war exposed the unpreparedness of India's military, which could send only 14,000 troops to the war zone in opposition to the much larger
free-market policies, was also seemingly validated. Nehru would continue to maintain his commitment to the non-aligned movement, despite calls from some to settle down on one permanent ally.[157]The unpreparedness of the army was blamed on Defence Minister Menon, who "resigned" from his government post to allow for someone who might modernise India's military further. India's policy of weaponisation using indigenous sources and self-sufficiency began in earnest under Nehru, completed by his daughter Indira Gandhi, who later led India to a crushing military victory over rival Pakistan in 1971. Toward the end of the war, India had increased her support for Tibetan refugees and revolutionaries, some of them having settled in India, as they were fighting the same common enemy in the region. Nehru ordered the raising of an elite Indian-trained "Tibetan Armed Force" composed of Tibetan refugees, which served with distinction in future wars against Pakistan in 1965 and 1971.[158]
Popularity
To date, Nehru is considered the most popular prime minister winning three consecutive elections with around 45% of the vote.[159] A Pathé News archive video reporting Nehru's death remarks "Neither on the political stage nor in moral stature was his leadership ever challenged".[160] In his book Verdicts on Nehru, Ramachandra Guha cited a contemporary account that described what Nehru's 1951–52 Indian general election campaign looked like:
Almost at every place, city, town, village or wayside halt, people had waited overnight to welcome the nation's leader. Schools and shops closed; milkmaids and cowherds had taken a holiday; the kisan and his helpmate took a temporary respite from their dawn-to-dusk programme of hard work in field and home. In Nehru's name, stocks of soda and lemonade sold out; even water became scarce . . . Special trains were run from out-of-the-way places to carry people to Nehru's meetings, enthusiasts travelling not only on footboards but also on top of carriages. Scores of people fainted in milling crowds.[161]
In the 1950s, Nehru was admired by world leaders such as British prime minister Winston Churchill, and US President
Gautama Buddha.[163] Nehru is time and again described as a charismatic leader with a rare charm.[b]Vision and governing policies
According to
Hindu fundamentalists.[169]Nehru is credited with having prevented civil wars in India.[170][171] Nehru convincingly succeeded in secularism and religious harmony, increasing the representation of minorities in government.[172]
Economic policies
Nehru implemented policies based on
public sector industries—steel, iron, coal, and power—promoting their development with subsidies and protectionist policies.[174]The policy of non-alignment during the
industrial country.[175] Nehru's critics, however, contended that India's import substitution industrialisation, which continued long after the Nehru era, weakened the international competitiveness of its manufacturing industries.[176] India's share of world trade fell from 1.4% in 1951–1960 to 0.5% between 1981 and 1990.[177] However, India's export performance is argued to have shown actual sustained improvement over the period. The volume of exports grew at an annual rate of 2.9% in 1951–1960 to 7.6% in 1971–1980.[178]GDP and
GNP grew 3.9 and 4.0% annually between 1950 and 1951 and 1964–1965.[179][180] It was a radical break from the British colonial period,[181] but the growth rates were considered anaemic at best compared to other industrial powers in Europe and East Asia.[177][182] India lagged behind the miracle economies (Japan, West Germany, France, and Italy).[183] State planning, controls, and regulations were argued to have impaired economic growth.[184] While India's economy grew faster than both the United Kingdom and the United States, low initial income and rapid population increase meant that growth was inadequate for any sort of catch-up with rich income nations.[182][183][185]Agriculture policies
Under Nehru's leadership, the government attempted to develop India quickly by embarking on
landholdings, but efforts to redistribute land by placing limits on landownership failed. Attempts to introduce large-scale cooperative farming were frustrated by landowning rural elites, who formed the core of the powerful right-wing of the Congress and had considerable political support in opposing Nehru's efforts.[187] Agricultural production expanded until the early 1960s, as additional land was brought under cultivation and some irrigation projects began to have an effect. The establishment of agricultural universities, modelled after land-grant colleges in the United States, contributed to the development of the economy.[188] These universities worked with high-yielding varieties of wheat and rice, initially developed in Mexico and the Philippines, that in the 1960s began the Green Revolution, an effort to diversify and increase crop production. At the same time, a series of failed monsoons would cause serious food shortages, despite the steady progress and an increase in agricultural production.[189]Social policies
Education
Nehru was a passionate advocate of education for India's children and youth, believing it essential for India's future progress. His government oversaw the establishment of many institutions of higher learning, including the
National Institutes of Technology.[190] Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plans to guarantee free and compulsory primary education to all of India's children. For this purpose, Nehru oversaw the creation of mass village enrolment programs and the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru also launched initiatives such as the provision of free milk and meals to children to fight malnutrition. Adult education centres and vocational and technical schools were also organised for adults, especially in the rural areas.[191]Hindu code bills and marriage laws
Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted many changes to
Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act.[195] Those who practise Sikhism, Jainism, and Buddhism are categorised as Hindus under the jurisdiction of the Code Bill.[196]Nehru specifically wrote Article 44 of the Indian constitution under the
Muslims to keep their personal law in matters relating to marriage and inheritance. In the small state of Goa, a civil code based on the old Portuguese Family Laws was allowed to continue, and Nehru prohibited Muslim personal law. This resulted from the annexation of Goa in 1961 by India, when Nehru promised the people that their laws would be left intact. This has led to accusations of selective secularism.[198][199]While Nehru exempted Muslim law from legislation and they remained unreformed, he passed the
Special Marriage Act in 1954.[200] The idea behind this act was to give everyone in India the ability to marry outside the personal law under a civil marriage. In many respects, the act was almost identical to the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, demonstrating how secularised the law regarding Hindus had become. The Special Marriage Act allowed Muslims to marry under it and keep the protections, generally beneficial to Muslim women, that could not be found in the personal law. Under the act, polygamy was illegal, and inheritance and succession would be governed by the Indian Succession Act, rather than the respective Muslim personal law. Divorce would be governed by secular law, and maintenance of a divorced wife would be along the lines set down in civil law.[201]Language policy
Nehru led the faction of the Congress party, which promoted Hindi as the
Official Languages Act in 1963 to ensure the continuing use of English beyond 1965. The text of the Act did not satisfy the DMK and increased their scepticism that future administrations might not honour his assurances.[205]Foreign policy
Throughout his long tenure as the prime minister, Nehru also held the portfolio of External Affairs. His idealistic approach focused on giving India a leadership position in nonalignment. He sought to build support among the newly independent nations of Asia and Africa in opposition to the two hostile superpowers contesting the Cold War.
The Commonwealth
After independence, Nehru wanted to maintain good relations with Britain and other British Commonwealth countries. As prime minister of the Dominion of India, he acquiesced only after Krishna Menon's redrafting of the 1949 London Declaration, under which India agreed to remain within the Commonwealth of Nations after becoming a republic in January 1950, and to recognise the British monarch as a "symbol of the free association of its independent member nations and as such the Head of the Commonwealth".[206][207] The other nations of the Commonwealth recognised India's continuing membership of the association.[208]
Non-aligned movement
On the international scene, Nehru was an opponent of military action and military alliances. He was a strong supporter of the United Nations, except when it tried to resolve the Kashmir question. He pioneered the policy of non-alignment and co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement of nations professing neutrality between the rival blocs of nations led by the US and the USSR.[209] The term "non-alignment" was coined earlier by V. K. Krishna Menon at the United Nations in 1953-54.[210] India recognised the People's Republic of China soon after its founding (while most of the Western bloc continued relations with Taiwan). Nehru argued for its inclusion in the United Nations and refused to brand the Chinese as the aggressors in the west's conflict with Korea.[211] He sought to establish warm and friendly relations with China in 1950 and hoped to act as an intermediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between the communist states and the Western bloc.[212]
Nehru was a key organiser of the
FPR Yugoslavia.Defence and nuclear policy
While averse to war, Nehru led the campaigns against Pakistan in Kashmir. He used military force to annex
National Defence Academy in 1949, he stated:We, who for generations had talked about and attempted in everything a peaceful way and practised non-violence, should now be, in a sense, glorifying our army, navy and air force. It means a lot. Though it is odd, yet it simply reflects the oddness of life. Though life is logical, we have to face all contingencies, and unless we are prepared to face them, we will go under. There was no greater prince of peace and apostle of non-violence than Mahatma Gandhi...but yet, he said it was better to take the sword than to surrender, fail or run away. We cannot live carefree assuming that we are safe. Human nature is such. We cannot take the risks and risk our hard-won freedom. We have to be prepared with all modern defence methods and a well-equipped army, navy, and air force."[214][215]
Nehru entrusted Homi J. Bhabha, a nuclear physicist, with complete authority over all nuclear-related affairs and programs and answerable only to the prime minister.[216]
Many hailed Nehru for working to defuse global tensions and the threat of nuclear weapons after the Korean War (1950–1953).[217] He commissioned the first study of the effects of nuclear explosions on human health and campaigned ceaselessly for the abolition of what he called "these frightful engines of destruction". He also had pragmatic reasons for promoting de-nuclearization, fearing a nuclear arms race would lead to over-militarisation that would be unaffordable for developing countries such as his own.[218]
Defending Kashmir
At
In 1953, Nehru orchestrated the ouster and arrest of Sheikh Abdullah, the prime minister of Kashmir, whom he had previously supported but was now suspected of harbouring separatist ambitions; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him.[221][222]
Menon was instructed to deliver an unprecedented eight-hour speech defending India's stand on Kashmir in 1957; to date, the speech is the longest ever delivered in the United Nations Security Council, covering five hours of the 762nd meeting on 23 January, and two hours and forty-eight minutes on the 24th, reportedly concluding with Menon's collapse on the Security Council floor.[220] During the filibuster, Nehru moved swiftly and successfully to consolidate Indian power in Kashmir (then under great unrest). Menon's passionate defence of Indian sovereignty in Kashmir enlarged his base of support in India and led to the Indian press temporarily dubbing him the "Hero of Kashmir". Nehru was then at the peak of his popularity in India; the only (minor) criticism came from the far right.[223][224]
China
In 1954, Nehru signed with China the
United States
In 1956, Nehru criticised the joint invasion of the
Assassination attempts and security
There were various assassination attempts on Nehru. The first attempt was made during partition in 1947 while he was visiting the North-West Frontier Province (now in Pakistan) in a car.[230] Second attempt was came from Baburao Laxman Kochale, a knife-wielding rickshaw-puller, near Nagpur in 1955.[c] The third attempt was a plot by Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 1955.[235][236] The fourth attempt took place in Bombay in 1956,[237][238] and the fifth was a failed bombing attempt on train tracks in Maharashtra in 1961.[239] Despite threats to his life, Nehru despised having too much security around him and did not like to disrupt traffic because of his movements.[240]
Death
If any people choose to think of me then I should like them to say, "This was the man who with all his mind and heart loved India and the Indian people. And they in turn were indulgent to him and gave him of their love most abundantly and extravagantly."
– Jawaharlal Nehru, 1954.[241] |
Nehru's health began declining steadily in 1962. In the spring of 1962, he was affected with a viral infection over which he spent most of April in bed.
US President Lyndon B. Johnson remarked on his death:-
History has already recorded his monumental contribution to the molding of a strong and independent India. And yet, it is not just as a leader of India that he has served humanity. Perhaps more than any other world leader he has given expression to man's yearning for peace. This is the issue of our age. In his fearless pursuit of a world free from war he has served all humanity.[247]
The name of Jawaharal Nehru enjoyed the tremendous respect and love of the Soviet people, who knew him as a tested and wise leader of the Indian people's struggle for national independence and the rebirth of their country, and as an active fighter against colonialism. Jawaharal Nehru is known as an outstanding statesman of modern times who devoted his entire life to the struggle for strengthening friendship and cooperation among peoples and for the progress of humanity. He was a passionate fighter for peace in the world and an ardent champion of principles of peaceful coexistence of states. He was the inspirer of the nonalignment policy promoted by the Indian Government. This reasonable policy won India respect and, due to it, India is now occupying a worthy place in the international arena.[248]
Countries such as
Nehru's death left India with no clear political heir to his leadership. Lal Bahadur Shastri later succeeded Nehru as the prime minister.[254]
The death was announced to the Indian parliament in words similar to Nehru's own at the time of Gandhi's assassination: "The light is out."[255][256] India's future prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee famously delivered Nehru an acclaimed eulogy.[257] He hailed Nehru as Bharat Mata's "favourite prince" and likened him to the Hindu god Rama.[258]
Positions held
Year | Description |
---|---|
1946 - 1950 | Elected to Constituent Assembly of India
|
1952 - 1957 | Elected to 1st Lok Sabha
|
1957 - 1962 | Elected to 2nd Lok Sabha
|
1962 - 1964 | Elected to 3rd Lok Sabha
|
Key cabinet members and associates
Nehru served as the prime minister for eighteen years, first as interim prime minister during 1946–1947 during the last year of the British Raj and then as prime minister of independent India from 15 August 1947 to 27 May 1964.
B. R. Ambedkar, the law minister in the interim cabinet, also chaired the Constitution Drafting Committee.[263]
Vallabhbhai Patel served as home minister in the interim government. He was instrumental in getting the Congress party working committee to vote for partition. He is also credited with integrating many princely states of India. Patel was a long-time comrade to Nehru but died in 1950, leaving Nehru as the unchallenged leader of India until his own death in 1964.[264]
Jagjivan Ram became the youngest minister in Nehru's Interim Government of India, a labour minister and also a member of the Constituent Assembly of India, where, as a member of the Dalit caste, he ensured that social justice was enshrined in the Constitution. He went on to serve as a minister with various portfolios during Nehru's tenure and in Shastri and Indira Gandhi governments.[267]
Govind Ballabh Pant (1887–1961) was a key figure in the Indian independence movement and later a pivotal figure in the politics of Uttar Pradesh (UP) and in the Indian Government. Pant served in Nehru's cabinet as Union home minister from 1955 until his death in 1961.[272] As home minister, his chief achievement was the re-organisation of states along linguistic lines. He was also responsible for the establishment of Hindi as the official language of the central government and a few states.[273] During his tenure as the home minister, Pant was awarded the Bharat Ratna.[274]
In the years following independence, Nehru frequently turned to his daughter Indira Gandhi for managing his personal affairs.[288] Indira moved into Nehru's official residence to attend to him and became his constant companion in his travels across India and the world. She would virtually become Nehru's chief of staff.[289] Towards the end of the 1950s, Indira Gandhi served as the president of the Congress. In that capacity, she was instrumental in getting the Communist-led Kerala State Government dismissed in 1959.[290] Indira was elected as Congress party president in 1959, which aroused criticism for alleged nepotism, although Nehru had actually disapproved of her election, partly because he considered that it smacked of "dynasticism"; he said, indeed it was "wholly undemocratic and an undesirable thing", and refused her a position in his cabinet.[291] Indira herself was at loggerheads with her father over policy; most notably, she used his oft-stated personal deference to the Congress Working Committee to push through the dismissal of the Communist Party of India government in the state of Kerala, over his own objections.[291] Nehru began to be embarrassed by her ruthlessness and disregard for parliamentary tradition and was "hurt" by what he saw as an assertiveness with no purpose other than to stake out an identity independent of her father.[292]
Relationships
After Kamala's death in 1936, Nehru was rumoured to have relationships with several women. These included Shraddha Mata,
British historian Philip Ziegler, with access to the private letters and diaries, concludes the relationship:
was to endure until Edwina Mountbatten's death: intensely loving, romantic, trusting, generous, idealistic, even spiritual. If there was any physical element it can only have been of minor importance to either party. [India's Governor-General] Mountbatten's reaction was one of pleasure....He liked and admired Nehru, it was useful to him that the Prime Minister should find such attractions in the Governor-General's home, it was agreeable to find Edwina almost permanently in good temper: the advantages of the alliance were obvious.[298]
Nehru's sister, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit told Pupul Jayakar, Indira Gandhi's friend and biographer, that Padmaja Naidu and Nehru lived together for many years.[299][300]
Religion and personal beliefs
Described as a
The spectacle of what is called religion, or at any rate organised religion, in India and elsewhere, has filled me with horror and I have frequently condemned it and wished to make a clean sweep of it. Almost always it seemed to stand for blind belief and reaction, dogma and bigotry, superstition, exploitation and the preservation of vested interests.
— Toward Freedom: The Autobiography of Jawaharlal Nehru (1936); pp. 240–241.[305]
As a humanist, Nehru considered that his afterlife was not in some mystical heaven or reincarnation but in the practical achievements of a life lived fully with and for his fellow human beings: "…Nor am I greatly interested in life after death. I find the problems of this life sufficiently absorbing to fill my mind," he wrote.[49] In his Last Will and Testament, he wrote: "I wish to declare with all earnestness that I do not want any religious ceremonies performed for me after my death. I do not believe in such ceremonies, and to submit to them, even as a matter of form, would be hypocrisy and an attempt to delude ourselves and others."[49]
In his autobiography, he analysed Abrahamic and Indian religions
Legacy
Nehru was a great man... Nehru gave to Indians an image of themselves that I don't think others might have succeeded in doing. – Sir Isaiah Berlin[310]
|
Jawaharlal Nehru, next to Mahatma Gandhi, is regarded as the most significant figure of the Indian independence movement that successfully ended British rule over the Indian subcontinent.[311][312][313][314]
As India's first Prime minister and external affairs minister, Nehru played a major role in shaping modern India's government and political culture along with the sound foreign policy.[315] He is praised for creating a system providing universal primary education,[316] reaching children in the farthest corners of rural India. Nehru's education policy is also credited for the development of world-class educational institutions like the All India Institute of Medical Sciences,[317] Indian Institutes of Technology,[318] and the Indian Institutes of Management.[319]
Following the independence, Nehru popularized the credo of 'unity in diversity' and implemented it as state policy.[320] This proved particularly important as post-Independence differences surfaced since British withdrawal from the subcontinent prompted regional leaders to no longer relate to one another as allies against a common adversary. While differences in culture and, especially, language threatened the unity of the new nation, Nehru established programs such as the National Book Trust and the National Literary Academy which promoted the translation of regional works of literatures between languages and organised the transfer of materials between regions. In pursuit of a single, unified India, Nehru warned, "Integrate or perish."[321]
Called an "architect of Modern India",[d] he is widely recognized as the greatest figure of modern India after Mahatma Gandhi.[331][332] On the occasion of his first death anniversary in 1965, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, Lal Bahadur Shastri and others described Nehru as the greatest figure of India after Gandhi.[333][334]
Writing in 2005, Ramachandra Guha wrote that while no other Indian prime minister was ever close to the challenges that Nehru dealt with and if Nehru had died in 1958 then he would be remembered as the greatest statesman of the 20th century.[335] However, in recent years, Nehru's reputation has seen re-emergence and he is credited for keeping India together contrary to predictions of many that the country was bound to fall apart.[336]
Commemoration
In his lifetime, Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic status in India and was generally admired across the world for his idealism and statesmanship.
In popular culture
There have been many documentaries about Nehru's life, and he has been portrayed in fictionalised films. The canonical performance is probably that of
Similarly, in the 1957 film
Writings
Nehru was a prolific writer in English who wrote The Discovery of India, Glimpses of World History, An Autobiography (released in the United States as "Toward Freedom,") and Letters from a Father to His Daughter, all written in jail.[360] Letters comprised 30 letters written to his daughter Indira Priyadarshani Nehru (later Gandhi) who was then 10 years old and studying at a boarding school in Mussoorie. It attempted to instruct her about natural history and world civilisations.[361]
Nehru's books have been widely read.[362][363] An Autobiography, in particular, has been critically acclaimed. John Gunther, writing in Inside Asia, contrasted it with Gandhi's autobiography:
The Mahatma's placid story compares to Nehru's as a cornflower to an orchid, a rhyming couplet to a sonnet by MacLeish or Auden, a water pistol to a machine gun. Nehru's autobiography is subtle, complex, discriminating, infinitely cultivated, steeped in doubt, suffused with intellectual passion. Lord Halifax once said that no one could understand India without reading it; it is a kind of 'Education of Henry Adams,' written in superlative prose—hardly a dozen men alive write English as well as Nehru ...[364]
Michael Brecher, who considered Nehru to be an intellectual for whom ideas were important aspects of Indian nationalism, wrote in Political Leadership and Charisma: Nehru, Ben-Gurion, and Other 20th-Century Political Leaders:
Nehru's books were not scholarly, nor were they intended to be. He was not a trained historian, but his feel for the flow of events and his capacity to weave together a wide range of knowledge in a meaningful pattern give to his books qualities of a high order. In these works, he also revealed a sensitive literary style. ... Glimpses of World History is the most illuminating on Nehru as an intellectual. The first of the trilogy, Glimpses, was a series of thinly connected sketches of the story of mankind in the form of letters to his teenage daughter, Indira, later prime minister of India. ... Despite its polemical character in many sections and its shortcomings as an impartial history, Glimpses is a work of great artistic value, a worthy precursor of his noble and magnanimous Autobiography.[365]
Michael Crocker thought An Autobiography would have given Nehru literary fame had the political fame eluded him:
It is to his years in prison that we owe his three main books, ... Nehru's writings illustrate a cerebral life, and a power of self-discipline, altogether out of the ordinary. Words by the million bubbled up out of his fullness of mind and spirit. Had he never been prime minister of India he would have been famous as the author of the Autobiography and the autobiographical parts of The Discovery of India. An Autobiography, at least with some excisions here and there, is likely to be read for generations. ... There are, for instance, the characteristic touches of truism and anticlimax, strange in a man who could both think and, at his best, write so well ...[366]
Nehru's speech Dressed in a golden silk jacket with a red rose in the buttonhole, Nehru rose to speak. His sentences were finely made and memorable – Nehru was a good writer; his Discovery of India stands well above the level reached by most politician-writers. ... The nobility of Nehru's words – their sheer sweep – provided the new India with a lodestone that was ambitious and humane. Post-colonialism began here as well as Indian democracy, which has since outlived many expectations of its death.[367]
Awards and honours
In 1948, Nehru was conferred an honorary doctorate by the
In 1955, Nehru was awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian honour.[373] President Rajendra Prasad awarded him the honour without taking advice from the Prime Minister and added that "I am taking this step on my own initiative".[374]
In 1970, he was posthumously awarded with the World Peace Council prize.[375] He was posthumously awarded the Order of the Companions of O. R. Tambo by the Government of South Africa in 2005.[376]
State honours
Decoration | Country | Date | Note | Ref. | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Bharat Ratna | India | 1955 | The highest civilian honour of India. | ||
Star of the Republic of Indonesia | Indonesia | 1995 | First Class, the highest civilian honour of Indonesia. | [377] | |
Order of the Companions of O. R. Tambo | South Africa | 2005 | Grand Companion, the highest honour of South Africa awarded to foreign dignitaries. |
See also
- Foreign relations of India
- List of political families
- List of Indian writers
- Scientific temper, a phrase popularised by Nehru
References
Notes
Citations
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- Ganguly, Sumit; Mukherji, Rahul (2011). India Since 1980. Cambridge University Press. p. 64. ISBN 978-1-139-49866-1.
Nehru was a social democrat who believed that liberal political and economic institutions could deliver economic growth with redistribution. The 1950s witnessed greater state control over industrial activity and the birth of the industrial licensing system, which made it necessary for companies to seek the permission of the government before initiating business in permitted areas.
- Schenk, Hans (2020). Housing India's Urban Poor 1800–1965: Colonial and Post-colonial Studies. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-00-019185-1.
The idea that the state should actively and in a planned and 'rational' and 'modern' manner promote development originated abroad. Inspiration came to some extent from the Soviet Russian planned economic development, and for some, including Nehru, from the—at that time still a bit remote—concept of the West European and largely social-democrat idea of the 'Welfare' state.
- Winiecki, Jan (2016). Shortcut or Piecemeal: Economic Development Strategies and Structural Change. Central European University Press. p. 41. ISBN 9789633860632.
Nehru, a Fabian socialist, or social-democrat in modern parlance, either did not read Mill or disregarded the (minimal) institutional requirements outlined by that classical writer. In Nehru's view, it was the state that should direct the economy from the center, as well as decide about the allocation of scarce resources.
- Chalam, K. S. (2017). Social Economy of Development in India. Sage. p. 325. ISBN 9789385985126.
Social democrats advocate peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism. While Jawaharlal Nehru was considered as a social democrat, his colleague in the Constituent Assembly, B. R. Ambedkar, was emphatic about state socialism. It appears that the compromise between these two ideas has been reflected in the Directive Principles of State Policy. The principles of social democracy and/or democratic socialism can be interrogated in the context of the present situation in India.
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Bibliography
- Gopal, S. and Uma Iyengar, eds The Essential Writings of Jawaharlal Nehru (Oxford University Press, 2003) ISBN 978-0-19-565324-3
- Autobiography: Toward freedom, Oxford University Press
- Letters for a Nation: From Jawaharlal Nehru to His Chief Ministers 1947–1963 (Penguin UK, 2015).
- Letters from a father to his daughter by Jawaharlal Nehru, Children's Book Trust
- Independence and After: A collection of the more important speeches of Jawaharlal Nehru from September 1946 to May 1949 (1949). Delhi: The Publications Division, Government of India.
- A Tryst With Destiny historic speech made by Jawaharlal Nehru on 14 August 1947
- Baru, Sanjaya (12 April 2021). India's Power Elite: Class, Caste and Cultural Revolution. Penguin Random House India Private Limited. ISBN 978-93-90914-76-0.
Prime Minister Modi decided to alter the character of the premises as part of his campaign to liberate India from the Nehruvian intellectual inheritance.
- Brown, Judith M. (1984), "The Mountbatten Viceroyalty. Announcement and Reception of the 3 June Plan, 31 May-7 July 1947", The English Historical Review, 99 (392): 667–668,
- Lumby, E.W.R. (1954), The Transfer of Power in India, 1945–1947, London: George Allen and Unwin
Further reading
- Bayly, C. A. "The Ends of Liberalism and the Political Thought of Nehru's India." Modern Intellectual History 12.3 (2015): 605–626.
- Nehru: A Political Biography by Michael Brecher (1959). London:Oxford University Press.
- "Nehru, Jawaharlal." in Ainslie T. Embree, ed., Encyclopedia of Asian History. Vol. 3. Charles Scribner's Sons. New York. (1988): 98–100.
- Fonseca, Rena. "Nehru and the Diplomacy of Nonalignment." The Diplomats, 1939–1979 (Princeton University Press, 2019) pp. 371–397. online
- Gopal, Sarvapelli. "Nehru and minorities." Economic and Political Weekly (1988): 2463–2466. online
- Gopal, Sarvepalli. "The Formative Ideology of Jawaharlal Nehru." Economic and Political Weekly (1976): 787–792 online.
- Gopal, Sarvepalli. Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography Volume 1 1889–1947 (1975); Jawaharlal Nehru Vol.2 1947–1956 (1979); Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography Volume 3 1956–1964 (2014), a major scholarly biography; excerpt vol 1
- Guha, Ramachandra. "Jawaharlal Nehru." in Makers of Modern Asia (Harvard University Press, 2014) pp. 117–146.
- Heimsath, C.H. and Surjit Mansingh. A diplomatic history of modern India (1971) online
- Louro, Michele L. Comrades against imperialism: Nehru, India, and interwar internationalism (Cambridge UP, 2018).
- Malone, David et al. eds. The Oxford Handbook of Indian Foreign Policy. (2015) excerpt; a comprehensive overview by over 50 leading experts.
- Purushotham, Sunil. "World history in the atomic age: Past, present and future in the political thought of Jawaharlal Nehru." Modern Intellectual History 14.3 (2017): 837–867.
- Raghavan, Srinath. War and peace in modern India (Springer, 2016); focus on Nehru's foreign policy
- Raghavan, Srinath. The Most Dangerous Place: A History of the United States in South Asia. (Penguin Random House India, 2018); also published as Fierce Enigmas: A History of the United States in South Asia.(2018). online review
- Joseph Stanislaw and Daniel A. Yergin (1988). "Commanding Heights" (PDF). New York: Simon & Schuster, Inc.
- ISBN 978-1-55970-697-1
- Tyson, Geoffrey. Nehru: The Years of Power (1966). London: Pall Mall Press.
- Zachariah, Benjamin. Nehru (2004) excerpt
External links
- Jawaharlal Nehru at official website of Indian National Congress
- Jawaharlal Nehru at Encyclopædia Britannica
- Jawaharlal Nehru at official website of Prime Minister's Office (India)
- 70th Anniversary of Indian Independence – Nehru's Birthday Dinner Programme – UK Parliament Living Heritage
- Profile of Nehru in India Today
- Nehru on Communalism
- Jawaharlal Nehru materials in the South Asian American Digital Archive (SAADA)
- Works by Jawaharlal Nehru at Open Library
- Jawaharlal Nehru at IMDb
- Jawaharlal Nehru at BBC